THE REAR ADMIRAL
FRANKLIN HANFORD, IL S. N.

COLLECTION IN THE

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^ HISTORY

WAR OF THE INDEPENDENCE

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

BY CHARLES BOTTA.

TRANSLATED FROM THE ITALIAN,

BY GEORGE ALEXANDER OTIS, ESa

NINTH EDITION, IN TWO VOLUMES, REVISED AND CORRECTED.

t

VOL. L

COOPERSTOWN, N. Y.
PUBLISHED BY H. & E. PHINNEY.

1845.

THE

PUP:/

W YORK

4.S77_60A

TlLOEW FOU.fDATiONi
H 1930 L

Entered according to act of Congress, in the j'ear 1837, by Nathan Whi-
ting, in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of Connecticut District.

TO THE

AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY,

HELD AT
PHILADELPHIA, FOR THE PROMOTION OF

USEFUL KNOWLEDGE,

This fourth edition of " Otis's Botta," is dedicated, in token of
acknowledgment for the distinction conferred upon the Translator,
on the appearance of the first edition.

This honor was not the less flattering for having been imparted
early, and in 1821, before the public voice had been declared upon
the merit of the work. " Gloria est consentiens laus honorum, in-
currupta vox bene judicantium de excellenti virtute." The writer
has not been unmindful of his obligations as a member of this So-
ciety, whose objects are the most noble that man can have in view ;
but has now in manuscript, a careful translation of Cicero's Offices,
Old Age and Friendship, comprising the best system of moral Phi-
losophy, by common consent of the wiser part of mankind, for two
thousand years, that the world has ever seen ; and of which there
has never been an American edition by any other author

Boston, January 9, 1834.

NOTICE OF THE AUTHOR.

There will be found, in the course of this history, several dis-
courses of a certain length. Those I have put in the mouth of the
different speakers have really been pronounced by them, and upon
those very occasions which are treated of in the work. I should
however, mention that I have sometimes made a single orator say
what has been said in substance by others of the same party. Some-
times, also, but rarely, using the liberty granted in all times to histo-
rians, I have ventured to add a small number of phrases, which ap-
peared to me lo coincide perfectly with the sense of the orator, and
proper to enforce his opinion ; this has appeared especially in the
two discourses pronounced before congress, for and against indepen-
dence, by Richard Henry Lee and John Dickinson.

It will not escape attentive readers, that in some of these dis-
courses are found predictions which time has accomplished. I af-
firm that these remarkable passages belong entirely to the authors
cited. In order that these might not resemble those of the poets,
always made after the fact, I have been so scrupulous as to trans-
late them, word for word, from the original language.

PREFACE TO THE NINTH EDITION.

The fourth of a century, and an entire generation tinte
passed away since the first edition of this work was pubhshed
by the Translator, at his own hazard and expense ; and not
only without the aid of book-sellers, but contrary to their
most eaj'nest dissuasions, and even to the remonstrances of
literary friends. The Hon. John Quincy Adams alone en-
couraged him to the enterprise, and his encouragement alone
decided its execution. The Book however was greeted with
a cordial welcome ; and with the most enthusiasm by the
survivors, and principal actors in the great scenes it com-
memorates.

The population of the United States was then about seven
millions, and the numberof copies printed but one thousand.

The wide circulation and growing demand for it since is
well known; and the prediction of Mr. Jefferson appears to
be accomplished, " that it would become the common manu-
al of our Revolutionary History."

In addressing the present edition to a younger growth of
his fellow citizens, who probably exceed twenty millions in
number, it will perhaps require no apology for thus retracing
the difficulties which were encountered in the effort to furnish
i^iem with a picture of the patriotic struggles of their forefa-
thers, and an eternal monument to their glory.

GEORGE ALEXANDER OTIS.

Boston 1st March. 1845.

TRANSLATOR'S NOTICE TO THE SECOND EDITION.

The translator of tliis history, in laying before his fellow-citizens
a second edition of it, would offer them his sincere acknowledg-
ments for their favorable reception of the first ; a reception the more
gratifying, as, notwithstanding his own high value of the work, it
surpassed his most sanguine expectations. It evidently appeared
that Botta, like all his great predecessors in the march of immortality,
was greeted with the most enthusiasm and admiration by those who
were, doubtless, the most conscious of being his fellow-travelers on
the road to posterity. How warmly was he welcomed by the sur-
viving patriots who had distinguished themselves the most eminently
in the great scenes he describes ! The venerable John Adams, on
receiving the second volume of the translation, expressed himself
in the words following : ' I unite with many other gentlemen in the
opinion that the work has great merit, has raised a monument to
your name, and performed a. valuable service to your country. If it
should not have a rapid sale at first, it will be, in the language of
booksellers, good stock, and will be in demand as long as the Ameri-
can Revolution is an object of curiosity. It is indeed the most clas-
sical and methodical, the most particular and circumstantial, the
most entertaining and interesting narration of the American War,
that I have seen.' In like manner, the hand that penned the De-
claration of American Independence, on receiving the first volume
of the translation, having already for some years been possessed of
the original, addressed t!ie translator the words of encouragement
which are here set down : ' I am glad to find that the excellent his-
tory of BottJjis at length translated. The merit of this work has
been too long unknown with us. He has had the faculty of sifting
the truth of facts from our own histories with great judgment, of
suppressing details which do not make part of the general history,
and of enlivening the whole with the constant glow of his holy en-
thusiasm for the liberty and independence of nations. Neutral, as
an historian should be, in the relation of facts, he is never neutral in
his feelings, nor in the warm expression of them, on the triumphs
and reverses of the conflicting parties, and of his honest sympathies
with that engaged in the better cause. Another merit is in the ac-
curacy of his narrative of those portions of the same war which
passed in other quarters of the globe, and especially on the ocean.

nu TO THE READER.

We must thank him, too, for having brought within the compass of
three volumes every thing we wish to know of that war, and in a
style so engaging, that we cannot lay the book down. He had been
so kind as to send me a copy of his work, of which I shall manifest
my acknovvledgnient by sending him your volumes, as they come
out. My original being lent out, I have rio means of collating it
with the translation ; but see no cause to doubt correctness.' On
receipt of the second volume of the translation, Mr. Jeflerson re-
news his eulogies of the history, in the expressions which follow :
I 'join Mr. Adams, heartily, in good wishes for the success of your
labors, and hope they will bring you both profit and fame. You
have certainly rendered a good service to your country ; and when
the superiority of the work over every other on the same subject
shall be more known, I think it will be the common manual of our
Revolutionary History.' Mr. Madison is no less decisive in his ap-
probation of the undei taking. He writes the translator on receiv-
ing his first volume : ' The literary reputation of this author, with the
philosophic spirit and classic taste allowed to this historical work
justly recommended the task in which you are engaged, of placing a
translation of it before American readers ; to whom the subject must
always be deeply interesting, and who cannot but feel a curiosity to
gee the picture of it as presented to Europe by so able a hand. The
author seems to have the merit of adding to his other qualifications
much industry and care in his researches into the best sources of
information, and it may readily be supposed that he did not fail to
make the most of his access to those in France, not yet generally
laid open.' &c. Thus cotemporary witnesses, and the most promi-
nent actors in some of the principal events recorded in these vol-
umes, have authorized and sanctioned the unexpected indulgence
with which they were received by the American people. Grateful
for such high approbation, and content with having been the first to
present his countrymen, at his own peril, with however imperfect a
copy of so inimitable an original, the translator will always be hap-
py to congratulate them on the appearance of a better. .

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

BOOK FIRST.

Slmmarv.— Opu.ion3, munners, customs, and inclinations of the inhabitants oftlie
Enghsh colonias in America. Mildness of the British government towards its colonists.
Seeds of discontent between the two people. Plan of colonial government proposec'
by the :olonists. Other motives of discontent in America. Justification of ministers.
Designs and instigations of the French. All the states of Europe desire to reduce the
power of England. New subjects of complaint. Stamp duty projected by the minis-
ters and proposed to parliament. Tiie Americans are alarmed at it, and make remon-
strances. Lono- and violent debates between the advocates of the stamp act and the
opposition. The stamp act passes in parliament.

BOOK SECOND

Summary. — Troubles in America on account of the stamp duty. Violent tumult at
Boston. Movements in other parts of America. League of citizens desirous of a new
order of things. New doctrines relative to political authority. American associations
against English commerce. Admirable constancy of the colonists. General congress
ot New York and its operations. Effects produced in England by the news of the tu-
mults in America. Change of ministers. The new ministry favorable to the Amer-
icans. They propose to parliament the repeal of the stamp act. Doctor Franklin is
interrogated by tlie parliament. Discr.urse of George Grenville in favor of the tax.
Answer of William Pitt. The stamp act is revoked. Joy manifested in England on
this occasion. The news is transmitted with ali dispatch to America.

BOOK THIRD.

SuMMART. — Extreme joy of the colonists on hearing of the repeal of the stamp act.
Causes of new discontents. Deliberations of the government on the subject of the
opposition of the Americans. Change of ministry. The new ministers propose to
parliament, and carry, a bill imposing a duty upon tea, paper, glass, and painters' col-
ors. This duty is accompanied by otiior measures, which sow distrust in the colonies.
New disturbances and new associations in America. The royal troops enter Boston.
Tumult, with effusion of blood, in Boston. Admirable judicial decision in the midst
of so orreat commotion. Condescendence of the English government; it suppresses
the taxes, with the exception of that on tea The Americans manifest no greater sub-
mission in consequence. The trovernment adopts measures of rigor. The Americans
break out on their part; they form leagues of resistance. The Bostonians throw tea
overboard. The ministers adopt rigorous counsels. Violent agitations in America.
Events which result from them. New confederations. All the provinces determine to
hold a general congress at Philadelphia.

BOOK FOURTH

Summary. — Confidence of the Americans in the general congress. Dispositions of
minds in Europe, and particularly in France, towards the Americans. Deliberations
of congress. Approved by the provinct>s. Indifference of minds in England relative
to the "quarrel with America. Parliament convoked. The ministers will have the m-
habitants of Massachusetts declared rebels. Oration of Wilkes against this proposi-
tion. Oration of Harvey in support of it. The ministers carry it. They send troops
to America. They accompany the measures of rigor with a proposition of arran^TJ-
ment, and a promise of amnesty. Edmund Burke proposes to the parliament another
plan of reconciliation ; which does not obtain. Principal reason why the ministers will
hearken to no proposition of accommodation. Furv of the Americans on learning thM
the inhabitants of Massachusetts have been declared rebels. Every thing, in America
takes the direction of war. Battle of Lexingtoa. Siege of Boston. Unanimous rci.o
iution of the Americans to take arms anc* enter the field.

CONTENTS.

BOOK FIFTH.

Summary. — Situation of Boston. State of the two armies. The provinces maks
preparation for war. Takinsj of Ticonderoga. Siege of Boston. Battle of Breed's
Hill. JNVw congress in Philadelphia. George Washington elected captain-general.
Repairs to the cainp of Boston. The congress make new regulations for the army.
Eulogy ol' doctor Warren. The congress take up the? subject of finances. Endeavor
to secure the Indians. Their manifesto. Religious solemnities to move the people.
Addri'ss of the congress to the British nation. Another to the king. Another to the
Irish peoj)le. Letter to the Canadians. Events in Canada. Resolutions of congress
relative to the conciliatory proposition of lord North. Articles of union between the
provinces proposed by the congress. The royal governors oppose the designs of the
popular governors. Serious altercations which result from it. ^lassachusetts begins to
labor for independence. The otlier provinces discover repugnance to imitate the exam-
ple. Military operations near Boston. Painful embarrassments in which Washington
fnids himself General Gage succeeded by sir William Howe, in the chief command of
the English troops. Boldness of the Americans upon the sea. Difficulties experienced
by Howe. Invasion of Canada. Magnanimity of Montgomery. Montreal taken.
Surprising enterprise executed by Arnold. Assault of Quebec. Death of Mont-
gomery.

BOOK SIXTH.

Summary. — State of parties in England. Discontent of the people. Theministers
take Germans into the pay of England. Parliament convoked. Designs of France.
King's spcecji at the opening of parliament. Occasions violent debates. The ministers
carry their Address. Commissioners appointed with power of pardon. Siege of Bos-
ton. The English are forced to evacuate it. New disturbances in North Carolina.
Success of the American marine. War of Canada. Praises of Montgomery. De-
signs of the English against South Carolina. They furiously attack fort Moultrie.
Strange situation of the American colonies. Independeiice every day gain^ new parti-
sans ; and wherefore. The conivrtss propose to .declare Independence. Speech of
Richard Henry Lee in favor of the proposition. Speech of John Dickinson on the
other side. The congress proclaim Independence. Exultation of the pe^ple

BOOK SEVENTH.

Summary. — Immense preparations of the British for the reduction of A.merica. Con-
ference for an arrangement. The Americans lose the battle of Brooklyn. New con-
ferences. The troops of the king take possession of New York. Forts Washington
and Lee fall into their power. The English victoriously overrun New Jersey. Danger
of Philadelphia. The royal army pause at the Delaware. General Lee is made pris-
oner. War with the Indians. Camjiaign of Canada. Firmness of Washington and
of congress in adverse fortune ; and their delibej^ations to re-establish it. Dictatorial
power granted to Washington ; in what manner he uses it. Overtures of congress to
the court of France. Franklin sent thither. His character. The fortune of America
regains at Trenton. Prudence and intrepidity of Washinrrton. Howe, after varioub
movements, abandons New Jersey. Embarks at New York to carry the war into
another part.

BOOK EIGHTH.

Summary. — Designs of tlie British ministry. Expedition of Burgoyne. Assemble
of the savages. Proclamation of Burgoyne. He puts himself in motion. The Ameri-
cans prepare to combat him. Description of Ticonderoga. Capture of that fortress;
operations which result from it. Burgoyne arrives upon the banks of the Hudson.
Siege of fort Stanwii. Affair of Bennington. Embarrassed position of Burgoyne.

HISTORY

THE AMERICAN WAR.

BOOK FIRST

America, and especially some parts of it, having been discovered
by the genius and intrepidity of Italians, received, at various times,
as into a place of asylum, the men whom political or religious dis-
turbances had driven from their own countries in Europe. The
security which these distant and desert regions presented to their
minds, appeared to them preferable even to the endearments of
country and of their natal air.

Here they exerted themselves with admirable industry and forti-
tude, according to the custom of those whom the fervor of opinion
agitates and stimulates, in subduing the wild beasts, dispersing or
destroying pernicious or importunate animals, repressing or subject-
ing the barbarous and savage nations that inhabited this New World,
draining the marshes, controlling the course of rivers, clearing the
forests, furrowing a virgin soil, and commi'tting to its bosom new and
unaccustomed seeds ; and thus prepared themselves a climate less
rude and hostile to human nature, more secure and more commo-
dious habitations, more salubrious food, and a part of the conve-
niences and enjoyments proper to civilized life.

This multitude of emigrants, departing principally from England,
in the time of the last Stuarts, landed in that part of North America
which extends from the thirty-second to the forty-fi-fth degree of
noith latitude ; and there founded the colonies of New-Hampshire,
Massachusetts, Connecticut and Rhode Island, which took the gene-
ral name of New England. To these colonies were afterwards join-
ed those of Virginia, New York, Pennsylvania, Delaware, New Jer-
sey, Maryland, the two Carolinas, and Georgia. Nor must it be
understood, that in departing from the land in which they were

12 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK I.

born, to seek in foreign regions a better condition of life, they aban-
doned their country on terms of enmity, dissolving every tie of
early attachment.

Far from this, besides the customs, the habits, the usages and man-
ners of their common country, they took with them privileges, granted
by the royal authority, whereby their laws were constituted upon the
model of those of England, and more or less conformed to a free
government, or to a more absolute system, according to the charac-
ter or authority of the prince from whom they emanated. They
were also modified by the influence which the people, by means of
their organ, the parliament, were found to possess. For, it then
bein-' the epoch of those civil and religious dissensions which caused
English blood to flow in torrents, tiie changes were extreme and
rapid. Each province, each colony, had an elective assembly, which,
under certain limitations, was invested with tlie authority of parlia-
ment ; and a governor, who, representing the king to the eyes of the
colonists, exercised also a certain portion of his power. To this
was added the trial, which is called by jury, not only in criminal
matters, but also in civil causes ; an institution highly important, and
corresponding entirely with the judicial system of England.

But, in point of religion, tho colonists enjoyed even greater latitude
than in their parent country itself; they had not preserved that ec-
clesiastical hierarchy, against which they had combated so strenu-
ously, and which they did not cease to abhor, as the primary cause
of the long and perilous expatriation to which they had been con-
strained to resort.

It can, therefore, excite no surprise, if this generation of men not
only had their minds imbued with the principles that form the basis
of the English constitution, but even if they aspired to a mode of
government less rigid, and a liberty more entire ; in a word, if they
were inflamed with the fervor which is natunally kindled in the hearts
of men by obstacles which oppose their religious and political opin-
ions, and still increased by the privations and persecutions they have
suffered on their account. And how should this ardor, this excite-
ment of exasperated minds, have been appeased in the vast solitudes
of America, where the amusements of Europe were unknown, where
assiduity in manual toils must have hardened their bodies, and in-
c reased the asperity of their characters ? If in England they had
shown themselves averse to the prerogative of the crown, how, as
to this, should their opinions have been changed in America, where
scarcely a vestige was seen of the royal authority and splendor ?
where the same occupation being common to all, that of cultivating
the earth, must have created in all the opinion and the love of a gene •

BOOK I.

THE AMERICAN WAA. 13

ral equality ? They had encountered exile, at the epoch when the
war raged most fiercely in their native country, between the king
and the people ; at the epoch when the armed subjects contended for
Ihe right of resisting the will of the prince, when he usurps their lib-
erty ; and even, if the public good require it, of transferring the crown
from one head to another. The colonists had supported these prin-
ciples ; and how should they have renounced them ? they who,
out of the reach of royal authority, and, though still in the infancy
of a scarcely yet organized society, enjoyed already, in their new
country, a peaceful and happy life? the laws observed, justice
administered, the magistrates respected, oifences rare or unknown :
persons, property and honor, protected from all violation ?

They beheved it the unalienable right of every English subject,
whether freeman or freeholder, not to give his property without his
own consent ; that the house of commons only, as the representative
of the EngUsh people, had the right to grant its money to the crown ;
that taxes are free gifts of the people to those who govern ; and that
princes are bound to exercise their authority, and employ the public
treasure, for the sole benefit and use of the community. ' These
privileges,' said the colonists, ' we have brought with Us ; distance,
or change of climate, cannot have deprived us of English preroga-
tives ; we departed from the kingdom with the consent and under
the guarantee of the sovereign authority ; the right not to contribute
with our money without our own consent, has been solemnly recog-
nized by the government in the charters it has granted to many of
the colonies. It is for this purpose that assemblies or courts have
been established in each colony, and that they have been invested
with authority to investigate and superintend the employment of the
public money.' And how, in fact, should the colonists have relin-
quished such a right ; they who derived their subsistence from the
American soil, not given or granted by others, but acquired and
possessed by themselves ; which they had first occupied, and which
their toils had rendered productive ? Every thing, on the contrary,
in English America, tended to favor and develop civil liberty , every
thing appeared to lead towards national independence.

The Americans, for the most part, were not only Protestants, but
Protestants against Protestantism itself, and sided with those who in
England are called Dissenters ; for, besides, as Protestants, not
acknowledging any authority in the affair of religion, whose decision,
without other examination, is a rule of faith, claiming to be of
themselves, by the light of natural reason alone, sufficient judges of
religious dogmas, they had rejected the ecclesiastical hierarchy, and
aboUshed even the names of its dignities ; they had in short, divested

14 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK I.

themselves of all that deference which man, by his nature, has for
the opinions of those who are constituted in eminent stations ; and
whose dign.ties, wealth and magnificence, seem to command respect.
The intellects of the Americans being therefore perfectly free upon
this topic, they exercised the same liberty of thought upon other
subjects unconnected with religion, and especially upon the affairs of
government, which had been the habitual theme of their conversation,
during their residence in the mother country. The colonies, moro
than any other country, abounded in lawyers, who, accustomed to
the most subtle and the most captious arguments, are commonly, in
a country governed by an absolute prince, the most zealous advocates
of his power, and in a free country the most ardent defenders of
liberty. Thus had arisen, among the Americans, an almost universal
familiarity with those sophistical discussions which appertain to the
professions of theology and of law, the effect of which is often to
generate obstinacy and presumption in the human mind ; accordingly,
however long their disquisitions upon political and civil liberty, ihey
never seemed to think they had sifted these matters sufficiently. The
study of polite literature and the liberal arts having already made a
remarkable progress in America, these discussions were adorned with
the graces of a florid elocution ; the charms of eloquence fascinated
and flattered on the one hand the defenders of bold opinions, as, on
the other, they imparted to their discourses greater attraction, and
imprinted them more indelibly on the minds of their auditors.

The republican maxims became a common doctrine ; and the
memory of the Puritans, and of those who in the sanguinary con-
tentions of England had supported the party of the people, and per-
ished for its cause, was immortalized. These were their apostles,
these their martyrs : their names, their virtues, their achievements,
their unhappy, but to the eyes of the colonists so honorable, death,
formed the continual subject of the conversations of children with
the authors of their days.

If, before the revolution, the portrait of the king was usually seen
in every house, it was not rare to observe near it the images of
those who, in the time of Charles I. sacrificed their lives in defense
of what they termed English liberties. It is impossible to express
with what exultation they had received the news of the victories of
the republicans in England ; with what grief they heard of the resto-
ration of the monarchy, in tlie person of Charles II. Thus their incli-
nations and principles were equally contrary to the government, and
to the church, which prevailed in Great Britain. Though naturally
reserved and circumspect, yet expressions frequently escaped them
which manifested a violent hatred for the political and religious

BOOK I.

THE AMERICAN WAR. 15

establishments of the mother country. Whoever courted poj)ulai-
favor, gratified both himself and his hearers, by inveighing against
them ; the public hatred, on the contrary, was the portion of the
feeble party of the hierarchists, and such as favored England. All
things, particularly in New England, conspired to cherish the germs
of these propensities and opinions. The colonists had few books ;
but the greater part of those, which were in the hands of all, only
treated of political affairs, or transmitted the history of the persecu-
tions sustained by the Puritans, their ancestors. They found in these
narratives, that, tormented in their ancient country on account of
their political and religious opinions, their ancestors had taken the
intrepid resolution of abandoning it, of traversing an immense ocean,
of flying to the most distant, the most inhospitable regions, in order
to preserve the liberty of professing openly these cherished princi-
ples ; and that, to accomplish so generous a design, they had sacrifi-
ced all the accommodations and delights of the happy country where
they had received birth and education. And what toils, what fatigues,
what perils, had ihey not encountered, upon these unknown and
savage shores ? All had opposed them ; their bodies had not been
accustomed to the extremes of cold in winter, and of heat in sum-
mer, both intolerable in the climate of America ; the land cliiefly
covered with forests, and little of it habitable, the soil reluctant, the
air pestilential ; an untimely death had carried off' most of the first
founders of the colcxny . those who had resisted the climate, and
survived the famine, to secure their infant establishment, had been
forced to combat the natives, a ferocious race, and become still more
ferocious at seeing a foreign people, even whose existence they had
never heard of, come to appropriate the country of which they had
so long been the sole occupants and masters. The colonists, by their
fortitude and courage, had gradually surmounted all these obstacles ;
which result, if on the one hand it secured them greater tranquillity,
and improved their condition, on the other it gave them a better
opinion of themselves, and inspired them with an elevation of senti-
ments, not often paralleled.

As the prosperous or adverse events which men have shared to-
gether, and the recollections which attend them, have a singular
tendency to unite their minds, their affections and their sympathies ;
the Americans were united not only by the ties which reciprocally
attach individuals of the same nation, from the identity of language,
of laws, of climate, and of customs, but also by those which result
from a common participation in all the vicissitudes to which a people
is liable. They offered to the wor\d an image of those congregations
of men, subject not only to the general laws of the society of which

IG THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK I.

they arc members, but also to particular statutes and regulations, to
which they have voluntarily subscribed, and which usually produce,
besides an uniformity of opinions, a common zeal and enthusiasm.

It should not be omiited, that even the composition of society in
the English colonies, rendered the inhabitants averse to every spe-
cies of superiority, and inclined them to liberty. Here was but one
class of men ; the mediocrity of their condition tempted not the rich
and the powerful of Europe, to visit their shores ; opulence, and
hereditary honors, were unknown among them ; whence no vestige
remained of feudal servitude. From these causes resulted a general
opinion that all men are by nature equal ; and the inhabitants of
America would have found it difficult to persuade themselves that
they owed their lands and their civil rights to the munificence of
princes. Few among them had heard mention of Magna Charta ;
and those who were not ignorant of the history of that important
period of the English revolution, in which this compact was con-
firmed, considered it rather a solemn recognition, by the king of
England, of the rights of the people, than any concession. As they
referred to heaven the protection which had conducted them through
so many perils, to a land, where at length they had found that
repose which in their ancient country they had sought in vain ; and
as they owed to its beneficence the harvests of their exuberant fields,
the only and the genuine source of their riches ; so not from the
concessions of the king of Great Britain, butrfrom the bounty and
infinite clemency of the King of the universe, did they derive every
right ; these opinions, in the minds of a religious and thoughtful peo-
ple, were likely to have deep and tenacious roots.

From the vast extent of the province occupied, and the abundance
of vacant lands, every colonist was, or easily might have become, a\
the same time, a proprietor, farmer, and laborer.

Finding all his enjoyments in rural life, he saw spring up, grow,
prosper, and arrive at maturity, under his own eyes, and often by the
labor of his own hands, all things necessary to the life of man ; he.
felt himself free from all subjection, from all dependence ; anc
individual liberty is a powerful incentive to civil independence
Each might hunt, fowl and fish, at his pleasure, without fear of
possible injury to others ; poachers were consequently unknown in
America. Their parks and reservoirs were boundless forests, vast
and numerous lakes, immense rivers, and a sea unrestricted, mex-
haustible in fish of every species. As they hved dispersed in the
country, mutual affection was increased between the members of the
same family ; and finding happiness in the domestic circle, they had
no temptation to seek diversion in the resorts of idleness, where meii

BOOK 1.

THE AMERICAN WAR. 17

too often contract the vices which terminate in dependence and
habits of servility.

The greater part of the colonists, being proprietors and cultivators
of land, lived continually upon their farms ; merchants, artificers, and
mechanics, composed scarcely a fifth part of the total population.
Cultivators of the earth depend only on Providence and their own
industry, while the artisan, on the contrary, to render himself agree-
able to the consumers, is obliged to pay a certain deference to their
caprices. It resulted, from the great superiority of the first class,
that the colonies abounded in men of independent minds, who,
knowing no insurmountable obstacles but those presented by the very
nature of things, could not fail to resent with animation, and oppose
with indignant energy, every curb which human authority might
attempt to impose

The inhabitants oi the colonies were exempt, and almost out of
danger, from ministerial seductions, the ^eat of government being at
such a distance, that far from having proved, they had never even
heard of, its secret baits.

It was not therefore customary among them to corrupt and be
corrupted ; the offices were few, and so little lucrative, that they
were far from supplying the means of corruption to those who were
invested with them.

The love of the sovereign, and their ancient country, which the
first colonists might have retained in their new establishment, grad*
ually diminished in the hearts of their descendants, as successive
generations removed them further from their original stock ; and
when the revolution commenced, of which we purpose to write the
history, the inhabitants of the English colonies were, in general, but
the third, fourth, and even the fifth generation from the original
colonists, who had left England to estabhsh themselves in the new
regions of America. At such a distance, the affections of consan-
guinity became feeble, or extinct ; and the remembrance of their
ancestors lived more in their memories, than in their hearts.

Commerce, which has power to unite and conciliate a sort of
friendship between the inhabitants of the most distant countries,
was not, in the early penods of the colonies, so active as to produce
these effects between the inhabitants of England and America. The
greater part of the colonists had heard nothing of Great Britain, ex-
cepting that it was a distant kingdom, from which their ancestors
had been barbarously expelled, or hunted away, as they had been
forced to take refuge in the deserts and forests of wild America, in-
habited only by savage men, and prowling beasts, or venomous and
horrible serpents.

VOL. I. 2

18 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK I.

The distance of government diminishes its force ; either because,
in the absence of the splendor and magnificence of the throne, men
yield obedience only to its power, unsupported by the influence of
illusion and respect ; or, because the agents of authority in distant
countries, exercising a larger discretion in the execution of the laws,
inspire the people governed with greater hope of being able to es-
cape their restraints.

What idea must we then form of the force which the British gov-
ernment could exercise in the new world, when it is considered,
that the two countries being separated by an ocean three thousand
miles in breadth, entire months sometimes transpired, between tlie
date of an order, and its execution ?

Let it be added also, that except in cases of war, standing armies,
this powerful engine of coercion, were very feeble in England, and
much more feeble still in America ; their existence even was con-
trary to law.

It follows, of necessity, that, as the means of constraint became
almost illusory in the hands of the government, there must have
arisen, and gradually increased, in the minds of the Americans, the
hope, and with it the desire, to shake off" the yoke of English supe-
riority.

All these considerations apply, especially, to the condition of the
eastern provinces of English America. As to the provinces of the
south, the land being there more fertile, and the colonists conse-
quently enjoying greater affluence, they could pretend to a more
ample liberty, and discover less deference for opinions which differ-
ed from their own. Nor should it be imagined, that the happy fate
they enjoyed, had enervated their minds, or impaired their courage.
Living continually on their plantations, far from the luxury and se-
ductions of cities, frugal and moderate in all their desires, it is cer-
tain, on the contrary, that the great abundance of things necessary
to hfe rendered their bodies more vigorous, and their minds more
impatient of all subjection.

In these provinces also, the slavery of the blacks, which was in
use, seemed, however strange the assertion may appear, to have in-
creased the love of liberty among the white population. Having
continually before their eyes, the living picture of the miserable con-
dition of man reduced to slavery, they could better appreciate the
liberty they enjoyed. This liberty they considered not merely as a
right, but as a franchise and privilege. As it is usual for men, v/hen
their own interests and passions are concerned, to judge partially an<i
inconsiderately, the colonists supported impatiently the superiority
of the British government. They considered its preiensions as tenl-

BOOK, 1. THE AMERICAN WAK. 19

in2 to reduce them to a state little different from tliat of their own
slaves ; thus detesting, for themselves, what they found convenient
to exercise upon others.

The inhabitants of the colonies, especially those of New England,
enjoyed not only the shadow, but the substance itself, of the English
constitution ; for in this respect, little was wanting to their entire
independence. They elected their own magistrates; they paid
them ; and decided all affairs relative to internal administration.
The sole evidence of their dependence on the mother country, con-
sisted in this ; that they could not enact laws or statutes, contrary
to the letter or spirit of the English laws ; that the king had the pre-
rogative to annul the deliberations of their asscmbhes ; and that they
were subject t-o such regulations and restrictions of commerce, as the
parliament should judge necessary and conducive to the general
good of the Britisli empire. This dependence, however, was rather
nominal than actual, for the king very rarely refused his sanction ;
and as to commercial restrictions, they knew how to elude them
dexterously, by a contraband traffic.

The provincial assemblies were perfectly free, and more perhaps
than the parliament of England itself; the ministers not being there,
to diffuse corruption daily. The democratic ardor was under no
restraint, or little less than none ; for the governors who intervened,
in tlie name of the king, had too little credit to control it, as they re-
ceived their salaries, not from the crown, but from the province
itself; and in some, they were elected by the suffrages of the ini\ab-
itants. The religious zeal, or rather enthusiasm, which prevailed
among the colonists, and chiefly among the inhabitants of New Eng-
land, maintained the purity of their manners. Frugality, tempe-
rance, and chastity, were virtues peculiar to this people. There
were no examples, among them, of wives devoted to luxury, hus-
bands to debauch, and children to the haunts of pleasure. The
ministers of a severe religion were respected and revered ; for they
gave themselves the example of the ^^rtues they preached. Their
time was divided between rural occupations, domestic parties,
prayers, and thanksgivings, addressed to that God by whose bounty
the seasons were made propitious, and the earth to smile on their
labors with beauty and abundance, and who showered upon them
so many blessings and so many treasures. If we add, further, that
the inhabitants of New England, having surmounted the first obsta-
cles, found themselves in a productive and healthful country, it will
cease to astonish, that, in the course of a century, the population of
the American colonies should have so increased, that from a few
destitute families, thrown by misfortune upon this distant shore,
should have sprune; a great and powerful nation.

20 THE AMERICAN WAR.

BOOK I.

Another consideration presents itself here. The fathers of fami-
lies, in America, were totally exempt from that anxiety, which in
Europe torments them incessantly, concerning the subsistence and
future establishment of their offspring. In the new world, the in-
crease of families, however restricted their means, was not deemed a
misfortune : on the contrary, it was not only for the father, but for
all about him, that the birth of a son was a joyful event. In this
immensity of uncultivated lands, the infant, when arrived at the age
of labor, was assured of finding a resource for himself, and even the
means of aiding his parents ; thus, the more numerous were the chil-
dren, the greater competence and ease v/ere secuj-ed to the household.

It is therefore evident, that in America, the climate, the soil, the
civil and religious institutions, even the interest of families, all con-
curred to people it with robust and virtuous fathers, with swarms
of vigorous and spirited sons.

Industry, a spirit of enterprise, and an extreme love of gain, are
characteristic qualities of those who are separated from other men,
and can expect no support but from themselves ; and the colonists
being descended from a nation distinguished for its boldness and ac-
tivity in the prosecution of traffic, it is easily conceived that the in-
crease of commerce was in proportion to that of population. Posi-
tive facts confirm this assertion. In 1704, the sum total of the com-
mercial exports of Great Britain, inclusive of the merchandise des-
tined for her colonies, had been six millions five hundred and nine
thousand pounds sterling ; but from this year to 1772, these colonies
had so increased in population and prosperity, that at this epoch they
of themselves imported from England to the value of six millions
twenty-two thousand one hundred and thirty-two pounds sterling ;
that is to say, that in the year 1772, the colonies alone furnished the
mother country with a market for a quantity of merchandise almost
equal to that which, sixty-eight years before, sufficed for her com-
merce with all parts of the world.

Such was the state of the English colonies in America, such the
opinions and dispositions of those who inhabited them, about the
middle of the eighteenth century. Powerful in numbers and in
force, abounding in riches of every kind, already far advanced in the
career of useful arts and of liberal studies, engaged in commerce
with all parts of the globe, it was impossible that they should have
remained ignorant of what they were capable, and that the progres-
sive development of national pride should not have rendered the
British yoke more intolerable.

But this tendency towards a new order of things did not as yet
menace a general combustion ; and, without particular irritation,

BOOK 1- THE AMERICAN WAR. 21

would still have kept within the bounds which had alread}' so long
sufficed to restrain it. During a century, the Britisli government
had prudently avoided to exasperate the minds of the colonists : with
parental soHcitude, it had protected and encouraged them, when in a
state of infancy ; regulating, afterwards, by judicious laws, their
commerce with the mother country and with foreign nations, it had
conducted them to their present prosperous and flourishing condition.
In effect, in times immediately following the foundation of the colo-
nies, England, as a tender mother, who defends her own children,
had lent them the succor of her troops and her ships, against the
attacks of the savage tribes, and against the encroachments of other
powers ; she granted immunities and privileges to Europeans who
were disposed to establiiiT themselves in these new countries ; she sup-
plied her colonists, at the most moderate prices, with cloths, stuffs,
linens, and all necessary instruments as well for their defense against
enemies as for the exercise of useful professions in time of peace,
and especially such as were required for clearing the lands, and the
labors of agriculture. The English merchants also assisted them with
their rich capitals, in order to enable them to engage in enterprises of
gioat importance, such as the construction of ships, the draining of
marshes, the diking of rivers, the cutting of forests, the establishing
of new plantations, and other similar works.

In exchange for so many advantages, and rather as a necessary
consequence of the act of navigation, than as a fiscal restriction, and
peculiar to commerce, England only required the colonists to furnish
her with the things she wanted, on condition of receiving in return
those in which she abounded, and of which they had need. The
Americans were therefore obliged to carry to the English all the com-
modities and productions which their lands abundantly supplied, and,
besides, the fleeces of their flocks for the use of her manufacturers.
It was also prohibited the colonists to purchase the manufactures of
any other part of the world except England, and to buy the produc-
tions of lands appertaining to any European people whatever, unless
these productions had been first introduced into the English ports. —
Such had been the constant scope and object of a great number of
acts of parliament, from 1660 down to 1764 ; in effect, establishing
a real commercial monopoly, at the expense of the colonies, and in
favor of England : at which, however, the colonists discovered no
resentment ; either because they received in compensation a real pro-
tection on the part of the government, and numerous advantages on
that of individuals, or because they considered the weight of this de-
pendence as an equivalent for the taxes and assessments to which
the inhabitants of Great Britain were subjected, by laws emanaimg
from parliament.

22 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK I.

In all this space of time, parliamentary taxes formed no part of
the colonial system of government. In truth, in all the laws relative
to the colonies, the expressions sanctioned by usage in the pream-
bles of financial statutes, to designate taxes or duties to be raised for
the use of government, were studiously avoided, and those only of
free gifts, of grants, and aids lent to the crown, were employed. —
The parliament, it is true, had frequently imposed export duties upon
many articles of commerce in the colonies ; but these were considered
rather as restrictions of commerce, than as branches of public reve-
nue. Thus, until the year 1764, the aflair of taxation by authority
of parliament, slept in silence. England contented herself with
the exercise of her supremacy, in regulati.ig the general interests of
her colonies, and causing them to concur with those of all the British
empire. The Americans submitted to this system, if not without
some repugnance, at least with filial obedience.

It appears evident that, though they were not subjected to parlia-
mentary taxes, they were not useless subjects to the state, since they
contributed essentially, on the contrary, to the prosperity of the
mother count/y.

It cannot be asserted, however, that ill humors were not agitated,
at intervals, between the people of the two countries, by attempts
on the one part to maintain and even extend the superiority, and on
the other to advance towards independence. A year after the peace
of Aix-la-Chapelle, (1749,) a grant was made, near the river Ohio,
of six hundred thousand acres of excellent land, to some merchants,
whose association was called the Ohio Company. The governor of
Canada, at that time a province of France, having had intelligence
of this establishment, was apprehensive the English had the inten-
tion of interrupting the commerce of the Canadians with the In-
dians, called Tuigtuis, and of intercepting the direct communication
between Canada and Louisiana. Ile therefore wrote to the govern-
ors of New York and of Pennsylvania, to express his surprise that
the English merchants had violated the French territory, in order to
trade with the Indians : he threatened that he would cause them to
be seized, wherever he could find them. This trafile, hov/ever, not
having been discontinued, detachments of French and Indians made
prisoners of the English traders, at the commencement of the year
1751.

The Indians friendly to England, indignant at the outrage their
confederates had sustained, assembled, and, scouring the forests, fell
upon the French traders, whom they transported to Philadelphia. — ■
Not content with this vengeance, the inhabitants of Virginia dis-
patched to M. de Saint Pierre, commanding, for the king of France, a

BOOK I.

THE AMERICAN WAR. 23

fort, situated upon the Ohio, major Washington, the same who com-
manded afterwards the American armies, with orders to demand an
explanation of these acts of hostiUty, and summon him to draw off
his troops. Saint Pierre answered, that he could not comply with
the demands of the English ; that the country appertained to the
king of France, his master ; that the English had no right to traffic
upon those rivers ; that, consequently, in execution of the orders he
had received, he should cause to be seized and conducted to Cana-
da, every EngUshman who should attempt to trade upon the river
Ohio, and its dependencies.

This proceeding of the French greatly incensed the ministers of
Great Britain ; they could not endure to see their friends and con-
federates oppressed. Their resolution was soon taken ; they dis-
patched instructions to America, that resistance should be made, by
force of arms, to the usurpations of the French. This order ar-
"ived seasonably in Virginia ; hostiUties immediately followed, and
blood flowed on both sides.

The Board, which in England superintends especially the interests
of commerce and the plantations, perceiving that the colonists, divid-
ed among themselves, could not resist, wi4^hout delay and disadvan-
tage, the enterprises of an audacious and determined people, sup-
ported by a great number of Indians, recommended to the different
provinces to choose deputies, to convene for the purpose of forming
a general confederation, and a formal alliance with the Indians, in
the name and under the protection of his Britannic majesty. It was
agreed that the assembly of the governors and chief men of each
colony should be convened at Albany, situated upon the Hudson
river. This convention, after having conciliated the affection of the
Indians of the Six Tribes, by suitable presents, proceeded to delib-
erate upon the most expedient means of defending themselves and
their effects from the attacks of the enemy.

They came to the resolution, that it was of urgent importance to
unite all the colonies, by a general league. The conditions of it
were concluded on the 4th of July, 1754. They purported, in sub-
stance, that a petition should be presented to parliament, to obtain
an act for the establishment of a general government in America ;
that under this government, each colony should preserve its internal
constitution, with the exception of the changes introduced by the
same act ; that the general government should be administered by a
president-general, appointed and paid by the crown, and by a grand
council, elected by the representatives of the people of the colonies ;
that the president-general should be invested with the right of nega-
tive over the acts of the grand council, and authorized to put them

24 THE AMr.niCAN WAU BOOK I.

in execution ; that w'tli the advir.c of the grand council, lie should
have authority to conclude, and carry into effect, any treaties with
the Indians, in which all the colonics should have a common interest,
as also to make peace with them, or to declare war against the same ;
and to take the measures he might judge suitable for regulating the
traffic with these tribes ; that he should have power to purchase of
the Indians, and for account of the crown, lands, situated without
the territories of the particular colonies ; that he should have author-
ity to establish new colonies upon the acquired lands, and to make
laws for the regulation and government of these colonies ; that he
should have power to levy and pay troops, to construct fortresses, and
to equip a fleet for the defense of the coasts, and the protection of
commerce ; and also, in order to accomplish these purposes, that he
should have power to impose such duties, taxes, or excises, as he
might deem most convenient ; that he should appoint a treasurer-
general, and a particular treasurer for the provinces in which it
might be thought necessary ; that the president-general should have
the right to appoint all officers of the service, by land or sea ; and
that the appointment of all civil officers should appertain to the
grand council ; and finally, that the laws passed by these two au-
thorities could not be contrary, but should even be conformable to
the English laws, and transmitted to the king for approbation.

Such was the model of future government, proposed by the colo-
nies, and sent to England for determination. The Americans at-
tached great hopes to the success of their plan ; already every ap-
pearance announced an open rupture with France, and the colonists
affirmed, th»|t if the confederation was approved, they should be
quite able to defend themselves against the French arms, without
any other succor on the part of England.

It is not difficult to perceive how much an order of things, thus
constituted, would have impaired the authority of the British gov-
ernment, and approached the colonies towards independence. By
this establishment, they would have obtained a local power, which
would have exercised all the rights appertaining to sovereignty, how-
ever dependent it might appear to be on the mother country. But
mis project was far from being agreeable to the English ministry,
who saw with a jealous eye, that the confederation proposed, fur-
nished a plausible pretext for a concert of intrigues in America, all
tending to the prejudice of British sovereignty : and, therefore, not-
withstanding the imminent peril of a foreign war against a powerful
enemy, the articles of the confederation were not approved.

But the ministers of England were not disposed to let this occa ■
sion escape them, of increasing, if it was possible, the authority of

BOOK I.

THE AMERICAN WAR. 2fi

the government in America, and especially that of imposing taxes ;
a thin"- most of all desired on the one side of the ocean, and detested
on the other. Instead, therefore, of the plan proposed by the
Americans, the ministers drew up another, which they addressed to
the governors of the colonies, to be offered by them to the colonial
assemblies. It was proposed by the ministers, ' That the governors
of all the colonies, assisted by one or two members of the councils,
should assemble, to concert measures, for the organization of a gene-
ral system of defense, to construct fortresses, to levy troops, with
authority to draw upon the British treasury for all sums that might
be requisite ; the treasure to be reimbursed by way of a tax, which
should be laid upon the colonies, by an act of parliament.'

The drift of this ministerial expedient is not difficult to be under-
stood, if it be considered that the governors, and members of the
council, were almost all appointed by the king. Accordingly, the
scheme had no success in America ; its motives were ably developed,
in a letter of Benjamm Franklin to governor Shirley, who had sent
him the plan of the ministers. In this letter, the seeds of the dis-
cord which followed soon after, begin to make their appearance.*

The general court of Massachusetts wrote to their agent in Lon-
don, to oppose every measure which should have for its object the
establishment of taxes in America, under any pretext of utility what-
ever. On the contrary, the governors, and particularly Shirley, in-
sisted continually, in their letters to the ministers, that the thing was
just, possible, and expedient.

These suspicions, this jealous inquietude, which agitated the
minds of the Americans, ever apprehensive of a parliamentary tax,
obtained with the more facility, as they found them already imbitter-
ed by ancient resentments. They had never been able to accustom
themselves to certain laws of parliament, which, though not tending
to impose contributions, yet greatly restricted the internal commerce
of the colonies, impeded their manufactures, or wounded, in a thou-
sand shapes, the self-love of the Americans, by treating them as if
they were not men of the same nature with the English, or as if, by
clipping the wings of American genius, it was intended to retain
them in a state of inferiority and degradation. Such was the act
prohibiting the felling of pitch and white pine trees, not compre-
hended within enclosures ; such was that which interdicted the ex-
portation from the colonies, and also the introduction from one colony
into another, of hats, and woollens, of domestic manulaciure, and
forbade hatters to have, at one time, more than two apprentices ; also

* See Note 1

2(5 THE AMEKICAN WAR. BOOK I.

that passed to facilitate the collection of debts in the colonies, by
which liouses, lands, slaves, and other real effects, were made liable
for the payment of debts ; and finally, that which was passed in 173.'5,
at the instance of the sugar colonies, which prohibited the importa-
tion of sugar, rum, and molasses, from the French and Dutch colo-
nies in North America, without paying an exorbitant duty. To
these sliould be added another act of parliament, passed in 1750,
according to which, after the 24th of June of the same year, certain
works in iron could not be executed in the American colonies ; by a
clause of tlie same act, the manufacture of steel was forbidden.
Nor should we omit another, which regulated and restricted the bills
of credit issued by the government of New England, and by which
it was declared, that they should not have legal currency in the pay-
ment of debts, that English creditors might not be injured by the
necessity of receiving a depreciated paper, instead of money. This
regulation, tliough just, the Americans received w-.th displeasure, as
tending to discredit their currency. Hence originated the first dis-
contents on the part of the colonists, and the first sentiments of
distrust on the part of the English.

At the same time it was pretended, in England, that if the colo-
nists, on account of the commercial restrictions, so beneficial to the
mother country, had merely demanded to be treated with tenderness
and equity in the imposition of taxes, nothing would have been more
just and reasonable ; but that it could not be at all endured, that
they should refuse the European country every species of ulterior
succor ; that England, in reserving to herself the commerce of her
colonies, iiad acted according to the practice of all modern nations ;
that she had imitated the example of the Spaniards and of the Por-
tuguese, and that she had done so with a moderation unknown to the
governments of these nations. In founding these distant colonies, it
was said, England had caused them to participate in all the rights
and privileges that are enjoyed by English subjects themselves
in their own country ; leaving the colonists at liberty to govern ihem-
selves, according to such local laws as the wisdom and prudence of
their assemblies had deemed expedient ; in a word, she had granted
the colonies the most ample authority to pursue their respective in-
terests, only reserving to herself the benefit of their commerce, and
a political connection under the same sovereign. The French and
Dutch colonies, and particularly those of Spain and Portugal, were
far from being treated with the same indulgence ; and also, notwith-
standing these restrictions, the subject of so much complaint, the
English colonies had unmense capitals in their commerce, or m their
funds J for besides the rich cargoes of the products of theu lands,

BOOK I. THE AMERICAN WAR. 27

exported in British ships which came to trade in their ports, the
Americans had their own ships, which served to transport, witli an
incredible profit, their productions and merchandise, not only to the
mother country, but also, thanks .o her maternal indulgence, to al-
most all parts of the world, and to carry home the commodities and
luxuries of Europe at will. And thus, in the EngUsh colonies, the
enormous prices at which European merchandise is sold in the
Spejiish and Portuguese establishments, were not only unusual, but
absolutely unheard of; it was even remarkable that many of these
articles were sold in the American colonies at the same, or even at a
lower price than in England itself. The restrictions imposed by
Great Britain upon the American commerce, tended rather to a just
and prudent distribution of this traffic, between all the parts of its
vast dominions, than to a real prohibition ; if English subjects were
allowed to trade in all parts of the world, the same permission was
granted to American subjects, with the exception of the north of
Europe and the East Indies. In Portugal, in Spain, in Italy, in all
the Mediterranean, upon the coasts of Africa, in all the American
hemisphere, the ships of the English colonies might freely ca'-ry on
commerce. The English laws, for the protection of this commerce,
were wise and well conceived, since they were calculated to increase
the exportation of their own produce from the American ports, and
to facilitate, for the colonists, the means of clearing their forests and
cultivating their soil, by the certain vent of an immense quantity of
timber, \\ ith which their country is covered. They could not, it was
admitted, procure themselves certain articles, except in the ports of
England ; but it was just to consider, that the American lands, from
their nature and vast extent, must offer sufficient occupation both for
the minds and the hands of the inhabitants, without its being neces-
sary that they should ramble abroad in search of gain, like the in-
habitants of other countries, already cultivated to perfection.

Besides, if England reserved to herself an exclusive commerce
in certain kinds of merchandise, how did this concern, or how injure,
the Americans ? These objects appertaining for the most part to the
refined luxury of social life, in what country could they procure them
in greater perfection, or at a more moderate price, than in England ?
The affection and liberality of the British government towards its
colonies, had gone so far, as not only to abstain from imposing duties
upon English manufactures destined for their ports, but even had
induced it to exempt foreign merchandise from all duties, when ex-
ported by England to America ; thus causing it to become so com-
mon in some colonies, as to be sold at a lower price than in certain
countries of Europe. ,

28 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK 1.

It should not be forgotten, that the most entire hberty was grant-
ed for the exchange of productions between North America and the
islands of the West Indies, a trade from which the English colonists
derived immense advantages. And in fact, notwithstanding the re-
strictions laid upon the commerce of the Americans, did there not
remain amply sufficient to render them a rich, happy, and enterpris-
ing people ? Was not their prosperity known, and even envied, by
the whole world? Assuredly, if there was any part of the globe
where man enjoyed a sweet and pleasant life, it was especially in
English America. Was not this an irrefragable proof, a striking
example, of the maternal indulgence of England towards her colo-
nies ? Let the Americans compare their condition with that of
foreign colonists, and they would soon confess, not without grati-
tude towards the mother country, both their real felicity, and the
futility of their complaints.

But all these and other considerations that were alleged by Eng-
land, had not the effect to satisfy the Americans, and many discon-
tents remained. The French, animated by the spirit of rivalship,
which has so long existed between their nation and the British, neg-
lected no means of inflaming the wounds which the Americans had
received, or thought they had received, from their fellow citizens in
England. The flourishing state of the English colonies, was a spec-
tacle which the French had long been unable to observe with indif-
ference. They had at first the design of establishing others for
themselves, in some part of this immense continent, hoping to reap
from them the same benefits which the English derived from theirs ;
and to be able, at length, to give another direction to the commerce
of America, and of Europe. They intended, by good laws, or by
the employment of their arms, to repair the disadvantages of soil and
of climate, observable in the countries which had fallen to their
share. But the French government being more inclined for arms
than for commerce, and the nation itself having a natural bias much
stronger in favor of the one than towards the other of these profes-
sions, their resolutions were soon taken accordingly. And as their
character, also, disposes them to form vast designs, and renders
them impatient to enjoy without delay, they began immediately to
fortify themselves, and to enlarge their limits. Bastions, redoubts,
arsenals, and magazines, were established at every point, and in a
short time a line of French posts was seen to extend from one ex-
tremity of the continent to the other ; but military power can neither
supply population or commerce, nor develop the advantfiges of
either. These fortresses, these arms, these garrisons, occupied

BOOK I THE AMERICAN WAR. 2§^"

desert or sterile regions. An immense solitude, impenetrable forests,
surrounded them on all sides.

The conduct of the English was very different ; they advanced
only step by step, restricting themselves to the cultivation of what
they possessed, and not seeking to extend themselves, until urged by
the exigencies of an increased population. Their progress was there-
fore slow, but sure ; they occupied no new lands, until those they
had occupied at first were carried to the highest degree of cultiva-
tion, and inhabited by a sufficient number of individuals. A method
so different, could not fail to produce effects totally contrary ; and
in effect, a century after the foundation of the Enghsh and French
colonies, the former pregented the image of fertility and abundance,
while the latter exhibited but a sterile and scarcely inhabited region.

Meanwhile the French, reflecting that either from the rigor of the
climate, or the sterility of the soil, or from defect of industry, or of
suitable laws, they could not hope to direct towards their establish-
ment the commerce of the English colonies, or at least to share its
benefits; convinced, on the other hand, that these colonies were an
inexhaustible source of riches and power for a rival nation, they re-
solved to resort to arms, and to obtain by force what they had failed
to acquire by their industry. They hoped that the discontent of the
Americans would manifest itself, and produce favorable events ; or
at least, that they would be less prompt to engage in the contest.
They well knew that in the American arms, men, munitions, and
treasure, must consist all the nerve and substance of the war.

Proceeding with their accustomed impatience, without waiting till
their preparations were completed, they provoked the enemy, some-
times complaining that he had occupied lands appertaining to them,
sometimes themselves invading or disturbing his possessions. This
the British government deeply resented ; and war between the two
nations broke out in the year 1755. But the eflfects little corre-
sponded with such confident hopes ; the councils of England being
directed by William Pitt, afterwards earl of Chatham, a man, for the
power of his genius, and the purity of his manners, rather single,
than rare ; the aflfairs of Great Britain succeeded so prosperously,
and her arms acquired so decided a superiority, by land and sea,
that her enemies, wearied, worsted, and having lost all hopes of vic-
tory, accepted the conditions of the peace of Paris, which was con-
cluded in 1763. It guarantied to the English the possession of the
vast continent of North America, from the banks of the Mississippi
to the shores of Greenland ; but the most important point for them,
was the cession made them, by France, of Canada.

England also gained, by this treaty, many valuable islands in the

30 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK I.

West Indies ; and so greatly was her power extended in the east,
and so solid were the foundations on which it reposed, that her
commerce and her arms soon reigned there almost without a com-
petitor.

The Americans, on their part, displayed so much zeal in sus-
taining, with their arms and resources, the eflTorts of the common
country, that, besides the glory they acquired, they were deemed
worthy to participate in the advantages which resulted to England
from so many successes.

The French, renouncing the hope of reaping any advantage from
the chances of war, resorted to the means of address ; emissaries trav-
ersed the American continent, saying to all that would hear them,
' To what end have the Americans lavished their blood, encountered
so many dangers, and expended so much treasure, in the late war, if
the English supremacy must continue to press upon them with so
much harshness and arrogance ? In recompense of such fidehty, of
so much constancy, the English government, perhaps, has moderated
its prohibitions, has enfranchised commerce from trammels so preju-
dicial to the interests of America ? Perhaps the odious and so much
lamented laws against manufactures, have been repealed ? Perhaps
the Americans no longer need toil upon their lands, or traverse the
immensity of the seas, exclusively to fill the purses of English mer-
chants ? Perhaps the government of England had shown a disposi-
tion to abandon for ever the project of parliamentary taxes ? Is it
not, on the contrary, too evident, that, with its forces and power,
have increased its thirst of gold, and the tyranny of its caprices?
Was not this admitted by Pitt himself, when he declared, the war
being terminated, he should be at no loss to find the means of draw-
mg a public revenue from America, and of putting an end, once for
all, to American resistance ? Has not England, at present being mis-
tress of Canada, a province recently French, and, as such, more pa-
tient of the yoke, has she not the means of imposing it on her colo-
nists themselves, by the hand of her numerous soldiery ? Is it not
time that the Americans, no longer in a state of infancy, should, at
length, consider themselves a nation, strong and forn^ictable of Itself ?
Is it only for the utility of England they have demonstrated, in the
late war, what they were capable of achieving ? And by what right
should a distant island pretend to govern, by its caprices, an im-
mense and populous continent ? How long nnist the partialities and
the avarice of England be tolerated? Did ever men, arms, riches,
courage, climate, invite to a more glorious enterprise ? Let the Amer-
icans, then, seize the occasion, with a mind worthy of themselves,
now they have proved their arms, now that an enormous public debt

BOOK I. THE AMERICAN WAR. 31

overwhelms England, now that her name has become detestable to
all ! America can place her confidence in foreign succors. What
could be objected to a resolution so generous ? Consanguinity ? But
have not the English hitherto treated the colonists more as vassals,
than as brothers ? Gratitude ? But have not the English strangled
it, under the pretensions of that mercantile and avaricious spirit
which animates them ?'

The general state of Europe was eminently favorable to the secret
designs ol France. It is certain, that at this epoch, all the powers
concurred in considering the enormous increase of the strength of
the British nation, both upon land and sea, as imminently menacing
to the repose and liberty of Europe ; excessive prosperity but too
rarely permitting men to know where to limit their enterprises. Sup-
ported with one hand upon her colonies of America, and with the
other upon her possessions of the East Indies, England seemed to
press the two extremities of the globe, and to aspire at the entire
dominion of the ocean. From tlie day in which was concluded the
peace of 1763, England was viewed with the same jealousy which
France had inspired under Lewis XIV. She was the object of the
same umbrage, of the same distrusts. All desired to see her power
reduced ; and the more she had shown herself formidable in the pre-
ceding war, the more ardently was it wished to take advantage of
the present peace, to humble and reduce her. These wishes were
much the most fervent with the maritime states, and especially in.
Holland, to whom England, in these late times, had caused immense
losses. The English squadrons had often interruptetl, and some-
times by the most outrageous proceedings, the commerce, in the
munitions of war, which the Dutch carried on with France ; and,
on many occasions, the officers of the British navy made use of
this pretext to detain ships, laden with articles that could not really
be considered as munitions of war.

The kingdoms of the north reluctantly supported the prepotence
of England, and openly complained that she had presumed to harass
the commerce of neutrals, in time of war. It was evident they
were prepared to seize the first occasion to give her a check. But
France, more than any other power, being of a martial spirit, was
inflamed with a desire to avenge her defeats, to repair her losses, and
reconquer her glory, eclipsed by recent discomfiture ; she was m-
cessantly occupied with calculations which might lead to this object
of ail her wishes ; and no means more efficacious could be ofiered
her for attaining it, than to lacjrate the bosom of her adversary, by
separating from England the American colonies, so important a part
of her power and resources.

32 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK 1

Excite«l by so many suggestions, the inhabitants of Knglish Amer-
ica conceived an aversion, still rr.ore intense, for the avaricious pro-
ceedings of the Briti-sh government. Already, those who were the
most zealous for liberty, or the most ambitious, had formed, in the se-
cret of tlieir hearts, the resolution to shake off the yoke of England^
whenever a favorable occasion should present. This design was en-
couraged by the recent cession of Canada : while that province con-
tinued a dependency of France, the vicinity of a restless and pow-
erful nation kept the colonists in continual alarm ; tliey v ere often
constrained to solicit the succors of England, as those from which
alone they could expect protection against the incursions of the en-
emy. But the French liaving abandoned Canada, the Americans
necessarily became more their own protectors ; they placed greater
reliance upon their own strength, and had less need of recurring to
others, for their particular security. It should be considered, be-
sides, that in the late war a great number of the colonists had re-
nounced the arts of peace, and assuming the sword instead of the
spade, had learned the exercise of arms, inured their bodies to mili-
tary fatigues, and their minds to the dangers of battle : they had, in
a word, lost all the habits of agriculture and of commerce, and ac-
quired those of the military profession. The being that has the con-
sciousness of his force, becomes doubly strong, and the yoke he feels
in a condition to break, is borne with reluctance : thus, the skill
recently acquired in the use of arms, become general among the
Americans, rendered obedience infinitely more intolerable to them.
They considered it a shameful and outrageous thing, that a minister,
residing at a distance of three thousand miles from their country,
could oppress, by his agents, those who had combated with so much
valor, and obtained frequent victories over the troops of a powerful,
brave, and warlike nation. They often reflected, that this prosperi-
ty, in which England exulted, and which was the object of envy to
so many nations, was in great part the work of their hands. They
alledged that they had repaid with the fruit of their toils, and even
with their blood, the fostering cares with which the mother country
had protected and sustained them, in the infancy of their establish-
ment ; that now there was a greater parity between the two nations,
and therefore they had claims to be treated on terms of greater
equality. Thus the Americans habitually discoursed, and perhaps
the less timid among them aspired to loftier things. The greater
number, however, satisfied with the ancient terms of connection with
England, were reluctant to dissolve it, provided she would abandon
all idea of ulterior usurpations. Even the most intrepid in the de-
fense of their privileges could not endure the thought of renounc-

BOOK I. THE AMERICAN WAR. 33

ing every species of dependence on their legitimate sovereign. This
project they condemned the more decidedly, as they perceived that
in its execution they must not only encounter all the forces of Eng-
land, by so many victories become formidable to the univeiJse, but
also must resort to the assistance of a nation, in language, manners
and customs, so different from themselves ; of a nation they had so
long been accustomed to hate, and to combat under the banners of
their mother country.

Notwithstanding the suggestions of the French, and the new im-
pulse which their military essays had given to the minds of the
Americans, this state of things might have continued still for a long
time, if, after the conclusion of the peace of 1763, England had not
conceived the extravagant idea of new taxes, of new prohibitions,
of new outrages. The English commerce, about the close of the
war with France, having arrived at the highest point of prosperity, it
would be difficult to estimate the hnmense number of vessels which
brought the productions of all parts of the globe into the ports of
Great Britain, and received, in exchange, the produce, and especially
the manufactures, of the country, esteemed above all others in for-
eign markets ; and, as these various commodities were subject
when introduced or exported, to duties, more or less considerable,
this comm.erce had become a source of riches for the public treasu-
ry. But it soon appeared that, to the great prejudice of tliis reve-
nue, the increase of smuggling was in proportion to that of commerce.
Government, desirous of arresting so pernicious a scourge, made a
regulation, in 1764, by which it was enjoined the commanders of
vessels stationed upon the coasts of England, and even those of ships
that were destined for America, to perform the functions of revenue
officers, and conform themselves to the rules estabhshed for the pro-
tection of the customs ; a strange and pernicious measure, by which
those brave officers, who had combated the enemy with so much glo-
ry, found themselves degraded into so many tide-waiters and bailiffs
of the revenue. The most deplorable effects soon resulted from it ;
the naval commanders, little conversant with the regulations of the
custom-house, seized and confiscated promiscuously the cargoes pro-
hibited, and those that were not. ^

This confusion was the occasion of manifold abuses, which, if they
were soon repaired in England, could not be remedied without ex-
treme difficulty in America, from the distance of places, and the for-
malities required. Hence loud complaints were heard from ail the
coloFiies against the law. It produced, however, consequences still
more pernicious. A commerce had been established, for a great
length of time, between the English and Spanish colonies, extremely

VOL. I. 3

."^ THE AMERICAN WAR.

BOOK I

lucrative to both the parties, and, ultimately, also to England. On
the part of the British colonics, the principal objects of this traffic
were the manufactures of England, which the Americans had ac-
. quired in exchange for their productions, and on the part of the
.Spanish, gold and silver, in specie or ingots, cochineal, medicinal
drugs ; besides live stock, especially mules, which the Americans
transported to the islands of the West Indies, where they were de-
manded at great prices. This commerce procured for the Americans
an abundance of these metals, and enabled them to make ample
purchases of English merchandise ; and furnished their own country,
at the same time, with a sufficient quantity. of gold and silver coin.

This traffic, if it was not prohibited by the commercial laws of
England, was not expressly authorized. Accordingly, the new reve-
nue officers beheved it was their duty to interrupt its course, as
if it had been contraband ; and captured, without distinction, all
vessels, whether English or foreign, laden with merchandise of this
nature. Hence, in a short time, this commerce was destroyed, to
the great prejudice, not only of the colonies upon the continent,
but even of the English islands themselves, and particularly of
Jamaica.

From the same cause proceeded the ruin of another very impor-
tant commerce, which was exercised between the English colonies
of America on the one part, and the islands appertaining to France
on the other ; and which had been productive of the greatest recip-
rocal utility. Its materiel consisted principally of such productions
and commodities as were superfluous to the one and totally wanting
to the other. It is, therefore, not surprising, that the colonists, at
the news of losses so disastrous, should have resolved not to pur-
chase, in future, any English stuffs, with which they had been ac-
customed to clothe themselves ; and, as far as possible, to use none
but domestic manufactures. They determined, besides, to give every
encouragement to those manufactories which wrought the materials
abundantly produced by their lands and animals. But in Boston,
particularly, a rich and populous city, where the luxury of British
merchandise had been extensively introduced, it is difficult to express
how extremely the public mind was exasperated, or with what
})iomptitude all the inhabitants renounced superfluities, and adhered
to the resolution of returning to the simplicity of early times : a re-
markable example of which was soon observed in the celebration of
funerals, which began to take place without habiliments of mourning,
and without English gloves. This new economy became so general
at Boston, that, in the year 1764, the consumption of British mer-
chandise was diminished upwards of ten thousand pounds sterling.

BOOK I. THE AMERICAN WAR. 35

(!)ther towns followed this example ; and, in a short time, all the
c'.olonists concurred in abstaining from the use of all objects of luxury,
produced by the manufactories, or by the soil, of England. Besides
this, and even of necessity, from the scarcity of money, the mer-
chants of the colonies, finding themselves debtors for large sums to
the English, and having no reason to expect new advances, without
new payments, which they were not in a situation to make, resorted
also to the plan of non-consumption ; they renounced all purchase
and all expense, to the incredible prejudice of the manufacturers in
England.

But the English government did not stop here ; as i not satisfied
with having excited the discontent of the colonists, i. desired also
to urge them to desperation. In the month of March, 1764, the
parliament passed a regulation, by which, if on the one hand a
traffic was permitted between the American colonics and the French
islands of the West Indies, and others appertaining to other Euro-
pean powers ; on the other, such enormous duties were imposed on
merchandise imported from the latter, as to create, as usual, an
almost universal contraband, in every article, with immense disad-
vantage to the commerce itself, and equal prejudice to mercantile
habits and probity. To crown so great an evil, it was ordered, by
the same bill, that the sums proceeding from these duties should be
paid, in specie, into the treasury of England. The execution of
this ordinance must have completely drained the colonics of the lit-
tle money they had remaining, to be transported to Europe.

The secret exasperation redoubled, at the first intelligence of
measures so extraordinary. They remarked that they were even
contradictory ; that it was requiring a thing, and, at the same time,
withholding the means to perform it ; since the government de-
prived them of all faculty of procuring specie, and yet would have
them furnish it, to be transported to a distance of three thousand
miles. But as if the ministry were afraid the tempest of indigna-
tion, excited by these new laws, should be appeased too soon, they
wrested from the parliament another act, which appeared fiftoen
days after. It purported, that bills of credit, which might be issued
in future by the American colonies, should no longer have legal cur-
rency in payments ; and that, as to those in circulation, they like-
wise could not be received as legal payment, after the term prefixed
for their redemption and extinction. It is true, however, that all the
money proceeding from the duties above mentioned, was directed,
by other clauses of the bill, to be kept in reserve, and could only be
employed for expenses relative to the colonies ; it is true, also, that
at the same time the act was framed concerning bills of credit, some

36 ' THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK I.

others were passed, to promote and regulate the reciprocal commerce
between the colonies and mother country, and between the colonies
themselves. But these regulations failed to produce the expected
effects : for they were necessarily slow in tlieir operation ; while
those which restricted and attacked the external commerce of the
colonies, or shackled their domestic trade, were immediately opera-
tive. Some also attempted to demonstrate, that the money carried
off by these duties must infallibly flow back into the colonics, for the
payment and support of the troops stationed there, to protect and de-
fend them. But who would guaranty to the colonists, that the troops
should be quartered among them so long as the law might continue
m force ? If such was the intention of the legislator, why cause
this treasure to travel, with no little risk and expense, from America
to England, and thence back to the place from vrhence it came ; thus
imposing the necessity of passing it through so many and so different
hands ? Perhaps, they said, in order that it might have the honor
of visiting the British exchequer. And why was it not more expe-
dient to employ it Avhere it was found, without so many voyages
and circuits ? This plainly demonstrated, that it was but a pretext
for the most pernicious designs. Besides, for what purpose, for what
o-ood, were so many troops maintained in America ? External ene-
mies at present there were none ; and for the repression of Indians,
the colonies were, doubtless, sufficient of themselves. But the fact
was, they continued, the ministers had formed a design to oppress
their liberty ; and for this purpose did they arm themselves with so
many soldiers, and incur such vast expense, in the midst of a
people abounding in loyalty and innocence.

All these new regulations, which succeeded each other with such
precipitation, were indeed but too well calculated to surprise and
alarm the inhabitants of North America. Such a proceeding on the
part of the government appeared to them, and was in fact, both new
and inauspicious. They felt it profoundly ; and by their remon-
strances, demonstrated how unjustly they were aggrieved, and de-
manded incessantly to be restored to their former condition. But
they did not stop at bare complaints. When they found that their
remonstrances were ineffectual, they resolved to employ some more
efficacious means to convince the ministers of the error they had
committed. The resolutions taken against British manufactures;
which at first had been merely individual, now becam.e general, by
combinations to this effect, contracted in the principal cities of
America, which were obseryed with an astonishing constancy and
punctuality. Great Britain experienced from these associations an
immense detriment, and feared, not without reason, still greater ; for

BOOK 1. THE AMERICAN WAR. 3"?

as they comprehended men of all conditions, they tended, by de-
grees, to conduct the manufactures of the country to a certain de-
gree of perfection, the more probable, as tlie abundance of raw
materials would permit their products to be sold at very moderate
prices. Finally, it was to be expected, that with the progressive
increase of industry, the manufacturers of the colonies might supplv
with their fabrics the neighboring provinces of Spain and Portugal
Cut, without anticipating the future, it is certain that the interrup-
tion alone of commerce between the American colonies and Ens-
land, was extremely prejudicial to the latter ; for it is known, that the
colonies, without including the foreign merchandise they received
from the hands of England, annually purchased to the value of three
millions sterling, of English productions or manufactures. The pub-
lic revenues suffered materially from the etTects of this new policy ;
the duties upon the exportation of merchandise destined for America,
and those upon the importation of articles which foreign merchants
sent in exchange for, the productions of the English colonies, expe-
rienced a continual diminution. Henceforth began to germinate those
fatal seeds, which the British government, instead of extirpating,
seemed to take pleasure in cultivating, till they produced all the
ruin which followed.

But, although these unusual duties had excited a general discon-
tent in America, and although the inhabitants complained of them
bitterly, as unjust and oppressive burdens, they considered them,
nevertheless, not as taxes or hnposts, but merely as regulations of
commerce, which were within the competency of parhament. They
believed, indeed, that in this instance it had departed from that pa-
rental benevolence which it had discovered towards them during
more than a century ; still they did not think it had transcended the
limits of its authority. But the Enghsh ministers revolved in their
minds a design far more lucrative for the exchequer, and still more
prejudicial to the interests and liberty of the colonists. This was to
impose taxes or excises upon the colonies, by acts of parhament ;
and to create, in this way, a branch of public revenue, to be placed
ot the disposal of parliament itself. This project, far from being
new, had long been fermenting in English heads. Some of those
schemers, who are ever ruminating new plans and expedients to filch
money from the pockets of the people, had already suggested, in
1739, during the Spanish war, to Robert Walpole, then prime min-
ister, the idea of taxing the colonies ; but this man, no less sagacious
than profoundly versed in the science of government and commerce,
Jiuswered, with an ironical smile, ' I will leave this operation to some
one of my, suc-essors, who shall have more courage than I, and

38 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK I.

less regard for commerce. I have always^ during my administration,
thought it my duty to encourage the commerce of the American
colonies ; and I have done it. Nay, I have even chosen to wink at
some irregularities in their traffic with Europe ; for my opinion is,
that if, by favoring their trade with foreign nations, they gain fi^o
hundred thousand pounds sterling, at the end of two years, full two
hundred and fifty thousand of it will have entered the royal coffers ;
and that by the industry and productions of England, who sells them
an immense quantity of her manufactures. The more they extend
their foreign commerce, the more will they consume of our mer-
chandise. This is a mode of taxing them, more conformable to their
constitution, and to our own.'

But, at the epoch in question, the power of England had arrived
at such a height, that it appeared impossible for the American colo-
nies, though supported by all Europe, to resist her will. So much
glory and greatness, however, had not been acquired without enor-
mous sacrifices ; and the public debt amounted to the prodigious
sum of one hundred and forty-eight millions sterling, or about six
hundred and fifty-seven millions five hundred thousand dollars. Thus
it had become necessary to search out every object, and every occu-
pation, susceptible of taxes or contributions. It was, therefore,
thought expedient, and even necessary, to tax the colonies, for whose
security and prosperity, principally, a war so terrible had been
wased, such dangers encountered, so much blood and treasure ex-
pended. As to the species of the tax, it was decided for that of
stamped paper, which was already established in England ; and it was
understood, so far as related to its nature, to be tlie least odious to
the Americans, provided, however, it was estabhshed by the president
and the grand council, according to the plan of colonial administra-
tion proposed by themselves, and not by authority of parliament.
There were even found Americans, who, being then in London, not
only favored, but perhaps first suggested, this new mode of taxing
the colonies ; and, among others, it appears that a certain Huske, a
native of Portsmouth, in New Hampshire, was one of its principal
promoters.

This proposition was received with eagerness, as are, commonly,
all the projects of those who are industrious to extort money from
the people. English ears could hear no sound more grateful than
this ; for if the people of England groaned under the weight of taxes,
both old and new, they were persuaded from what had been told
them, that in America there was a redundance of all good things.
' Shall our colonists,' they said, ' enjcy the magnificence of princes,
wliile we must drudge, and consume ourselves watli effort to pro-

BOOK I. THE AMERICAN WAR. 39

cure a scanty subsistence ? ' The officers, who had served in the colo-
nies, painted, on their return, in vivid colors, the American pros-
perity and affluence.

These details were not so much exaggerated as might be thought,
at the time of their residence in America. Money was then very
abundant in the colonies, the government necessarily remitting thither
considerable sums, for the support of the troops, and expenses of
the war. At that time, American productions were in great request,
and their commerce very flourishing. The inhabitants, being natu-
rally courteous and hospitable, expended generously, to render their
houses agreeable to strangers, then very numerous. The war termi-
nated, all dangers averted, the power of an inveterate enemy, hither-
to intrenched in the heart of the country, extinguished, the colo-
nists conceived it a duty to offer the most honorable reception in their
power to those who had contributed so greatly to their present secu-
rity and felicity.

The necessity of drawing a public revenue from the colonies, be-
ing therefore no longer doubted, and the willingness of the colonists
lo concur in it, by means of the duty upon stamped paper, being
piesumed, as well as their ability to support it, the house of com-
mons, on the 10th of March, 1764, voted a resolution, purporting
•' that it was proper to charge certain stamp duties, in the colonies
and plantations.' This resolution, not being followed, this year, by
auy other to carry it into effect, existed merely as an intention to be
executed the succeeding year.

If the stamp act had been carried into immediate execution in the
colonies, they would perhaps have submitted to it, if not without
murmuring, at least without that open opposition which was mani-
fested afterwards ; and it is known how much more easily the peo-
ple are retained in quiet, than appeased when once excited. The
principal colonists would not have had time to launch into discus-
sions, in which they predicted to their fellow-citizens the evils which
must result from their consent to this new tax ; and as evils inspire
more alarm at a distance than at approach, the colonists, not having
experienced from this sudden imposition the prejudice apprehended
in the uncertain future, would probably have become tranquil ; they
certainly would not have had so much scope to inflame each other
against the duty, as they afterwards did. For no sooner was the
news of the impost in question received in any place, than it was
spread, as it were, in a moment, throughout the country, and pro-
duced such an impression upon the minds of all, and espedally of
the lower classes, that all orders of citizens, waving their ancient ri-
valships, difference of habits, and diversity of opinions in political
and religious matters, were unanimous in maintaining, that it was

40 THE AMERICAN WAR. «OOK I.

impossible to submit to a law enacted in a mode so contrary to ?tn-
cient usages, to their privileges as colonists, and to their rights as
English subjects. Thus, for having chosen to warn before the blow,
the British government prepared in the colonies an unanimous and
most determined concurrence of opinion against one of its solemn
decrees ; and deprived itself of that docility resulting among the
people from their intestine divisions, and the diversity of their in-
terests.

The prime minister, Grenville, had been the author of this delay,
hoping the colonies, upon advice of the bill in agitation, if they dis-
liked the stamp duty, would have proposed some other mode of rais
ing the sum intended to be levied by it. Accordingly, when the
agents of the colonies M^ent to pay him their respects, he informed
them that he was prepared to receive, on the part of the colonies,
any other proposal of a tax which would raise the sum wanted ;
shrewdly insinuating, also, that it was nov/ in their power, by con-
senting, to establish it as a principle, that they should be consulted
before any tax whatever was imposed upon the colonies by authority
of parliament. IMany in England, and possibly the agents them-
selves, attributed this conduct of the minister to moderation ; but
beyond the Atlantic it found a quite different reception, all with one
voice exclaiming that this was an interested charity. For they
thought, that however civil his offers, the minister would nevertheless!
exact, to a penny, the entire sum he desired, which in substance was
saying, that willingly or otherwise, they must submit to his good pleas-
ure ; and, consequently, his complaisance was but that of an ao-
complished robber. It was known that he would not be satisfied
with less than three hundred thousand pounds sterling a year, the
sum considered necessary for the support of the army it was resolv-
ed to maintain in the colonies for their defense. Not one of the
agents was authorized to comply. Two only alledged, they were
commissioned to declare that their provinces were ready to bear
their proportion of the duty upon stamps, when it should be estab-
lished according to ancient usages. Th3 minister, therefore, having
heard no proposal that appeared to him acceptable, resolved to pur-
sue the design of a stamp act. Meanwhile, the fermentation in
America was violent, not only among private citizens, but also among
the members of public and corporate bodies ; and all were of one
mind, in asserting that the parliament had no right to tax the colo-
nies. In all places, political circles and clubs were formed ; the sub-
ject of all conversations was the fatal tax. Every day, every hour,
diminished the respect and affection of the Americans towards the
British nation, and increased their disposition to resist. As it hap-

BOOK 1.

THE A5IER1CAN WAR. 41

pens in all popular commotions, he that declaimed with the most
vehemence was the most applauded, and deemed the best citizen.
The benefits conferred by the mother country, during so long a pe-
riod, were consigned to oblivion ; and it had become as frequent as
it was grateful to the people, to read the list of British vexations
These outrages were represented in the most odious colors by the
orators of the multitude, whose minds were continually exasperated
by similar harangues. The assemblies of representatives, and par-
ticularly those of Massachusetts and Virginia, dispatched instruc-
tions to their agents in London, to use all diligence, by all possible
means, to prevent the intentional act from being passed into a law.
They also addressed remonstrances to the king, and to the two
houses of parliament, all tending to the same end. But those of
the province of Massachusetts were the most energetic and vehe-
ment. This province was particularly distinguished for the v/armtJi
with which it had opposed the new and pernicious direction which
the ministers had for some time given to American affairs. The colo-
nists acquired a still mòre determined resolution, when they learned,
that in the present contest they Avere not abandoned to themselves,
but that many were found in the mother country itself, even persons
illustrious by their rank, their merit, or their dignities, who, from con-
viction, from the desire of renown, or from a wish to supplant the
ministers, were continually exclaiming, both in parliament and else-
where, that ' Such was not the accustomed mode of conduct of the
English government towards its subjects ; that it was a new tyranny,
which, if tolerated, would one day rebound from the shores of Amer-
ica upon those of England ; the evil should be resisted in its princi-
ples ; that governments in prosperity were but too much disposed to
arrogate an extension of power ; there was much appearance that
the government of Great Britain inclined to imitate this usurpation ;
that it was therefore essential to watch it with attention ; the desires
and the arts of Scottish favorites were sufficiently notorious ; that
America was the means or the instrument, but England the object.
And what occasion was there fc r these new imposts ? To protect
and defend America, or the conquered territories ? Was it to re-
press the Indian tribes ? The colonists, with their light arms, and
divided into detachments, were more proper for this service than the
heavy English infantry. The Americans had all the coumge requi-
site to defend themselves, and to succor, if necessary, the advancea
posts: they had given the proof of this, on numerous occasions.
There no longer existed a powerful enemy upon the American con-
tinent ; whence, therefore, these continual apprehensions of an at-
tack, when the vestige of an enemy is no wiiere to be seen ? And

42 THE AMERICAN WAR.

BOOK I.

«vhat necessity was there for maintaining an army in America, the
«expense of which must be extorted from the Americans ? Precious
fruits, truly, had already been gathered from this military parade !
the minds of the colonists exasperated, affection converted into
hatred, loyalty into a desire of innovation. In other times, had not
the ministers obtained from the colonies, by legitimate means, and
without such a display of troops, according to the exigency, all the
succors at their disposal ? Since they had been thought able to
furnish subsidies to the mother country, they had never been de-
manded, except in the mode of requisitions on the part of the crown,
addressed by the governors to the different assemblies. By adhering
to this mode, the -same subsidies might be obtained, without giving
offence, and without danger of revolt. But they would exact a ser-
vile obedience, in order to introduce, in due time, into the A-ery bo-
som of the kingdom, the principles and government of the Stuarts !
Too certain indications had been remarked of this, the day George
Grenville ventured to produce his project of a bill to authorize offi-
cers in the colonies to quarter their soldiers in the houses of the citi-
zens ; a thing expressly calculated to strike the people with terror,
to degrade them by permitting themselves to be trampled upon, and
thus prepare them to receive the intended taxes with submission.
The murmurs which had arisen, from every quarter, against so shock-
ing an enormity, had indeed alarmed the minister ; but it was time
to act more vigorously ; for it was the duty of every good citizen to
oppose these first attempts.

But the ministers were not to be diverted from their plan ; erther
because they were encouraged by the favorites concealed behind
them, or from personal obstinacy, or because they beheved, in defi-
ance of all demonstration to the contrary, that the Americans would
be intimidated by the confusion and dangerous uncertainty which
would prevail in all their affairs, if, in their civil and commercial
transactions, they did not make use of stamped paper, and thus pay
the duty established. Hence the ministers were often heard to say,
that the measure proposed should be a law which would execute
itself. The memorials, the remonstrances, the petitions, the resolu-
tions, of the American provinces, were rejected. The bill for im-
posing a stamp duty was therefore submitted to parliament, in its
session of 1765. It is easy to imagine with what animation it was
discussed. It may be doubted whether upon any other occasion,
either in times past or present, there has been displayed more vigor
or acuteness of intellect, more love of country, or spirit of party,
or greater splendor of eloquence, than in these debates. Nor was
the shock of opinions less violent, without the walls of Westminster.

i

BOOK I. THE AMERICAN WAR. 43

All Europe, it may be said, and especially the commercial countries,
were attentive to the progress, and to the decision, of this important
question.

The members of parliament who opposed the bill, discovered great
energy. They cited the authority of the most celebrated political
writers, such as Locke, Selden, Harrington, and Puffendorff, who
establish it as an axiom, that the very foundation, and ultimate point
in view, of all governments, is the good of society. Then, retracing
their national history, they alleged ;

' That it resulted from INIagna Charta, and from all the writs of
those times relative to the imposition of taxes for the benefit of the
crown, and to the sending of representatives to parliament, as well
as from the Declaration of Rights, and the whole history of the Eng-
hsh constitution, that no English subject can be taxed, except, in
their own phrase, 'per communem consensum parliamenti,' that is,
by his own consent, or that of his representatives ; that such was the
original and general right which the inhabitants of the colonies, as
Enghsh subjects, carried with them, when they left their native land,
to establish themselves in these distant countries ; that therefore it
must not be imagined their rights were derived from charters, which
were granted them merely to regulate the external form of the con-
stitution of the colonies ; but that the great interior foundation of
their constitution was this general right of the Britisii subject, which
is the first principle of British liberty, — that is, that no man shall be
taxed, but by himself, or by his representative.

' The counties palatine of Chester, Durham and Lancaster,' added
these orators, ' and the marches of Wales, were not taxed, except in
their own assemblies or parliaments, until, at different times, they
were called to participate in the national representation.

' The clergy, until the late period, when they were admitted to a
share in tlie general representation, always taxed themselves, and
granted the king what they called benevolences, or free gifts.

' There are some, who, extending the power of parliament beyond
all Umits, affect to believe that this body can do every thing, and is
invested with all rights ; but this is not supported, and though true,
could only be so in violation of the constitution ; for then there would
exist in parliament, as might occur in the instance of a single individ-
ual, an arbitrary power. But the fact is, that many things are not
within the power of parliament. It cannot, for example, make itself
executive ; it cannot dispose of the offices that belong to the crown ;
it cannot take the property of any man, not even in cases of enclo-
sures, without his being heard. The Lords cannot reject a money
c'fjill passed by the commons ; nor the commons erect themselves

44 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK I.

into a court of justice ; neither can the parhament of England tax
Ireland.

' It is the birthright of the colonists, as descendants of EngUsh-
men, not to be taxed by any but their own representatives ; and so
far from being represented in the parlianient of Great Britain, they
are not even virtually represented here, as the meanest inhabitants
of Great Britain are, in consequence of their intimate connection
with those who are actually represented.

' And if laws made by the British parliament to tax all except its
own members, or even all except such members and those actually
represented by them, would be deemed tyrannical, how much more
tyrannical and unconstitutional must not such laws appear to those
who cannot be said to be either actually or virtually represented !

' The people of Ireland are much more virtually represented in
the parliament of Great Britain than the colonists, in consequence
of the great number of Englishmen possessed of estates and places
of trust and profit in Ireland, and their immediate descendants set-
tled in that country, and of the great number of Ir'sh noblemen and
gentlemen in both houses of the British parliament, and the greater
number still constantly residing in Great Britain. But, notwith-
standing this, the British parliament has never claimed any right to
tax tlie people of Ireland.

' The first founders of the colonies were not only driven out of the
mother country by persecution, but they left it at their own risk and
expense. Being thus forsaken, if not worse treated, all ties, except
those common to mankind, w^ere dissolved between them. They
absolved from all duty of obedience to her, as she dispensed herself
from all duty of protection to them.

' If they accepted of any royal charters on tlie occasion, it was
done through mere necessity ; and, as this necessity was not of their
own making, their charters cannot be binding upon them ; and even
allowing these charters to be binding, they are only bound thereby to
that allegiance which the supreme head of the realm may claim in-
discriminately from all its subjects.

' It is extremely absurd to affirm that the Americans owe any sub-
mission to the legislative power of Great Britain, which had not au-
thority enough to shield them against the violences of the executive ;
and more absurd still, to say that the people of Great Britain can
exercise over them rights which that very people affirm they might
justly oppose, if claimed over themselves by others.

' The English people combated long, and shed much blood, with
a view of recovering those rights which the crown, it was believed,
had usurped over themselves ; and how can they now, without be-

BOOK I.

THE AMERICAN WAR. 45

coming guilty of the same usurpation, pretend to exercise these rights
over others?

' But. admitting that, by the charters granted to the Americans at
the time of their emigration, and by them from necessity accepted,
they are bound to make no laws but such as, allowing for the differ-
ence of circumstances, shall not clash with those of England, this no
more subjects them to the parliament of England, than their having
been laid under the same restraint with respect to the laws of Scot-
land, or any other country, would have subjected them to the parlia-
ment of Scotland, or the supreme authority of this other country ;
since, by these charters, they have a right to tax themselves for their
own support and defense.

' Whatever assistance the people of Great Britain may have given
to the people of the colonies, it must have been given either from
motives of humanity and fraternal affection, or with a view of being
one day repaid for it, and not as the price of their liberty ; at least
the colonies can never be presumed to have accepted it in that light.

'If it was given from motives of humanity and fraternal affection, as
the people of the colonies have never given the mother country any
room to complain of them, so they never will. If, finally, it was
•3-iven with a view of being one day repaid for it, the colonists are
willing to come to a fair account, which, allowing for the assistance
they themselves have often given the mother country, for what they
^nust have lost, and the mother country must have gained, by pre-
venting their selling to others at higher prices than they could sell to
her, and their buying from others at lower prices than they could
buy from her, would, they apprehend, not turn out so much to her
advantage as she imagines.'

' Their having heretofore submitted to laws made by the British
parliament, for their internal government, can no more be brought
as a precedent against them, than against the English themselves
their tameness undw the dictates of a Henry, or the rod of a
Star Chamber ; the tyranny of many being as grievous to human
nature as that of a few, and the tyranny of a few as that of a single
person.

' If liberty is the due of those who have sense enough to know
the value of it, and courage enough to expose themselves to every
danger and fatigue to acquire it, the American colonists are better
entitled to possess it than even their brethren of Great Britain ; since
they not only renounced their native soil, the love of which is so con
genial with the human mind, and all those tender charities insepara-
ble from it, but exposed themselves to all the risks and hardships
unavoidable in a long voyage ; and, after escaping the danger of be-

46

THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOR I.

ing swallowed up by the waves, encountered, upon those uninhab-
ited and barbarous shores, the more cruel danger of perishing by a
slow famine ; which having combated, and surmounted, with infi-
nite patience and constancy, they have, as if by a niiracle of Divine
Providence, at length arrived at this vigorous and prosperous state,
so eminently profitable to those from whom they derive tlieir origin.

' If, in the first years of their existence, some of the colonists dis-
covered a turbulent humor, and all were exposed to the incursions
of the neighboring tribes, a savage and hostile race, which condition
required the interposition and assistance of the British parliament,
they have now arrived to such a degree of maturity, in point of polity
and strength, as no longer to need such interposition for the future ;
and therefore, since the proportions are changed which existed be-
tween the two nations, it is proper also to change the terms of their
ancient connection, and adopt others, more conformable to their pres-
ent respective power and circumstances.

' The present statutes, promulgated by parliament, do not bind
the colonies, unless they are expressly named therein ; which evi-
dently demonstrates, that the English general laws do not embrace
in their action the American colonies, but need to be sanctioned by
special laws.

' The colonies, therefore, stand in much the same relation towards
England, as the barons with respect to the sovereigns, in the feudal
system of Europe ; the obedience of the one, and the submission of
the other, are restricted within certain limits.

' The history of colonies, both ancient and modern, comes to the
support of these views. Thus the Carthaginians, the Greeks, and
other celebrated nations of antiquity, allowed their colonies a very
great liberty of internal governm.ent, contenting themselves with the
advantages they derived from their commerce. Thus the barbari-
ans of the north, who desolated the Roman empire, carried with
them their laws, and introduced them among the vanquished, retain-
ing but an extremely slender obedience and submission towards the
sovereigns of their country.

' Thus also, in more recent times, the House of Austria had acted
in regard to its colonies of the Low Countries, before the latter to-
tally withdrew themselves from its dominations.

' Such examples ought to apprize the English of the conduct they
should pursue, in respect to their colonies ; and warn them of what
they should avoid.'

' The colonies are already sufficiently taxed, if the restrictions up-
on their commerce are taken into view. No other burden should,
therefore, De laid upon the Americans, or they should be restored to

BOOK I. THE AMERICAN WAR. 47

an entire liberty of commerce ; for otherwise they would be charged
doubly, than which nothing can be deemed more tyrannical.

' It is not argued, however, that the American colonies ought not
to be subject to certain external duties, which the parliament has
authority to establish in their ports, or to some other restrictions,
which have been laid upon their commerce by the act of navigation,
or other regulations.

' They are in the same case as all other colonics, belonging to the
rest of the maritime powers in Europe ; from their first establish-
ment, all commerce with foreign nations has been prohibited them.

' What is spoken of are internal taxes, to be levied on the body of
the people ; and it is contended, that before they can be liable to
such taxes, they must first be represented.

' Even admitting, what is denied, that the British parliament has
the right to make law^s for the colonies, still more to tax them with-
out their concurrence, there lie many objections against all the duties
kitely imposed on the colonies, and more still, and weightier, against
that of the stamps lately projected by the ministers, and now pro-
posed for the sanction of parliament. For, whereas these stamp
duties were laid gradually on the people of Great Britain, they are
now to be saddled, all at once, with all their increased weight, on
those of the colonies ; and if these same duties were thought so
grievous in England, on account of the great variety of occasions
m which they w'ere payable, and the great number of heavy penal-
ties, which the best meaning persons might incur, they must be to
the last degree oppressive in the colonies, where the people, in
general, cannot be supposed so conversant in matters of this kind,
and numbers do not even understand the language of these intri-
cate laws, so foreign to their ordinary pursuits of agriculture and
commerce.*

' It should be added, that these laws, which savor too much of
their native soil, and bear too distinctly the character of that subtilty
for which the English financial system is distinguished, must be
viewed by foreigners as insidious snares, and tend to discourage
them from emigrating, with their families, to the American shores.
Need any one be told how prejudicial this would prove to their
growing population, and, by rebound, to the interests of England
herself?

' Finally, as the money produced by these duties, according to the
terms of the bill proposed, is required to be paid into the English
treasury, the colonies, already impoverished by commercial prohibl-

• See Note II.

18 THE AMERICAN WAR.

BOOK I.

tions, must, in a short time, be drained of all their specie, to the ruin
of their commerce, both internal and external.'

On the part of the ministers, these objections were answered, as
follows :

' First of all, it is necessary to banish from the present question
all this parade of science and erudition, so pompously displayed by
our opponents, and which they have collected from the books of
speculative men, who have written upon the subject of government.
All these refinements and arguments of natural lawyers, such as
Locke, Selden, Puffendorff, and others, are httle to the purpose, ih
a question of constitutional law.

' And nothing can be more absurd, than to hunt after antiquated
charters, to argue from thence the present English constitution ; be-
cause the constitution is no longer the same ; and nobody knows
what it was, at some of the times that are quoted ; and there are
things even in Magna Charta, which are not constitutional now. All
these appeals, therefore, to the records of antiquity, prove nothing
as to the constitution such as it now is.

' This constitution has always been subject to continual changes and
modifications, perpetually gaining or losing something ; nor was the
representation of the commons of Great Britain formed into any
certain system, till the reign of Henry VII.

' With regard to the modes of taxation, when v^e get beyond the
reign of Edward I. or king John, we are all in doubt and obscurity ;
the history of those times is full of uncertainty and confusion. As
to the writs upon record, they were issued, some of them according
to law, and some not according to law ; and such Vv'ere those con-
cerning ship money ; to call assemblies to tax themselves, or to com-
pel benevolences ; other taxes were raised by escuage, or shield ser-
vice, fees for knight's service, and other means arising from the feu-
dal system. Benevolences are contrary to law ; and it is well known
how people resisted the demands of the crown, in the case of ship
money ; and were prosecuted by the court.

' With respect to the marches of Wales, tJiis privilege of taxing
themselves was but of short duration ; and was only granted these
borderers, for assisting the king, in his wars against the Welsh in
the mouirtains. It commenced and ended with the reign of Edward
1. ; and when the prince of Wales came to be king, they were an-
nexed to the crown, and became subject to taxes, Uke the rest of the
dominions of England.

* Henry VIII. vv'as the first king of England who issued writs for
it to return two members to parliament ; the crown exercised the
right of issuing writs, or not, at pleasure ; from whence arises the

BOOK I. THE AMERICAN WAR. ^ 49

inequality of representation, in our constitution of this day. Henry
VIII. issued a writ to Caiais, to send one burgess to parliament ; and
one of the counties palatine was taxed fifty years to subsidies, be-
fore it sent members to parUament.

' The clergy at no time were unrepresented in parliament. When
they taxed themselves in their assembUes, it was done with the con-
currence and consent of parliament.

' The reasoning about the colonies of Great Britain, drawn from
the colonies of antiquity, is a mere useless display of learning ; for
it is well known the colonies of the Tyrians m Africa, and of the
Greeks in Asia, were totally different from our system. No na-
tion, before England, formed any regular system of colonization,
but the Romans ; and their colonial system was altogether military,
by garrisons placed in the principal towns of the conquered prov-
inces ; and the jurisdiction of the principal country was absolute
and unlimited.

' The provinces of Holland were not colonies ; but they were
states subordinate to the House of Austria, in a feudal dependence.
And, finally, nothing could be more different from the laws and cus-
toms of the English colonies, than that inundation of northern bar-
barians, who, at the fall of the Roman empire, invaded and occu-
pied all Europe. Those emigrants renounced all laws, all protec-
tion, all connection with their mother countries ; they chose their
leaders, and marched under their banners, to seek their fortunes, and
establish new kingdoms upon the ruins of the Roman empire.

' On the contrary, the founders of the Englisli colonies emigrated
under the sanction of the king and parliament ; their constitutions
were modeled gradually into their present forms, respectively by
charters, grants and statutes ; but they were never separated from,
the mother country, or so emancipated as to become independent;,
and sui juris.

' The commonwealth parhament were very early jealous of the
colonies separating themselves from them ; and passed a resolution,
or act, and it is a question whether it is not now in force, to declare:
and establish the authority of England over her colonies. But if
tliere was no express law, or reason founded upon any necessary
inference from an express law, yet the usage alone would be suffi-
cient to support that authority ; for, have not the colonies submit-
ted, ever since their first establishment, to the jurisdiction of the
mother country ? Have they not even invoked it in many instances ?
In all questions of property, have not the appeals of the colonies
been made to the privy council here ? And have not these causes
been determined, not bv the law of the colonies, but by the law
4

50 . TUE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK I

of England ? And have they not peaceably submitted to these de-
cisions ?

'These cases of recourse, however, have been very frequent.
New Hampshire and Connecticut have been in blood about their
differences ; Virginia and Maryland were in arms against eacii other.
Does not this show the necessity of one superior decisive jurisdic-
tion, to which all subordinate jurisdictions may recur ? Nothing, at
any time, could be more fatal to the peace and prosperity of the col-
onies, than the parliament giving up its superintending authority
over them. From this moment, every bond between colony and
colony would be dissolved, and a deplorable anarchy would ensue.
The elements of discord and faction, already diffused among them,
are too well known, not to apprehend an explosion of this sort.

' From this to the total annihilation of the present colonial sys-
tem, to the creation of new forms of government, and falling a prey
to some foreign potentate, how inevitable is their career!

* At present, the several forms of their constitution are very vari-
ous, having been established one after another, and dictated by the
circumstances and events of the times ; the forms of government in
every colony, were adapted from time to time, according to the size
of the colony, and so have been extended again from time to time,
as the numbers of the inhabitants, and their commercial connections,
outgrew the first model. In some colonies, at first there was only
a governor, assisted by two or three counsellors ; then more were
added ; then courts of justice were erected ; then assemblies were
created.

' As the constitutions of the colonies are made up of different
principles, so they must, from the necessity of things, remain de-
pendent upon the jurisdiction of the mother country ; no one ever
thought the contrary, till this new doctrine was broached. Acts of
parliament have been made, not only without a doubt of their le-
gality, but accepted with universal applause, and willingly obeyed.
Their ports have been made subject to customs and regulations,
whicli cramped and diminished their trade ; and duties have been
laid, affecting the very inmost parts of their commerce, and among
others that of the post ; and no one ever thought, except these new
doctors, that the colonies are not to be taxed, regulated, and bound
by parliament.

' There can be no doubt, but that the inhabitants of the colonies
are as much represented in parliament, as the greatest part of the
people in England are, among nine millions of whom, there are
eight who liave no votes in electing members of parliament ; and,
therefore, all these arguments, brought to prove the colonies not

BOOK I.

THE AMERICAN WAR. 51

bependent on parliament, upon the ground of representation, are
vain ; nay, they prove too much, since they directly attack the whole
^present constitution of Great Britain. But the thing is, that a
member of parUament, chosen for any borough, represents not only
the constituents and inhabitants of that particular place, but he
represents the inhabitants of every other borough in Great Britain.
He represents the city of London, and all other the commons of the
land, and the inhabitants of all the colonies and dominions of Great
Br" tain, and is in duty and conscience bound to take care of their ir^-
terests.

' The distinction of internal and external taxes, is false and ground-
less. It is granted, that restrictions upon trade, and duties upon the
ports, are legal, at the same time that the right of the parliament of
Great Britain, to lay internal taxes upon the colonies, is denied.
What real difference can there be in this distinction ? Is not a tax,
laid in any place, like a pebble falling into and making a circle in a
lake, till one circle produces and gives motion to another, and the
whole circumference is agitated from the center ?

' Nothing can be more clear, than that a tax of ten or twenty per
cent, laid upon tobacco either in the ports of Virginia or London,
is a real duty laid upon the inland plantations of Virginia itself, an
hundred miles from the sea, wherever tiie tobacco grows.

' Protection is the ground that gives the right of taxation. The
obligation between the colonies and the mother country is natural
and reciprocal, consisting of defense on the one side, and ol>edience
on the other ; and common sense tells, that the colonies must be de-
pendent in all points upon the mother country, or else not belong to
it at all. The question is not what was law, or what was the com-
stitution ? but the question is, what is law now, and what is the con-
stitution now?

' And is not this law, is not this the constitution, is not this right,
which without contradiction, and for so long a time, and in number-
less instances, as such has been exercised on the one part, and ap-
proved by obedience on the other ?

' No attention whatever is due to those subtile opinions and vain
abstractions of speculative men ; as remote from the common expe-
rience of human affairs, and but too well adapted to seduce and in-
flame the minds of those, who, having derived such signal advan-
tages from their past submission, ought for the future also to obey
the laws of their hitherto indulgent but powerful mother.

' Besides, is not the condition of the Americans, in many respects,
preferable to that of the Enghsh themselves ? The expenses of in-
ternal and civil administration, in England, are enormous ; so incon-

52 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK I.

siderable, on the contrary, in the colonies, as almost to surpass
behef.

' The government of the cliurch, productive of so heavy an ex-
pense in England, is of no importance m America ; there tithes,
there sinecure benefices, arc unknown. Pauperism has no existence
in the colonies ; there, according to the language of Scripture, every
one lives under his own fig tree ; hunger and nakedness are banished
from the land ; and vagrants, or beggars, are never seen. Happy
would it be for England, if as much could be affirmed of hei sub-
jects on this side of the ocean ! But the contrary, as every body
knows, is the truth.

' What nation has ever sliown such tenderness towards its colo-
nies as England has demonstrated for hers ? Have they, in their ne-
cessities, ever sought in vain the prompt succor of Great Britain ?
Was it for their own defense against the enemy, or to advance their
domestic prosperity, have not the most ample subsidies been grant-
ed them without hesitation ?

' Independently of these benefits, what other state has ever ex-
tended to a part of its population this species of favor, which had
been bestowed by England upon her colonies ? She has opened
them a credit without which they could never have arrived at this
height of prosperity, which excites the astonishment of all that visit
them ; and this considered, the tax proposed must be deemed a very
moderate interest for the immense sums which Great Britain has
lent her colonies.

' As to the scarcity of money, the declamations upon this head are
equally futile : gold and silver can never be wanting in a country so
fertile in excellent productions as North America. The stamp duty
proposed being not only moderate, but even trivial, could never with-
draw from the country so considerable a quantity of specie, as to
drain its sources, especially as the product of this duty will be kept
in reserve in the treasury, and being destined to defray the ex-
penses of the protection and defense of the colonics, must there-
fore of necessity be totally reimbursed.

'This supremacy of England, about which such clamor has
been raised, amounts then, in reality, to nothing but a superiority of
power and of efforts to guard and protect all her dependencies, and
all her dominions ; which she has done at a price that has brought
her to the brink of ruin. Great Britain, it is true, has acquired in
this struggle a glory which admits of no addition ; but all her colo-
nies participate in this. The Americans are not only graced by the
reflected splendor of their ancient country, but she has also lavished
upon them the honors and benefits which belong to the members of

BOOK I. THE AMERICAN WAH. 5ii

the British empire, while England alone has paid the countless cost
of so much glory.'

Sach were the arguments advanced in parliament, with equal
abiHty and warmth, on the one part, and on the other, in favor, and
against, the American tax. While the question was in suspense, the
merchants of London, inierested in the commerce of America, tor-
tured with the fear of losing or not having punctually remitted, the
capitals they had placed in the hands of the Americans, presented a
petition against the bill, on the day of its second reading ; for they
plainly foresaw that among their debtors, some from necessity, and
others with this pretext, would not fail to delay remittances. But it
was alledged, that the usage of the house of commons is not to hear
petitions directed against tax laws ; and this of the London mer-
chants, was, accordingly, rejected.

Meanwhile, the ministers, and particularly George Grenville, ex-
claimed ;

' These Americans, our own children, planted by our cares, nour-
ished by our indulgence, protected by our arms, until they are grown
to a good degree of strength and opulence ; will they now turn their
backs upon us, and grudge to contribute their mite to relieve us from
the heavy load ^vhich overwhelms us ?'

Colonel Barre caught the words, and with a vehemence becom-
ing in a soldier, said ;

' Planted by your cares 7 No ! your oppression planted them in
America ; they fled from your tyranny, into a then uncultivated land,
where they were exposed to almost all the hardships to which human
nature is liable, and among others, to the savage cruelty of the ene-
my of the country, a people the most subtle, and, I take upon me
to say, the most truly terrible, of any people that ever inhabited any
part of God's earth ; and yet, actuated by principles of true Eng-
lish liberty, they met all these hardships with pleasure, compared
with those theysuifered in their own country, from the hands of those
that should have been their friends.'

' They nourished up by your indulgence 7 They grew by your
neglect ; as soon as you began to care about them, that care was ex-
ercised in sending persons to rule over them, in one department and
another, who were, perhaps, the deputies of some mem.bers of
this house, sent to spy out their liberty, to misrepresent their ac-
tions, and to prey upon them ; men, whose behavior, on many oc-
casions, had caused the blood of these sons of Uberty to recoil
within them ; men, promoted to the highest seats of justice, some
of whom, to my knowledge, were glad, by going to foreign countries,
to escape the vengeance of the laws in their own.

54 THE AMERICAN WAR.

BOOK I.

' They protected by your arms 1 They have nobly taken up arms
in your defense, have exerted their valor amidst their constant and
laborious industry, for the defense of a country, whose frontiers,
while drenched in blood, its interior parts have yielded, for your en-
largement, the little savings of their frugahty, and the fruits of their
toils. And believe me, remember, I this day told you so, that the
same spirit which actuated that people at first, will continue with
them still; but prudence forbids me to explain myself any further.
God knows, I do not, at this time, speak from motives of party heat ;
what I assert proceeds from the sentiments of my heart. However
superior to me in general knowledge and experience, any one here
may be, yet I claim to know more of America, having seen, and
been more conversant in that country. The people there are as
truly loyal as any subjects the king has ; but a people jealous of
their liberties, and who will vindicate them, if they should be vio-
lated ; but the subject is delicate ; I will say no more.'

This discourse was pronounced by the colonel without prepara-
tion, and with such a tone of energy, that all the house remained,
as it were, petrified with surprise, and all viewed him with attention,
without uttering a word.

But the pride of the ministers would not permit them to retreat,
and the parHament could not hear, with patience, its authority to tax
America called in question. Accordingly, many voted in favor of
the bill, because they beheved it just and expedient ; others, because
the ministers knew how to make it appear such ; others, finally, and
perhaps the greater number, from jealousy of their contested au-
thority. Thus, when the house divided on the 7th of February,
1765, the nays were not found to exceed fifty, and the yeas were two
hundred and fifty. The bill was, therefore, passed, and was ap-
proved with great alacrity in the house of lords, on the 8lh of
March following, and sanctioned by the king the 22d of the same
month.

Such was this famous scheme, invented by the most subtle, by the
most sapient heads in England ; whether the spirit of sophistry in
which it originated, or the moment selected for its promulgation, be
the most deserving of admiration, is left for others to pronounce.
Certain it is, that it gave occasion in America to those intestine com-
motions, that violent fermentation, which, after kindling a civil war,
involving all Europe in its flames, terminated in the total disjunction
from the British empire of one of its fairest possessions.

If, in this great revolution, the arms of England suffered no dim-
inution of splendor and glory, owing to the valor and gallantry dis-
played by her soldiers throughout the war, it cannot be disguised thai

BOOK I THE AMERICAN WAR. 55

her power and influence were essentially impaired among all nations
of the world.

The very night tne act was passed, doctor f rankhn, who was then
in London, wrote to Charles Thompson, afterwards secretary of
congress, ' The sun of liberty is set ; the Americans must lis;ht the
lamps of industry and economy.^ To which Mr. Thompson an-
swered ; ' Be assured we shall light torches of quite another sortJ
Thus predicting the convulsions that were about to follow.

END OF BOOK FIRST.

NOTES TO BOOK I.

NOTE I. PAGE 25.

FRANKLIN'S LETTER.

* ExcLUEiSG the people of the colonies from all share in the choice of the ^rand
council, would probably give extreme dissatisfaction, as well as the taxing them by act
of parliament, where they have no representatiim.

' In matters of general concern to the people, and especially when burthens are to
be laid upon them, it is of use to consider, as well what they will be apt to think and
say, as what they ought to think ; I shall, therefore, as your excellency requires it of
me, briefly mention what of either kind occurs to me on this occasion.

' First, they will say, and perhaps with justice, that the body of the people in the col
onies are as loyal, and as firmly attached to the present constitution, and reigning
family, as any subjects in the king's dominions.

' That there is no reason to doubt the readiness and willingness of the representatives
they may choose, to grant, from time to time, such supplies for the defense of the coun-
try, as shall be judged necessary, so far as their abilities allow.

' That the people in the colonies, who are to feel the immediate mischiefs of invasion
and conquest by an enemy, in the loss of their estates, lives, and liberties, are likely to
be better judges of the quantity offerees necessary to be raised and maintained, forts
to be built and supported, and of their own abilities to bear the expense, than the par-
liament of England, at so great a distance.

' That (Tovernors often come to the colonies merely to make fortunes with which they
intend to'return to Brita..! ; are not always men of the best abilities or integrity ; have,
many of them, no estates here, nor any natural connections with us: that should makfi
them heartily concerned for our welfare; and might, possibly, be fond of raising and
keeping up more forces than necessary, from the profits accruing to themselves, and
to make provision for their friends and dependants.

' That the counsellors, in most of the colonies, being appointed by the crown, on the
recommendation of governors, are often persons of small estates, frequently dependent
on the governors for offices, and therefore too much under influence.

' That there is, therefore, great reason to be jealous of a power in such governors
and councils, to raise such sums as they shall judge necessary , by drafts on the lords of
the treasury, to be afterwards laid on the colonies by act of parliament, and paid by the
people here ; since they might abuse it, by projecting useless expeditions, harassing
tlie people, and taking them from their labor to execute such projects, merely to create
offices and employment, and gratify their dependants, and divide profits.

' That the parliament of England is at a great distance, subject to be misinformed
and misled by such governors and councils, whose united interests might, probably,
secure them against the eflect of any complaint from hence.

' That it is supposed an undoubted right of Englislimen, not to be taxed, but by
their own consent, given through their representatives ; that the colonies have no
representatives in parliament.

' That to propose taxing tiiem by parliament, and refuse them the liberty of choosing
a representative council, to meet m the co'.onies, and consider and judge of the ne-
cessity of any general tax, and the quantum, shows a suspicion of their loyalty to the
crown, or of their regard for their country, or of their common sense and understand-
ing; which they have not deserved.

BOOK I. NOTES. 57

' That compelling the colonies to pay money without their consent, would bo
rather like raising contributions in an enemy's country, than taxing of Englishmen
for their own public benefit ; that it would be treating them as a conquered people,
and not as true British subjects.

' That a tax laid by the representatives of the colonies might be easily lessened as
the occasions should lessen ; but being once laid by parliament, under the influence of
the representations made by governors, would probably be kept up and continued
for the benefit of governors, to the grievous burthen and discontentment of the
colonies, and prevention of their growth and increase.

' That a power in governors, to march the inhabitants from one end of the British
and French colonies to the other, being ó, country of at least one thousand five
hundred miles long, without the approbation or the consent of their representatives
first obtained, to such expeditions, might be grievous and ruinous to tlie people, and
would put them upon a footing witli the subjects of France in Canada, that now
groan under such oppression from their governor, who, for two years past, has harass-
ed them with long and destructive marches to Ohio.

* That if the colonies, in a body, may be well governed, by governors and councils
a-ppointed by the crown, without representatives, particular colonies may as well,
or better, be so governed ; a tax may be laid upon them all by act of parliament,
for support of government ; and their assemblies may be dismissed as an useless
part of the constitution.

' That the powers proposed by the Albany pliin of urJon, to be vested in a grand
council representative of the people, even witli regard to military matters, are not
so great as those which the colonies of Rhode Island and Connecticut are entrusted
with by their charters, and have never abused ; for ny this plan, the president-gen
eral is appointed by the crown, and c<3ntrols all by his negative ; but in tiiose
governments, the people choose the governor, and yet allow him no negative.

' That the British colonies bordering on tlie French, are frontiers of the British
empire ; and the frontiers of an. empire are properly defended at the joint expense of
the body of the people in such empire : it would now be thought hard, by act of par-
liament, to oblicre the Cinque Poits, or sea coasts of Britain, to maintain the whole
navy, because ttiey are more immediately defended by it, not allowing them, at the
same time, a vote in choosing members of parliament ; and as the frontiers of Ameri-
ca bear the expense of their°own defense, it seems hard to allow them no share in
voting the money, judging of the necessity of the sum, or advising the measures.

' That besides the taxes" necessary for the defense of the frontiers, the colonies
pay yearly great sums to the mother country unnoticed ; for,

1. Taxes paid in Britain Dy the land-holder, or artificer, must enter into and in-
crease the price of the produce of land and manufactures made of it. and great part
of this is paid by consumers in the colonies, who tliereby pay a considerable part of
the British taxes.

2. We are restrained in our trade with foreign nations : and where we could be
supplied with any manufacture cheaper from them, but must buy the same dearer
from Britain, the diiference of price is a clear tax to Britain.

3. We are obliged to carry a part of our produce directly to Britain ; and when
the duties laid upon it lessen its price to the planter,_or it sells for less than it would
in foreign markets, the difference is a tax paid to Britain.

4. Some. manufactures we could make, but are forbidden, and must take them of
British merchants ; the whole price is a tax paid to Britain.

5. By our greatly increasing demand and consumption of British manufactures,
their price is considerably raised of late years ; the advantage is clear profit to
Britain, and enables its people better to pay great taxes ; and much of it being paid
by us, is clear tax to Britain.

6. li. short, as we are not suffered to regulate our trade, and restrain the importation
and consumption of British superfluities, as Britain can the consumption of foreign
superfluities, our whole wealth centers finally among the merchants and inhabitanta
of Britain ; and if we make them richer, and enable them better to pay tbeir taxes,
it is nearly the same as being taxed ourselves, and equally beneficial to the crown.

' These kind of secondary taxes, however, we do not complain of, though we have
no share in laying or disposing of them ; but to pay immediate heavy taxes, in th« lay-
ing, appropriation, and disposition of which, we have no part, and which, perhaps, we
may know to be as unnecessary as grievous, must seem hard measures to Englishmen,
who cannot conceive, that by hazarding their lives and fortunes in subduing and set-
tling new countries, extending the dominion, and increasing the commerce of the
mother nation, thev have forfeited the native rights of Britons, which they think

58 NOTES, BOOK 1.

ouirht rather to be given to them as due to such merit, if they had been before in a
Btate of Blavery.

' These, and such kinds of things as these, I apprehend will be thought and said
by the people, if the proposed alteration of the Albany plan should take place. Then
the administration of the board of governors and council oo appointed, not having
the representative body of tlie people to approve and unite in its measures, and con-
ciliate the minds of the people to them, will probably become suspected and odious :
dangerous animosities and feuds will arise between Uie governors and governed, and
every thing go into confusion.'

This was the letter of Franklin.

NOTE II. PAGE 47.

STAMP ACT.

Whereas, by an act made in the last session of Parliament, several duties were
granted, continued, and appropriated towards defraying the expenses of defending,
protecting, and securing the British colonies and plantations in America ; and w'her»
as it is first necessary, that provision be made for raising a further revenue within your
majesty's dominions in America, towards defraying the said expenses; we, your ma-
jesty's most dirtiful and loyal subjects, the Commons of Great Britain, in parliament as-
sembled, have therefore resolved to give and grant unto your majesty the several rights
and duties hereinafter mentioned ; and do most humbly beseech your majesty that it
may be enacted, And be it enacted by the king's most excellent majesty, by and
with the advice and consentof the lords spiritual and temporal, and oommons, m this
present parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same, That from and after
the first day of November, one thousand seven Inmdred and sixty-five, there shall be
raised, levied, collected, and paid unto his majesty, his heirs, and successors, through-
out the colonies and plantations in America, which now are, or hereafter may be,
under the dominion of his majesty, his heirs and successors,

1. Forevery skin of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall
be engrossed, written, or printed, any declaration, plea, replication, rejoinder, demur-
rer, or" otlier pleading, or any copy thereof, in any court of law within the British
colories and plantations in America, a stamp duty of three pence.

2. For every* skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which shall be engrossed, written or printed, any special bail, and appearance upon
such bail in any such court, a stamp duty of two shillings.

3. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which may be engrossed, written or printed, any petition, bill or answer, claim, plea,
replication, rejoinder, demurrer, or other pleading in any court of chancery or equity
within the said colonies and plantations, a stamp duty of one shilling and six pence.

4. For every akin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which shall be engrossed, written, or piinted, any copy of any petition, bill, answer,
claim, plea, replication, rejoinder, demurrer, or other pleading, in any such court, a
stamp duty of three pence.

5. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper,_ on
which shall be engrossed, written or printed, any monition, libel, answer, allegation,
inventory, or renunciation, in ecclesiastical matters, in any court of probate, court
of the ordinary, or other court exercising ecclesiastical jurisdiction within the said
colonies and plantations, a stamp duty of one ahilfing.

(). For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which shall be engrossed, written or printed, any copy of any will, (otherthan the
probate thereof,) monition, libel, answer, allegation, mventory, or renunciation, in
ecclesiastical matters, in any such court, a stamp duty of six pence.

7. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which shall be engrossed, written or printed, any donation, presentation, collation or
Institution, of or to any benefice, or any writ or instrument for the like purpose, or
any register, entry, testimonial, or certificate of any degree taken in any university,
academy. co'lle<Te, or seminary of learning, within the said colonies and planUtions
a stamp outy of two pounds.

BOOK I. NOTES 59

8. For every skin or piece of vellum oi parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any moi.ition, libel, claim, answer,
allegation, inli/rmation, letter of request, execution, renunciation, inventory, or other
pleading in any admiralty court within the said colonies and plantations, a stamp
duty of one shilling.

9. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which any copy of any such monition, libel, claim, answer, allegation, information,
letter of request, execution, renunciation, inventory, or other pleading shall be en-
grossed, written, or printed, a stamp duty of six pence.

10. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any appeal, writ of error, writ of dower,
ad quod damnum, certiorari, statute merchant, statute staple, attestation, or certificate,
by any officer, or exemplification of any record or pro:; ceding, in any court v\hatso-
ever within the said colonies and plantations, (except appeals, writs of error, certiorari,
attestations, certificates, and exemplifications, for, or relating to the removal of any
prooeedings from before a single justice of the peace,) a stamp duty of ten shifUngs.

11. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any writ of covenant for levying fines,
writ of entry for sutfering a common recovery , or attachment issuing out of or returnable
into any court within the said colonies and plantations, a stamp duty of Jive shillings.

12. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any judgment, decree, or sentence, or
dimission, or any record of nisi prius or postea, in any court within the said colonies
and plantations, a stamp duty of four shillings.

13. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which sliall be engrossed, written, or printed, any affidavit, common bail, or appear-
ance, interrogatory, deposition, rule, order or warrant of any court, or any dcdimus
jiotcstatum, capias sithpmna, summons, compulsory citation, commission, recognizance,
or anv other writ, process, or mandate, issuing out of, or returnable into, any court,
or any office belonging thereto, or any other proceeding therein whatsoever, or any
copy thereof, or of any record not herein before charged, within the said colonies
and plantations, (except warrants relating to criminal matters, and proceedings there-
on, or relating thereto,) a stamp duty ot one shilling

14. For every skin cr piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any note or bill of lading, whicli shall
be signed for any kind of goods, wares, or merchandise, to be exported from, or any
cocket or clearance granted within the said colonies and plantations, a stamp duty
of four pence.

15. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which shall be'engrossed, written, or printed, letters of mart or commission for private
ships of war, within the said colonies and plantations, a stamp duty of ticenty shillings.

16. Foi- every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or slieet or piece of paper, on
which shall be'engrossed, written, or printed, any grant, appointment, or admission
of or to any public beneficial office or employment, for the space of one year, or any
lesser lime, of or above ticenty pounds per annum sterling money, in salary, fees, and
perquisites, within the said colonies and plantations, (except commissions and ap-
pointments of officers of the army, navy, ordnance, or militia, of judges, and of jus-
tices of the peace.) a stamp duty of ten shillings.

17. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which any grant of any liberty, privilege, or franchise, under the seal or sign manu-
al of any governor, proprietoi-, or public officer.alone, or in conjunction with any other
person or persons, ór with any council, or any council and assembly, or any exempli-
fication of the same, shall be embossed, written, or printed, within the said cobnies
and plantations, a stamp duty of six pounds.

18. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any license for retaiang of s;.i:auous
liquors, to be granted to rny [ierson who shall take out the same, within the said
colonies and plantations, a stamp duty of twenty shiVings.

19. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or niece of paper, on
which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any license for retailing of wine, to be
granted to any person who shall not take out a license for retailing of spirituous li-
quors, within the said colonies and plantations, a stamp duty of four pounds.

20. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
whicli shall be'engrossed, written, or printed, any license, for retailing of wnie, to be
granted to any person who shall take oitt a license for retailing of spintous liquors,
within the sai'd colonies and plantations, a «tamp duty of three pounds.

60 NOTES. BOOK I

21. For every skin or piece of vellum or parclimcnt, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which shall be engrossed, writU'n, or uriirted, any probate of will, letters of administra-
tion or of guardianship for any estate above the value of twenty pounds sterling money,
within the British colonies and plantations upon the continent of America, the islands
belonging thereto, and the Bermuda and Bahama islands, a stamp duty ofjite shil-
lings.

22. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any such probate, letteis of administra-
tion or of guardianship, within all other parts of the British dominions in America, a
stamp duty of ten shillings.

23. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any bond for securing the payment of
any sum of i.'ioney, not exceeding the sum often pounds, sterling money, within the
British colonies and plantations upon the continent of America, the islands belonging
theretOj and tiie Bermuda and Bahama islands, a stamp duty o{ six pence.

24. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any bond for securing the payment of
any sum of money above ten pounds, and not exceeding twenty pounds, sterling
money, within such colonies, plantations, and islands, a stamp duty of one shilling.

25. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any bond for securing the payment of
anysum of money above twenty pounds, and not exceeding forty pounds, sterling
money, within such colonies, plantations, and islands, a stamp duty of one shilling
and six pe7ic€.

26. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any order or warrant for surveying or
setting out any quantity of land, not exceeding one hundred acres, issued by any
governor, proprietor, or any public officer, alone, or in conjunction with any other
person or persons, or with any council, or any council and assembly, within the Brit-
ish colonies and plantations in America, a stamp duty of sixpence.

27. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any such order or warrant for surveying
or setting out any quantity of land above one hundred and not exceeding two hun-
dred acres, within the said colonies and plan'ations, a stamp duty of one shilling.

28. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of pajM^r, on
which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any such order or warrant for surveying
or setting out any quantity of land above two hundred and not exceeding three hun-
dred and twenty acres, and in proportion for every such order or warrant for survey-
ing or setting out every other three hundred and twenty acres, within the said colo-
nies and plantations, a stamp duty of one shilling and six pence.

29. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any original grant or any deed, mesne
conveyance, or other instrument whatsoever, by which any quantity of land, not ex
ceedingone hundred acres, sliall be granted, convei'ed, or assigned, within the British
colonies and plantations upon the continent of America, the islands belonging thereto,
and the Bermuda and Bahama islands, (except leases for any term not exceeding the
term of twenty-one years) a stamp duty of one shilling and sixpence.

30. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which shall be engrossed, written.or printed, any such original grant, or any such deed,
mesne conveyance, or other insirument whatsoever, by which any quantity of land,
above one hundred and not exceeding two hundred acres, shall be granted, conveyed,
or assigned, within such colonies, plantations and islands, a stamp duty of two shillings.

31. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any such original grant, or any such
deed, mesne conveyance, or other instrument whatsoever, by which any quarTtity of
land, above two hundred, and not exceeding three hundred and twenty acres, shall
be granted, conveyed, or assigned, and in proportion for every such grant, deed, mesne
conveyance, or other instrument, granting, conveying, or assigning, every other three
hundred and twenty acres, within such colonies, plantations and islands, a stamp duty
of two shillings and six pence.

32. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any such original grant, or any such
deed, mesne conveyance, or other instrumi nt whatsoever, by which any quantity oi'
land, not exceeding one hundred acres, shall be granted, conveyed, or assigned, within
all other parts of the Britiah dominions in America, a stamp duty of three skillinpc.

BOOK 1. NOTES." 61'

33. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, oil
which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any such original grant, or any such
deed, mesne conveyance, or other instrument whatsoever, by which any quantity of
land, above one hundred and not exceeding two hundred acres, shall be granted, con-
veyed, or assigned, within the same parts of the said dominions, a stamp duty of /oitr
shillings.

34. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any such original grant, or any such
deed, mesne conveyance, or other instrument whatsoever, by which any quantity o*"
land, above two hundred and not exceeding three hundred and twenty acres, shall be
granted, conveyed, or assigned, and in proportion for every such grant, deed, mesne
conveyance, or other instrument, granting, conveying, or assigning every other three
hundred and twenty acres, ^ithin the same parts of the said dominions, a stamp duty
of Jive s lui lings.

35. For every skin, or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any grant, appointment, or admission, of
or to any beneficial office or employment, not herein before charwd, above the value
of twenty pounds per annum sterling money, in salary, fees, and perquisites, or any
exemplification of the same, within the British colonies and plantations upon the con-
tinent of America, the islands belonging thereto, and the Bermuda and Bahama
islands, (except commissions of officers of the army, navy, ordnance, or militia, and of
justices of the peace,) a stamp duty of four pounds.

36. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
whicli sJKiU be engrossed, written, or printed, any such grant, appointment, or ad-
mission, of or to any such public beneficial ofiice or employment, or any exemplifica-
tion of the same, within all other parts of the British dominions in America, a stamp
duty of six pounds.

37. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any indenture, lease, conveyance, con-
tract, stipulation, bill of sale, charter party, protest, articles of apprenticeship, or cove-
nant, (except for the hire of servants not apprentices, and also except such other mat-
ters as herein before charged,) within the British colonies and plantations in America,
a stamp duty of txco shillings and six pence.

38. For every skin or piece of vellum or pacchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which any warrant or order for auditing any public accounts, beneficml warrant, order,
grant, or certificate, under any public seal, or under the seal or sign manual of any gov-
ernor, proprietor, or public officer, alone, or in conjunction with any other perso-n or
persons, or with any council, or any council and assembly, not herein before charged,
or any passport or letpass, surrender of office, or policy of assurance, shall be engrossed,
written, or printed, within the said colonies and plantations, (except warrants or orders
for the service of the army, navy, ordnance, or militia, and grants of offices under twen-
ty pounds per annum, in salary, fees, and perquisites,) a stamp duty of^'i-e shillings.

39. For every skin or pdece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any notarial act, bond, deed, letter of
attorney, procuration, mortgage, release, or other obligatory instrument, not herein be-
fare charged, within the said colonies and plantations, a stamp duty of tico shillings
and three pence.

40. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any register, entry, or enrolhnent of any
^rant, deed, or other instrument whatsoever, herein before charged, within the said
colonies and plantations, a stamp duty of three pence.

41. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any register, entry, or enrollment of any
grant, deed, or other instrument whatsoever, not herein before charged, within the
said colonics and plantations, a stamp duty of tioo shillings.

42. And for and upon every pack of playing cards, and all dice, which shall be sold
or used within the said colonies and plantations, the several stamp duties following;
(that is to say ;)

43. For every pack of such cards, one shilling.

44. And for every pair of such dice, ten shillings.

45. And for and 'upon every paper called ?l pamphlet, and upon every newspaper
containing public news, or occurrences, which shall be printed, dispersed, and made
pubhc, within any of the said colonies and plantations, and for and upon such adver-
tisements as are hereinafter mentioned, the respective dities following ; (that is to say ,)

46. For every such pamphlet and paper, contained in a half sheet, or any lesser piece

62 NOTES. BOOK I.

of paper, which shall be so printed, a stamp duty of one half-penny for every printed
eopy thereof.

47. For every such pamphlet and paper, (being larger than half a sheet, and not ex-
ceediu(r dne whole sheet,) wiiich shall be so printed, a stamp duty of one penny for
every printed nopy tliereof.

4tì. For every paniplilet and paper, being larger than one whole sheet, and not ex-
ceeding six sheets in octavo, or in a lesser page, or not exceeding twelve sheets in
quarto, or twenty siicets in folio, wiiich shall be so printed, a duty alter the rate of one
shilling for every sheet of any kind of paper which shall be contained in one printed
copy thereof.

4'J. For every advertisement to be contained in any gazette, newspaper, or other
paper, or any pamphlet whicli shiiU be so printed, a duty of two slillings.

50. For every ahiianac or calendar for any one particular year, or for any time less
than a year, wluch shall be written or printed on one side only of any one sheet, skin
or piece of paper, parchment, or vellum, within the said colonies and plantations, a
■tamp duty of tuo pence.

51 . For every other almanac, or calendar, for any one particular year, which shall be
written or printed within the said colonies and plantations, a stamp duty of /oar pence.

52. And for every almanac or calendar, written or printed in the said colonies and
plantations, to serve for several years, duti^^s to the same amount respectively shall
be paid for every such year.

53. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which any instrument, proceeding, or other matter or thing aforesaid, shall be engross-
ed, written, or printedj within the said colonies and plantations, in any other than the
Englisli language, a stamp duty of double the amount of the respective duties before
charged thereon.

54. And there shall be also paid, in the said colonies and plantations, a duty of six
pence for every twenty shillings, in any sum not exceeding fifty pounds sterling
money, which shall be given, paid, contracted, or agreed for, with or in relation to
any clerk, or apprentice, which shall be put or pkced to or with any master or mis-
tress, to learn any profession, trade, or employment. II. And also a duty of one shilling
for every twenty shillings, in any sum exceeding fifty pounds which shall be given,
paid, contracted, or agreed for, with, or in relation to, any such clerk or apprentice.

55 Finally, the produce oi'all the aforementioned duties shall be paid into his majes-
ty's treasury; and there held in reserve. to be used, from time to time, by the parlia-
ment, for the purpose of defraying the expenses necessary for the defense, protection,
and security of the said colonies and plantations. [1765. Statutes at Large.
Piclceriiig' sedition. 4,, 5, George III. Vol. XXVI. Chap. X II. page 179. '\

BOOK U. THE AMERICAN WAR. 63

BOOK SECOND.

1765. It is difficult to describe the e^ervescence excited in
America, by the news that the stamp act had been adopted in
parliament.

The minister, Grenville, knowing how odious it was to the Ameri-
cans, and foreseeing the tumults it might cause, had endeavored to
mitigate its severity, by strictly avoiding to employ, as collectors of
the duty, any individuals born in England ; but this precaution
proved ineffectual to abate, in the least, the tempest of indignation
with which it was received.

The American gazettes began to be filled with complaints of lost
liberty ; the most influential citizens declared openly, that this was
a manifest violation of their rights, which proceeded from no tran-
sient error of the English government, but from a deliberate design
to reduce the colonies to slavery ; ' This,' they exclaimed, ' is but the
commencement of a system of the most detestable tyranny.'

Such as opposed the schemes attributed to the government either
to contract a stricter union by a common name, or to render them-
selves more agreeable to the people, alluding to the words of rx^lonel
Barre in his speech before parliament, assumed the specious title of
sons of liberty. They bound themselves mutually, among other
things, to march at their own expense to any part of the continent,
where it should be necessary to maintain the English constitution
in America, and to use all their efforts to prevent the execution of
the stamp act.

A committee of correspondence was organized, to address circular
letters to the principal inhabitants of the country ; exhorting them
to adopt the same principles and the same resolutions. These meas-
ures gave a powerful activity to the opposition, and to the tumults
which soon followed. The people were prepared for insurrection,
the moment an occasion, or a signal, should be given them.

The Virginians, again at this time, were the first to give it. The
29th of May, 1765, the house of burgesses of Virginia, upon the
motion of George Johnson and Patrick Henry, came to the follow-
ing resolutions :

' Whereas the honorable house of commons in England, have of
late drawn into question, how far the general assembly of this colo-
ny hath power to enact laws for laying taxes and imposing duties,
payable by the people of this his majesty's most ancient colony ; for
settling and ascertaining the same to all future times, the house of

64 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK 11

burgesses of this present general assembly, have come to the several
following resolutions •

' That the first adventurers and settlers of this his majesty's colony
and dominion of Virginia, brought with them and transmitted to their
posterity, and all other his majesty's subjects since inhabiting in this
Iiis majesty's colony, all tiie privileges and immunities that liave at
any time been held, enjoyed and possessed by the people of Great
Britain. Tliat by the two royal charters granted by James I., the
colonists aforesaid are declared entitled to all privileges of faithful,
liege and natural born subjects, to all intents and purposes, as if they
had been abiding and born within the realm of England.

' That iiis majesty's liege people of this his most ancient colony,
have enjoyed the right of being thus governed by their own assem-
bly, in the article of taxes and internal police, and that the same
have never been forfeited, or any other way yielded up, but have
been constantly recognized by the king and people of Great Britain.

' That consequently the general assembly of this colony, together
with his majesty, or his substitute, have in their representative capaci-
ty {lie only exclusive right and power to lay taxes and impositions
upon the inhabitants of this colony ; that every attempt to vest such
a power in any person or persons whatsoever other than the general
assembly aforesaid, is illegal, unconstitutional, and unjust, and has a
manifest tendency to destroy British, as well as American freedom.
That his majesty's liege people, the inhabitants of this colony, are
not bound to yield obedience to any law or ordinance whatsoever,
designed to impose any taxation whatsoever upon them, other than
the laws and ordinances of thie general assembly. That any person
who shall by speaking or writing, maintain that any person or per-
sons, other than the general assembly of this colony, have any right
or power to impose or lay any taxation whatsoever upon this people,
shall be deemed an enemy to this his majesty's colony.'

These resolutions were passed on this day, by an immense ma-
jority ; but the day following, the assembly being more full, as many
of the older and more prudent citizens attended, the subject w'as re-
considered ; and by their influence and representations, the last two
articles were retrenched. M. Fauquier, the lieutenant-governor,
being informed of these debates, dissolved the assembly ; but this
measure had little success, for when the new elections took place,
iJiose who did not assent to the resolutions were excluded, and all
those who did were re-elected. Meanwhile, the resolution-s circu-
lated from hand to hand, not as they had been modified, but in
their original form.

The members of the confederacy, called the sons of liberty, were

BOOK II. • THE AMERICAN AVAR. 65

especially active in comi:>unicating them from one to another, and
in a short time they were dispersed every where, and every where
perused and reperused with equal avidity and enthusiasm.

But in New England, and particularly in the province of Massa-
chusetts, the warm advocates of American privileges were not con-
tent with these marks of approbation, but to propagate them the.
more rapidly among all classes of people, caused them to be printed
in the public journals, which was the principal occasion of the tu-
mults that shortly ensued.

Very early on Wednesday morning, the 14th of August, and it is-
believed at the instigation of John Avery, Thomas Crafts, John
Smith, Henry Welles, Thomas Chase, Stephen Cleverhng, Henry
Bass, and Benjamin Edes, all individuals extremely opposed to the
pretensions of England, and zealous partisans of innovation, two
effigies were discovered hanging on a branch of an old elm, near the
southern entrance of Boston, one of which, according to the label
that was attached to it, represented a stamp officer, the other a jack-
boot, out of which rose a horned head, which appeared to look
around. This spectacle attracted the curious multitude, not only
from the city, but as the rumor spread, from all the adjacent
country.

As the crowd increased, their minds, already but too much heated,
were inspired with a spirit of enthusiasm by this strange exhibition,
and the day was immediately devoted to recreation. About dusk,
the images were detached from the tree, placed on a bier, and car-
ried in procession with great solemnity. The people followed, stamp-
ing, and shouting from all quarters, ' Liberty and property forever —
no stamp.' Having passed through the town house, they proceeded
with their pageantry down King street, and into Kilby street ; when
arrived in front of a house owned by one Oliver, which they sup-
posed was designed for a stamp office, they halted, and without
further ceremony, demohshed it to the foundation. Bearing oft*, as
it were in triumph, the wood of the ruined house, with continually
increasing shouts and tumult, they proceeded to the dwelling of Oli-
ver himself, and there having beheaded his effigy, broke all his win-
dows in an instant. Continuing to support the two figures in pro-
cession, they ascended to the summit of Fort hill, where, kindling
with their trophies a bonfire, they burnt one of them, amidst peals
of universal acclamation. Not satisfied with this, the populace re-
turned to the house of Oliver, with clubs and staves ; the garden,
fences, and all the dependencies of the edifice were destroyed.
Oliver had fled, to avoid the popular fury, leaving only a few frienda
to use their discretion, for the prevention of further damage. But

VOL. I. 5

v'G6 THE AMERICAN WAK.

BOOK II.

3omc imprudent words of theirs having exasperated the rage of the
multitude, they broke open the doors, entered the lower part of the
house, and destroyed the furniture of every description. At mid-
night they disbanded. Tlie next day, Oliver, finding himself thus
the object of public detestation, and apprehensive of a second visit,
notified the principal citizens that he had written to England, re-
questing the liberty of bcirig excused from the office of distributor
of stamps. In the evening, the people re-assembled, erected a pyra-
mid, intending another bonfire, but upon hearing of Oliver's resigna-
tion, they desisted, and repaired to the front of his house, gave three
cheers, and took their departure without damage.

Meanwhile, a rumor having got abroad, that Hutchinson, the lieu-
tenant-governor, had written to England in favor of the stamp du-
ties, the multitude immediately repaired to his house, and could not
be persuaded to retire till they were assured, that this gentleman had
even written to dissuade from the bill. Upon which their cries of
rage were followed by shouts of acclamation ; they kindled a bonfire,
and quietly returned to their respective habitations. But far more
serious were the disorders of the 26th of the same month. Some
boys were playing around a fire they had kindled in King street ; the
fire ward coming to extinguish it, he was whispered, by a person un-
known, to desist, which he not regarding, received a blow on his arm,
and such other marks of displeasure, as obliged him to withdraw.
Meanwhile, a particular whistle was heard from several quarters,
which was followed by innumerable cries of ' Sirrah ! Sirrah !' At
this signal advanced a long train of persons disguised, armed with
clubs and bludgeons, who proceeded to invest the house of Paxton,
marshal of the court of admiralty, and superintendent of tlie port,
who had time to escape ; and, at the invitation of the steward,* the
assailants accompanied him to the tavern, were pacified, and the
house was spared. But their repeated libations having renewed
their frenzy, they sallied forth, and assaulted the house of William
Story, register of the vice-admiralty, opposite the court-house, the
lower part of which, being his office, they broke open, seized and
committed to the flames the files and public records of that court,
and then destroyed the furniture of the house. Nor did the riot
end here. The mob, continually increasing in numbers and intoxi-
cation, stimulated by the havoc already committed, rushed onwards
to the house of Benjamin Hallowell, collector of the customs, the
furniture of which they soon destroyed. They renewed their pota-
tions, in the cellar ; and what they were unable to drink, they wast-

* Paxton was only a tenant ; the owner of tlie house, T. Palmer esq., gave the
entertainment

BOOK n. THE AMERICAN WAR. 67

ed ; they searched evory corner, and carried off about thirty pounds
sterhng in money. They are joined by fresh bands. In a state bor-
dering on madness, they proceed to the residence of Hutchinson,
the heutenant-governor, about ten o'clock at night ; they invest it,
and employ every means to enter it by violence. After having sent
his children, as yet of tender age, to a place of safety, he barricaded
his doors and windows, and seemed determined to remain ; but, un-
able to resist the fury of the assailants, he was constrained to quit
the place, and take refuge in another house, where he remained con-
cealed till four in the morning. Meantime, his mansion, perhaps
the most magnificent and the best furnished house in the colony,
was devoted to ruin and pillage. The plate, the pictures, the furni-
ture of every kind, even to the apparel of the governor, were car-
ried off, besides nine hundred pounds sterling in specie. Not con-
tent with this, they dispersed or destroyed all the manuscripts which
the governor had been thirty years in collecting, as well as papers,
relating to the public service, deposited in his house ; an immense
and irreparable loss.

It appears that Hutchinson had become the object of a hatred so
universal, because he was accused of having been accessory in lay-
ing on the stamp duties ; which imputation, however, was absolutely
false ; for it is ascertained, on the contrary, that he had always op-
posed that measure, in his letters to the government. Hence it is
seen how erroneous are often popular opinions ; and that those who
govern should propose to themselves a nobler object, in the per-
formance of their duty, than that of pleasing the multitude, who
are more often found to fawn upon their oppressors, than to applaud
their benefactors.

The next morning was the time for holding the assize and the su
preme court of judicature. Hutchinson, who was its president, waà
obliged to appear on the bench in the dress of a private citizen, while
the other judges, and the gentlemen of the bar, were in their re-
spective robes. This contrast was observed with grief and pity by
the spectators. The court, to evince with what indignation they re-
ceived the affront they had sustained in the person of their presi-
dent, and how much they detested the scenes of anarchy which the
preceding day had witnessed, resolved to abstain from all exercise
of their functions, and adjourned to the 15th of October.

Some individuals who had been apprehended, refusing to de-
nounce the authors of the tumult, were committed to prison ; but
one of them effected his escape, and the rest were released soon af-
ter ; for it was seen distinctly, that the people were not disposed to
tolerate any further proceedings against the deUnquents.

68 THE AMERICAN WAR BOOK 11

31eanwhile, the principal citizens, cither from a real detestation
of the excesses committed by the rioters, or perceiving that such
outrages must infallibly injure a cause they considered just, were
very strenuous to distinguish this tumultuous conduct from a truly
noble opposition, as they called it, to the imposition of internal taxes
by authority of parliament. They assembled, in consequence, at
Faneuil Hall, a place destined for public meetings, in order to de-
clare solemnly how much they abhorred the extraordinary and vio-
lent proceedings of unknown persons, the preceding night ; and
voted, unanimously, that the selectmen and magistrates of the city
be desired to use their utmost endeavors, agreeable to law, to sup-
press such disorders for the future ; and that the freeholders and
other inhabitants, would do every thing in their power to assist them
therein.

The next day, a proclamation was published by the governor, of-
fering a reward of three hundred pounds for the discovery of any of
the ringleaders, and one hundred pounds for any of the other per-
sons concerned in that tumult. The tranquillity of the city was re-
stored, and preserved by a nightly military watch.

But the disorders were not confined to the limits of the city of
Boston, or the province of Massachusetts. They also broke out in
many other places, and almost at the same time ; which renders it
probable that they had been previously concerted between the inhab-
itants of the different provinces. On Tuesday, the 27th of August,
about 9 o'clock in the morning, the people of Newport, in R,hode
Island, began to manifest their agitation, by bringing forth, in a cart,
three images, intended as the effigies of Martin Howard, Tliomas
Moffatt, and Augustin Johnston, with halters about their necks, to
a gallows placed near the town-house, where they were hung to
public view, till near night, when they were cut down and burnt
amidst the acclamations of the multitude.

The following day, having probably received the news of what
had taken place in Boston, they assembled again, and beset the
house of Martin Howard, a celebrated advocate, who had written
with great zeal in favor of the rights of parliament. All was plun-
dered or destroyed, except the walls. Thomas Moffatt, a physi-
cian, maintained the same opinions, rn all societies ; his house
was pillaged, also, in a moment. Both fled and took shelter on
board an English ship of war, at anchor in the port ; and soon af-
ter, believing it no longer safe to remain in the country, departed
for Great Britain. The populace proceeded towards the house of
Johnston, prepared to commit the same disorders ; but were met,

liOOK II. THE AMERICAN WAR. 69

and parleyed with, by a gentleman, vvlio persuaded them to desist
aiid disperse.

At Providence, the principal city of Rhode Island, a gazette ex-
traordinary was pubhshed, on the 24th of August, with ' Vox Pop-
CLi, vox Dei,' in large letters, for the frontispiece ; and underneath,
' Where the spirit of the Lord is, there is liberty. St. Paul.' It
congratulated tlie people of New England, on the glorious ac-
counts, from all parts, of the laudable commotions of the people
in the cause of liberty ; and on the lawful measures adopted to pre-
vent the execution of the stamp act, not hesitating to treat as
such these blamable excesses of the populace. The writers ex-
tolled to the skies the zeal of the Bostonians, who, they said, had
not degenerated from their fathers, but had preserved entire that
spirit of freedom which had already rendered them so celebrated
throughout the world. Pasquinades, farces, satires, and popular
railleries were not spared, in the public prints. The effigies of
such as were the objects of popular displeasure, were dragged, with
halters about their necks, through the streets, hung to gibbets, and
afterwards burnt.

In Connecticut, Ingersoli, the principal stamp officer, having
appointed for his deputy an inhabitant of Windham, wrote him to
come and receive his commission at New Haven. The inhabitants
of Windham, on hearing of this, demanded the letter of Ingersoll,
and warned him not to accept the office ; which, preferring the less
evil, he consented to renounce. Ingersoll himself was reduced to
the same extremity, at New Haven. He wrote a letter, which was
afterward^ published, in which he declared, that since the inhabit-
a^its had such an aversion to stamped paper, he would not compel
them to use it. He hoped, however, that if they should change
their minds on further consideration, or from a conviction of ne-
cessity, they would receive it from him. This declaration was
nmch applauded ; but the people having conceived new suspicions
of his sincerity, they surrounded his house, and he was informed
tliat he must decide immediately, either for or against the resigna-
tion of his office. He answered, that this choice was not in his
power. They next demanded, whether, when the stamped paper
arrived, he would deliver it to them, to make a bonfire ? Or —
iiave his house pulled down ? He then replied, and with evident
reluctance, that when the stamps arrived he would either reship
them to be sent back ; or when they were in his house, he would
leave his doors open, that they might then act as they thought
proper.

Similar tumults also took place in the town of Norwich, and that

70 THE AMERICAN WAR.

BOOK II.

of Lebanon ; but in the latter the ceremony of a mock trial A\'a3
added, by which the effigies were condemned, in due form, to be
hung and burnt.

The next morning the same scenes were repeated, with the ex-
ception of the trial ; but the deputy collector of the stamp duty
had already resigned.

In New Hampshire, Messene, another stamp officer, was com-
pelled by the multitude to renounce the exercise of his functions.
In Blaryland, Flood, principal distributor of stamped paper, was
menaced in property if he refused to resign ; he fled for refuge,
first to New York, and afterwards to Long Island. But the mul-
titude, having unexpectedly crossed the strait, constrained him not
only to renounce liis employment, but to confirm his resignation
upon oath before a magistrate.

At New York, the stamp act was held in such contempt, that it
was printed and cried through the country as the Fo'ly of England
and Ruin of America. The stamp officers in this quarter perceived
they could not resign too promptly. Similar scenes took place
in the other American provinces.

To foment the general excitement, and encourage the people to
persevere in the opposition commenced, their leaders took care to
multiply satirical pamphlets and pasquinades ; epigrams and popular
jests were incessant in the public prints. At Boston, aiiiong others, a
newspaper was published, under the following title ; ' The Constitu-
tional Courant ; containing matters interesting to Liberty, and no
wise repugnant to Loyalty.' The frontispiece represented a serpent
cut into eight pieces ; on the part of the head, Were the jnitial let-
ters of New England ; and on that of the body, the initials of the
other colonies, as far as South Carolina ; and over it, ' Join or Die,'
in large letters.

In many places, the advocates, attorneys and notaries, held meet-
ings, in which the query was proposed. Whether, when the stamps
should arrive, and the day prefixed for using them, they would agiee
to purchase stamped paper for their legal writings ? The negative
was decided unanimously : they protested, however, in strong terms,
against all riotous and indecent behavior, and pledged themselves to
discountenance it, by every means in their power ; their sole inten-
tion being, by the refusal of the stamps, and other quiet methods,
to endeavor to procure the repeal of the law.

The justices of the peace for the district of Westmoreland, in Vir-
ginia, published, that, on account of the stamp act, they had discon-
tinued their functions ; unwilling, they said, to become instruments

BOOK II. THE AMERICAN WAR. 71

of the destruction of the most essential rights, and of the hberty of
tlieir country.

Thus, while the frantic populace rushed headlong into the most
odious excesses, men of reputation only testified their resistance by
moderate acts, but not less, and perhaps even more, efficacious, to
obtain the repeal of a law they abhorred, and to re-establish Amer-
ican liberty. Thus the spirit of independence, originating at first in
Virginia and Massachusetts, was progressively propagated in the
other provinces ; and passed from the populace to the middle classes,
and from these to the most eminent citizens.

Meanwhile the time drew nigh, when the stamped paper destined
for America was expected to arrive from England ; and the day was
no longer distant, when, by the terms of the law, the stamp act was
to go into effect : it was the first of November.

The Americans already viewed it as a day of sinister presage, and
the harbinger of future calamities to their country. On the 5th of
October, the ships which brought the stamps, appeared in sight of
Philadelphia, near Gloucester Point. Immediately, all the vessels'
in the harbor hoisted their colors half-staff high ; the bells were muf-
fled, and tolled for the rest of the day ; and every thing appeared
to denote the most profound and universal mourning. At four in
the afternoon, several thousands of citizens met at the State House,
to consult on proper measures to prevent the execution of the stamp
act. Upon the motion of William Allen, son of the president of the
court of justice, it was agreed to send a deputation to John Hughes,
principal officer of the stamps for the province, to request he would
resign his office ; to which, after long resistance, and with extreme
reluctance, he at length consented.

The tumult continued many days ; during which Hughes was ac-
tive in barricading his house, and securing the succors of his friends,
apprehensive, notwithstanding his resignation, of being attacked ev-
ery moment. Amidst this general effervescence, the quakers, who
are very numerous in Philadelphia, maintained a perfect calm, and
appeared disposed to submit to the stamp act. The same also was
the conduct of the episcopal clergy ; but they were few in number.

The stamped paper arrived at Boston the 10th of September.
The governor immediately wrote to the assembly of representatives,
requesting their advice, Oliver having resigned his office. The as-
sembly replied, that this affair was not witiiin their competency ; and
therefore the governor, they hoped, would excuse them, if they could
not see their way clear, to give him either advice or assistance. The
representatives thus avoided the snare, and left the governor alone,
to extricate himself as he could. He finally caused the bales of

72

THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK II.

Stamped paper to be lodged in the castle, where they could be de-
fended, if necessary, by the artillery.

But on the first of November, at dawn of day, all the bells of
Boston sounded the funeral knell. Two figures, of immense pro-
portions, were found suspended on the elm, of which we have spo-
ken before. This tree, since the date of the first tumults, had ac
quired the name of ' the tree of liberty.' Under its shade the pat-
riot» lissembled to confer upon their afTairs ; and thence arose the
custom of planting, in every town, or naming those already planted,
trees of liberty. The Bostonians poured into the streets in throngs,
and all was uproar. At three in the afternoon, the two efligies were
detached from the tree, in the midst of universal acclamations, car-
ried round the city, hung to a g-allows, and afterwards ciit in pieces,
and thrown to the winds. This executed, the people withdrew to
their habitations, and tranquillity seemed re-established. But the
agitators, soon after, proceeded to a highly blamable excess. Oli-
ver, who had long since resigned his employment, was dragged with
violence to the foot of the tree of liberty, through th? tumultuous
crowd, and there compelled, a second time, to renoum e upon oath ;
as if any importance could be attached to these oaths, extorted by
coercion ! They attest the tyranny of those who exact them, not
the will of him that takes them.

In many places, over the door.'; of the public oflices, was seen this
inscription : ' Let him that shall first distribute or employ stamped
paper, look well to his house, his person, and his furniture. Vox
PopuLi.' The people went armed ; the friends of stamps were in-
timidated.

Nor less serious were the disorders in the city of New York.
The stamped paper arrived there about the last of October. Mac
Ever, who had been appointed distributor, having resigned the of-
fice, the lieutenant-governor. Golden, a person httlè agreeable to the
multitude on account of his political opinions, caused the paper to
be lodged in fort George ; and having taken some precautions for
its security, the people began to suspect some sinister intention on
nis part.

In consequence, on the first of November, towards evening, the
populace assembled in great numbers, and rushed furiously to the
citadel. The governor's stables were forced, his coach taken out,
and drawn in triumph through the principal streets of the city. A
gallows having been erected in the grand square, the effigy of the
lieutenant-governor was there hung, with a sheet of stamped paper
in the right hand, and the figure of a demon in the left. It was af-
terwaids taken down, and carried in procession, the coach in the van,

BOOK II. THE AMERICAN WAR. 73

to the gates of the fortress, and finally to the counterscrap, under
the very mouths of the cannon, where they made a grand bonfire of
the whole, amidst the shouts and general exultation of many thou-
sands of people. But this irritated multitude did not stop here.
They soon repaired to the residence of major James. It was dis-
tinguished for its rich furniture, a library of great value, and a gar-
den of singular beauty. In a moment all was ravaged and destroy-
ed. They kindled also the accustomed bonfire ; exclaiming, Such
are the entertainments the people bestow on the friends of stamps !

The cofiee-houses had become a species of public arena, and
schools for political doctrines, where the popular orators, mounting
the benches or tables, harangued the multitude, who commonly re-
sorted to these places in great numbers. In a very crowded con-
course of this sort, an honest citizen of New York arose and exhort-
ed the people to a more regular and less blamable conduct. He
entreated the inhabitants even to take arms, in order to be prepared
to repress the factious on the first symptoms of tumult. Hts dis-
course was received with great approbation. But captain Isaac
Sears, who had commanded a privateer, and was violently opposed
to the stamps, urged the people not to give ear to these timid men,
who take alarm at cobwebs ; let them follow him, and he would
soon put them in possession of the stamped paper.

He is joined at first by a few popular chiefs ; all the rest follow
their example. A deputation is sent to the heutenant-governor, to
inform him that he will do well to deliver up th<? stamped paper.
He endeavored at first to gain time, alleging that the governor, Hen-
ry Moore, was expected shortly, and would determine what was
proper in this conjuncture. The answer was by no means satisfactory.
It was represented more imperiously to the lieutenant-governor, that,
peaceably or by force, the people must have the stamped paper ;
and that a moment's delay might cause the efiTusion of blood. To
avoid, therefore, a greater evil, he consented to put it in their hands ;
and they, with great exultation, deposited the same in the City-Hall.
Ten bales, however, which arrived afterwards, were seized by the
populace and burnt.

Notwithstanding all the disorders committed in New York by the
lower classes, citizens of a more quiet character abounded in this
city ; who, if, on the one hand, they were averse to the pretensions
of the British parhament, and especially to the stamp act, on the
other, felt an equal abhorrence for these excesses of popular mso-
lence ; well knowing, that they are only excited by the worthless
and desperate, who alone can be gainers by anarchy. Believing,
therefore, it was no longer advisable to leave the headlong multitude

74 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK II.

without a check, but, on the contrary, that it was essential to direct
their niovi;ments towards the object proposed by themselves, they
convoked a general meeting of the people, in the fields adjacent to
the city. It was there proposed to appoint a committee of persons
of known patriotism, to correspond with the friends of liberty in
other provinces, and communicate intelligence of all occurrences ;
in order to enable the people of the different provinces to move, if
requisite, all at once, and as it were in a single body. This meas-
ure, however, was not without danger, since it inclined towards an
open rebellion, if not even already of this character.

Many, therefore, who had been nominated members of the com-
mittee, excused themselves upon various pretexts ; but finally, Isaac
Sears and four others of distinguished intrepid'ty, offered themselves,
and were approved by the multitude. They commenced their labors
immediately, subscribing the letters with all their names. They re-
quested their correspondents of Philadelphia, to transmit their dis-
patches to the more southern colonies ; and the Bostonians, to those
of the north. This produced, as it were, a second generation of the
Sons of Liberty, who, by means of regular couriers, were enabled
to reciprocate intelligence, and to form a league in opposition to par-
Hamentary taxation. But if the utility of a regular correspondence
was recognized by all the party, they were not long in perceiving
that it was insufficient to accomplish their views. They saw that it
was requisite to determine all the principles of the association, and
cause them to be accepted by all its members, in order that each
might know his duty, and the counsels to be pursued. The authors
of this plan believed, also, that as the articles of confederation were
to be solemnly subscribed, many even of the adverse party would
not dare to oppose it, and would therefore give their signatures :
they would thus have been rendered accessaries, and their future
support consequently secured. The articles were soon drawn up,
and accepted by the Sons of Liberty in the two provinces of New
York and Connecticut ; and afterwards, passing from hand to hand,
by those of the other colonies.

In the preamble to this league, which was composed very ably.
the confederates aflSrmed, that perverse men had formed a design to
alienate the mmds of the loyal and affectionate American subjects
from his majesty's person and government, and therefore they pro-
fessed and declared their fidehty and allegiance to the king to be
immutable ; that they would defend and support the crown with all
their forces : that with the greatest promptitude they submitted to
its government, and this in conformity to the British constitution,
founded upon the eternal principles of equity and justice ; that

BOOK li. THE AMERICAN WAR. 75

every violation of this constitution was at the same time a high of-
fense against Heaven, and an audacious contempt of the people,
from whom, under God, all just government proceeds ; that they
were therefore resolved to unite all their endeavors, their vigilance
and their industry, to defeat these criminal designs. ' And since,'
they added, ' a certain pamphlet (thus designating a law passed by
the parhament of Great Britain) has appeared in America, under
the form of an act of parliament, and under the name of the stamp
act, although it has not been legally published nor introduced ; by
which the colonists would be divested of their dearest rights, and
especially that of taxing themselves ; in order to preserve these
rights entire, and to defend them as well as every other part of the
British constitution, we bind ourselves, and promise to march wiili
all our forces, and at our own expense, upon the first advice, to the
succor of those who shall be menaced with any peril whatever, <.ii
account of any thing done in opposition to the stamp act. We will
attentively watch all those, who, by commission or of their own ac-
cord, shall endeavor to introduce the use of stamped paper, which
would be the total subversion of the English constitution, and of
American liberty. We will reciprocally designate to each other all
persons of this sort that we may discover, whatever shall be their
rank or their names, and will endeavor, with all our power, by every
lawful means, to bring these traitors to their country to condign
punishment. W^e will defend the liberty of the press from all ille-
gal violation, and from every impediment which may result from the
stamp act ; the press being the only means, under Divine Providence,
of preserving our lives, liberty, and property. We will also defend
and protect the judges, advocates, attorneys, notaries, and similar
persons, against all penalties, fines or vexations, they may incur by
not conforming to the act aforesaid, in the exercise of their respec-
tive avocations.'

Such was the league of New York, which increased the ardor
and concert of the parties, then fermenting at every point of the
American colonies.

Meanwhile, the seeds of the new doctrine, in respect to govern-
ment, were rapidly propagated in the province of New York ; the
public journals offered them to the daily consideration of their read-
ers. It was every where asserted, that the colonies ought not to
have any other connection with Great Britain but that of living un-
der the same sovereign ; and that all dependence ought to cease, as
to legislative authority.

These opinions, supported with equal ardor and ingenuity, were
daily acquiring new roots ; they were disseminated in the other col-

76 THE AMERICAN WAR. fiOOK II.

onies, and insensibly prepared the minds of the people for tlie new
order of things, towards which the multitude advanced without sus-
pecting it; but its leaders, with deliberate purpose — a revolution,
for which England, with quite opposite views, had herself paved the
way, and prepared the most favorable circumstances.

The merchants of New York resorted to another mode of oppo-
sition, very efficacious, and well adapted to obtain the repeal of the
act. They entered into reciprocal agreements, not only to order no
more goods from Great Britain, until the act was repealed, and to
withdraw all the orders already given, and which should not be exe-
cuted previous to the 1st of January, 1766, but also, not even to
permit the sale of any EngUsh merchandise, which should be shipped
after this date. According to the ordinary progress of minds once
agitated, which become continually more bold in their opinions, the
merchants added, that they would persevere in these resolutions,
until the acts relative to sugar, molasses, and bills of credit, were
also revoked. The same resolutions were voluntarily adopted also
by tiie retail traders, who agreed not to buy or sell any English mei -
chandise, that should be introduced into the country in contraven-
tion of these stipulations.

The merchants and traders of Philadelphia also assembled, and
entered into an agreement ; but not with the same unanimity. The
Quakers refused their concurrence. They thought it was prudent,
however, to conform to circumstances ; and wrote to England, re-
questing that no more goods might be sent them. The Philadelphi-
ans went still further, and prohibited any lawyer from instituting an
action for moneys due to an inhabitant of England ; and no Ameri-
can was to make any payment for the benefit of a subject of that
kingdom, until the acts should be repealed. At Boston, although a
little later, similar associations were formed ; and the example of
these principal cities was imitated by nearly all the other cities and
commercial towns of English America.

PVom these measures, England experienced, in her manufactures,
an incalculable prejudice ; while Ireland, on the contrary, derived
an immense advantage from their effects ; for the Americans resort-
ed to the latter country, to obtain such articles of merchandise as
they considered indispensably necessary, and carried, in exchange,
immense quantities of the seed of flax and of hemp. But the colo-
nists were desirous also to withdraw themselves from this necessity.
A society of arts, manufactures and commerce, was formed at New
York, after the model of that in London. INIarkets were opened, m
different places, for the sale of articles manufactured in the country ;
to which were brought, in abundance, cloths and linens, stuffs of

BOOK II.

THE AMERICAN WAR 77

wool and of flax, works in iron, of a tolerable quality, though a lit-
tle rough, spirits, distilled from barley, paper stained for hangings,
and other articles of general utility. That the first materials of
fabrics in wool might sustain no diminution, it was resolved to ab-
stain from eating the flesh of lambs, and also from buying meat, of
any sort, of butchers who should kill or offer for sale any of those
animals.

Every citizen, even the most opulent, the most ostentatious, con-
forming to the general mode, preferred to wear clothing made in
the country, or their old clothes, to using English manufactures.
Thus a general opinion obtained, that America could suffice to her-
self, without need of recourse to the industry and productions of
Eno-land. And, as if these wounds, inflicted upon the commerce
of the mother country, were not sufficiently severe, it was proposed,
in Virginia and South Carolina, to suspend all exportation of tobac-
co to any pe.rt of Great Britain ; from which the latter must have
sustained a very serious detriment, not only by the diminution of
public revenue, consequent to that of the duties upon importation,
but by the diminution of commerce itself; for the English supplied
foreign markets with great quantities of these tobaccos.

On the first of November, the day prefixed by the law for the
emission of stamped paper, not a single sheet of it could have been
found in all the colonics of New England, of New York, of New
Jersey, of Pennsylvania, of Marykmd, and of the two Carolinas.
It had either been committed to the flames during the popular com-
motions, or sent back to England, or fallen into the hands of the
party in opposition, who guarded it carefully. Hence originated a
sudden suspension, or rather a total cessation, of all business that
could not be transacted without stamped paper. The printers of
newspapers only continued their occupation ; alledging for excuse,
that if they had done otherwise, the people would have given them
such admonitions as they little coveted. None would receive the
gazettes coming from Canada, as they were printed upon stamped
paper. The courts of justice were closed ; the ports were shut ;
even marriages were no longer celebrated ; and in a word, an ab-
solute stagnation in all the relations of social life was established.

The governors of the provinces, though bound by their oaths,
and the severest penalties, to cause the stamp act to be executed,
considering, on the one hand, the obstinacy of the Americans, and,
on the other, the impossibility of finding any stamped paper, in the
greater part of the towns, considering also the incalculable detri-
ment that must rr=;nlt, as well to the public as to individuals, from a
total stagnation of all civil transactions, resolved to grant letters of

78 THE AMERICAN WAR BOOK II.

dispensation to such as requested them, and particularly to ships
about to sail from the ports ; for the captains, without this precau-
tion, would have been liable to heavy penalties, in other ports of the
British dominions, for not having conformed to the stamp act. The
lieutenant-governor of South Carolina, the governor being absent,
alone obstinately persisted in exacting a strict execution of the law,
and never consented- to grant dispensations. Nor is it easy to con-
ceive how great was the damage sustained, in all civil transactions,
by the inhabitants of this opulent colony, in consequence of the
obstinacy shown by the two parties.

But the province of Massachusetts, the most populous of all, and
that in which the opposition to the designs of England was the most
determined and the most universal, took another resolution, of ex-
treme importance, which was soon adopted by all the others. The
leading patriots of Massachusetts reflected that popular commotions
are commonly of little duration ; and that governments, to preserve
their dignity, are more disposed to punish their authors, than to re-
move their causes ; and consequently, that both reasons of state,
and the wounded pride of those they had braved, would be united
against them. They reflected, also, that the regular correspondence
established between the Sons of Liberty in the different provinces,
although of great importance to diff'use and uphold a common
opinion, was still but a correspondence of private men, acting by no
public authority ; and that, although the assemblies of representa-
tives of each province, had opposed the late laws by suitable de-
liberations, yet these acts were but the remonstrances of particular
provinces, which did not represent the entire united body of the
English colonies. They resolved, therefore, to take measures pre-
liminary to the formation of a general congress, to which each of
the provinces should send its deputies, for the purpose of concluding
a general and public confederacy against the laws of which America
complained. They hoped that England would pay more regard to
the opposition and remonstrances of such a body than to those of
private individuals, or of the provincial assemblies, separated one
from another. Perhaj»s they also hoped, as they probably already
meditated the design of independence, that, by means of this con-
gress, the colonies would become accustomed to act in concert, and
consider themselves as a single and united nation. The first au-
thors of this deliberation were the Otises, father and son, and
James Warren, who took a more active part than others in affairs
of this nature.

The proposition having been submitted to the house of assembly,
it was immediately adopted by passing a resolution, that it was high-

BOOK li. THE AMERICAN WAR. 79

ly expedient to form a congress without delay, to be composed of
all the deputies that should be sent by the houses of representatives
or burgesses of the different colonies, to consult together respecting
the present occurrences, and to form and transmit to England the
remonstrances which might be deemed proper. It was decided, that
this congress should be convoked in the citv of New York, on the
first Tuesday of October.

This was the first general congress held in the colonies since the
commencement of the tumults ; it served as a model to the other,
which governed the affairs of America during the course of the war
which broke out some time after. The other colonies addressed
their acknowledgments to the province of Massachusetts, for its zeal
in the common cause ; and sent their deputies to the congress of
New York — a memorable example ! The same councils which
tended to establish a law by the divisions supposed to have resulted
from the conflict of interests, produced, on the contrary, an univer-
sal combination against this law ; and where it was expected to find
general obedience, an unanimous resistance was encountered — a
manifest proof, that where no powerful armies exist, to constrain the
opinion of the people, all attempts to oppose it are fraught with
danger. The rulers of free states ought to show themselves their
administrators, rather than masters ; they should be capable of guid-
ing, without frequent use of the curb, or of the spur.

On Monday, the 7th of October, 1765, the delegates of the
American provinces convened in the city of New York. The bal-
lot being taken, and the votes examined, Timothy Ruggles was elect-
ed president. The congress, after a long preamble, full of the ordi-
nary protestations of affection and loyalty towards the person of the
kino-, and the English government, inserted a series of fourteen arti-
cles, which were but a confirmation of the rights claimed by the
Americans, both as men and as subjects of the British crown, of
which we have already made frequent mention ; concluding with
complaints of the restraints and impediments to their commerce,
created by the late laws.

They afterwards drew up three petitions, or remonstrances, ad-
dressed to the king, to the lords in parliament, and to the house of
commons. They enlarged upon the merits of the Americans, in
having converted vast deserts, and uncultivated lands, into populous
cities and fertile fields ; inhospitable shores into safe and commodi-
ous ports ; tribes of ignorant and inhuman savages into civilized
and sociable nations, to whom they had communicated the knowl-
edge of things, divine and human ; and thus had greatly advanced
the glory, power, and prosperity of the British nation.

80 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK II.

' Wc liave always enjoyed,' they said, ' the privileges of Englisli
subjects : to these we are indebted for the happy hfe we have led
for so long a time. We cannot, we ought not, to renounce them ;
none has the right to tax us but ourselves. We have been aggrieved
and injured, beyond measure, by the late commercial restrictions ;
but especially by the new and extraordinary act for imposing stamp
duties. The peculiar circumstances of the colonies render it impos-
sible to pay these duties ; and, though it were possible, the payment
would soon drain them of all their specie. The execution of these
laws would, by reaction, becoma extremely detrimental to the com-
mercial interest of Great Britain. The colonics owe an immensely
heavy debt, as well to England for British manufiictures, as to their
own inhabitants, for advances made by them for the public service
in the late war. It is evident, the more the commerce of the colo-
nies is favored, the more also that of England is promoted and in-
creased. In such a country as America, where the lands are ex-
tremely divided, and transfers of property very frequent, where a
multiplicity of transactions take place every day, the stamp act is
not only vexatious, but altogether insupportable ; the house of com-
mons cannot, at so great a distance, be acquainted with our wants
or with our faculties ; every one knows the distinction between the
jurisdiction of parliament, in regulating the affairs of commerce in
all parts of the empire, and colonial taxation ; for the latter object..
the provincial assemblies have been expressly instituted in the colo-
nies, which would become altogether useless, if the parliament
should arrogate the right of imposing taxes ; the colonists have never
obstructed, but have always promoted, to the extent of their power,
the interests of the croAvn ; they bear a filial affection towards the
government and people of England ; they love their opinions, their
m-anners, their customs ; they cherish the ancient relations, which
unite them ; they hope, therefore, that their humble representations
will be heard ; that their deplorable situation will be taken into a
just consideration ; that the acts which have oppressed their com-
merce and their property, with such grievances, will be repealed, or
that the B'itish governm.ent will otherwise relieve the American peo-
ple, as in its wisdom and goodness shall seem meet.'

But, as if they feared being called to narticipate in the general
representation in parliament, by sending their delegates also, they
inserted in their petitions an assertion entirely new, which was, that,
considerinjr the remote situation, and other circumstances of the col-
onies, it would be impracticable that they should be otherwise repre-
sented, than by their provincial assemblies. Another of their com-
plaints was directed against "the clauses of the late laws, by whit h

BOOK II. THE AMERICAN WAR. 81

the penalties and forfeitures, that might be incurred by the violation
of the late regulations, and of the stamp act, were not to be decided,
as in England, by the ordinary tribunals, but, at the election of the
informer, by one of the courts of admiralty. Thus, they affirmed,
at the good pleasure of the first suborner, they were liable to be car-
ried, for trial, from one end of the continent to the other ; while, at
the same time, they would be deprived of the right, so dear to all,
of being tried by a jury ; their fortunes, their characters, would be
in the hands of a single judge.

The 24th of October, it was determined by congress, that the pe-
titions should be preferred in England, with the requisite sohcita-
tions, by special agents, to be appointed for this purpose by the
several provinces, and indemnified for all their expenses. The day
following, having accomplished the objects for which it was con-
vened, the congress dissolved itself.

The news of the disturbances excited in America, by the stamp
act, being arrived in England, the minds of all were deeply but dif-
ferently affected, according to their various opinions and interests.

The merchants, foreseeing that the sums they had lent the Ameri-
cans could not be reimbursed, censured and detested the extraordi-
nary law which had interrupted the ancient course of things. The
greater part of them did not blame, but even appeared to approve
the resolution taken by the Americans, to discontinue all remittances
to England, persuaded that the new duties had deprived them of
the means. The manufacturers, finding their orders diminished,
and their business rapidly declining, were reduced to the greatest
straits, and many to ruin. Some abandoned themselves to dejection
and despondency, others manifested a lofty indignation at the ex-
cesses committed by the Americans. Disputations and controversies
were without number. Pamphlets were daily published, written
upon different, and even opposite principles. In some, the Ameri-
cans vigere extravagantly extolled, and praised as the defenders of
liberty, the destroyers of tyranny, the protectors and supporters of
all that is dear to man upon earth ; in others, they were acrimoni-
ously accused of ingratitude, avarice, turbulence, suspicion, and
finally, of rebellion.

Those who in parliament, or elsewhere, had promoted the late
laws, were disposed to employ force, and constrain the obedience
of the Americans at all hazards ; and to inflict condign punishment
upon the authors of such enormities. Those, on the contrary, who
had opposed the act, declared for more lenient measures ; they af-
firmed, that all other means should be tried before resorting to force ;
tiiat an attempt should first be made to soothe the minds of the colo

VOL. 1. 6

,"S2 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK U.

inists, as it was never too late to employ coercion ; that the signal of
civil war once given, the first blood once shed, it was impossible to
foresee the consequences, or the termination of the contest.

It was believed, at the time, that lord Bute, who had the king's

< entire confidence, and, concealed behind the scenes, was the prompt-
er of all, had strongly advistd to trample down all obstacles, and to
use the promptest means to subdue all opposition. The gentlemen
of the royal household, who in their ambrosial life are ignorant of
human miseries, would have winged the dispatches to America with
fire and sword. The members of the episcopal clergy itself, for-
getting the clemency of their character, professed the same senti-
ments ; perhaps they already imagined that the Americans being
reduced to submission, and the petulance, as they said, of their spirits
brought under the curb, to prevent the return of similar disorders,
Ì1 would be determined to introduce in the colonies the English hi-
erarchy. It was also known that the king was inclined to enforce
the execution of the stamp act, but that if this could not be effected
without bloodshed, he wished its repeal.

Meanwhile, the ministry, who had been the authors ot the restraints
imposed on American commerce, and of the stamp act, had received
their dismission. In appearance, and perhaps in reality, this change
took place on account of the coldness with which they had proposed
and supported the regency bill, before the two houses of parliament ;
such at least was the general opinion ; but it is not improbable that
it was occasioned by the alarming commotions raised in England by
the silk-weavers, who complained of the declension of their manu-
facture ; the cause of which was imputed, by some, to the intro-
duction of an unusual quantity of foreign silks, and particularly those
of France, but the real or principal cause, was the diminution of
purchases for American account. Perhaps, also, the government
already suspected, or was apprised of the tumults in America. But
it was given out and circulated with much industry, that the change
of ministry ought to be attributed solely to the statute of regency.
The government thus sheltered itself from the blame incurred by the
new direction given to the affairs of America, and left the people at
liberty to throw it upon the late ministry. For it is a salutary prin-
ciple of the English constitution, that when, in consequence of a
false or unfortunate measure, the state is menaced with serious dan-
gers, (as this measure could not, however, be renounced without pre-
judice to the dignity of government,) some occasion of a nature quite
foreign, is eagerly sought as a pretext for dismissing the ministf^rs.
Then, without other accusation, the censure attaches to them ; the
affair is again brought under deliberation, and the plan of conduci

BOOK II. THE AEMRirAN WAR. 83

is entirely changed. Thus it is seen, that what, iu other govern-
ment?, where the sovereign is absolute, could only be obtained by
his abdication, or otherwise would expose the state to the most disas-
trous events, and perhaps total ruin, is easily obtained in England,
by a simple change of ministers. In this manner the wishes of the
nation are gratified without Tmpairing the dignity of the throne, or
the security of the state. But, as in all human things evil is always
mingled with good, this procedure has also its inconveniences, and
the new ministers are placed in a situation full of embarrassment ;
for to march in a direction altogether opposite to that of their pred-
ecessors, would be giving a complete triumph to the factious, to in
surgents, to enemies, domestic or foreign, and would tend to ani-
mate them with new audacity. On the other hand, to follow tame-
ly the same track, would be continuing in evil, and doing precisely
that which it is desired to avoid. It happens, therefore, too often,
that the new ministers are obliged to pursue a certain middle course,
which rarely leads to any desirable end ; a remarkable example of
which is exhibited in the history of the events we retrace.

The marquis of Rockingham, one of the wealthiest noblemen of
the kingdom, and much esteemed by all for the vigor of his genius,
and especially for the sincerity of his character, was appointed first
lord of the treasury, in the room of George Grenville ; the other de-
partments of the ministry passed from the friends of the latter to
the friends of the former. The greater part were, or at least pro-
fessed to be, friendly to the American cause. One of thejn, general
Conway, had been appointed secretary of state for the colonies ; and
no choice could have been more agreeable to the Americans. The
new ministers soon turned their attention to the state of the colo-
nies, which they resolved to meliorate, by procuring the abroga-
tion of the laws which had caused such bitter complaints, and par-
ticularly of the stamp act. But this they could not do at present,
without a great prejudice to the dignity of government ; it was also
necessary to wait for the regular meeting of parliament, which is
usually convened at the close of the year ; finally it was requisite to
take, at least in appearance, sufllicient time to acquaint themselves
thoroughly with the state of affairs in America, and to weigh them
with much deliberation, in order to lay them before parliament with
all due precision and illustrations. They endeavored in the mean
time to soothe the minds of the Americans, and bring them back to
reason, by pruning from the odious acts all the conditions that could
be removed by an extreme laxity of interpretation ; by speaking,
in their correspondence with the governors of the colonies, with
great indulgence of the American disturbances ; and by encoiirag-

84 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK II.

ing the colonists themselves to hope that their grievances would be
redressed.

The boa» i of treasury decided that all the produce of the Ameri-
can stamp duties should be paid, from time to time, to the deputy
paymaster in America, to defray the subsistence of the troops, and
any military expenses incurred in the colonies.

The members of the board of trade, havii-.g taken into considera-
tion the energetic resolutions of the assembly of Virginia, were ur-
gent in their representations to the king, that he should notice them,
ty a declaration of the royal disapprobation, and send instructions
tj the agents of the crown in Virginia, to enforce the strict execution
c>f the stamp act, and all other laws proceeding from the legitimate
authorit}' of parliament. But all this was but a vain demonstration,
for they well knew that their opinion would not be approved by the
king's privy council. In effect, the council decided that the present
matter could not be determined by the king in his privy council, but
was w*ithin the competency of parliament.

The resolutions of the other colonial assemblies having been de-
nounced to the king, the privy council made the same answer in
respect to them. Thus it was apparent, ihat a disposition existed
to discourage all deliberations directed against America.

The secretary of state. Conway, found himself in a very difTicuIt
situation. He could not but condemn the excesses to which the
Americans had abandoned themselves ; but, on the other hand, he
detested the thought of procuring, by force, the execution of a law
which had been the cause of such commotions, and was considered
by the new ministers, and by himself, perhaps, more than any other,
if not unjust, certainly, at least, unseasonable and prejudicial. He,
therefore, had recourse to temporizing and subterfuges ; and dis-
played in ail his conduct a surprising address.

In the letters addressed to the lieutenant-governor of Virginia, and
to the other colonial governors, he expressed a full persuasion of the
attachment of the mass of the Virginians to the mother country ;
that the violent proceedings of some among them, had in no degree
diminished the confidence his majesty had always placed in his good
colony of Virginia ; that neither the crown nor its servants had any
intention to violate the real rights and liberties of any part of his
majesty's dominions ; that, on the other hand, the government would
never endure that the dignity of parliament should be made a sac-
rifice to certain local and anticipated opinions. He therefore ex-
Jiorted the governors to maiutain, with all their power, but by all
prudent measures, the just rights of the British government, (without,
however, explaining what rights were intended.) He recommended

BOOK n. THE AMERICAN WAR. 8©

to them, especially, to preserve the peace and tranquillity of the
provinces committed to their care ; then, adverting to the violences
and outrages which had taken place in the colonies, he did not hesi-
tate to attribute them to the lowest of the population, always fond
of change ; he was confident, the better and wiser part of the citi-
zens had taken no part in them, who must know that submission
and decency are more efficacious than violence and outrage, to ob-
tain redress, indulgence and favor. ' If prudence and lenity should
prove insufficient to calm the fermentation, it w^ould be necessary
to provide for the maintenance of peace and good order, by such a
timely exertion of force as the occasion might require ; for which
purpose, they would make the proper applications to general Gage
or lord Colvil, commanders of his majesty's land and naval forces
in America.'

He praised, however, tlie patience and magnanimity of the gov-
ernor of New York, in having abstained from firing the artillery of
the fort on the infatuated populace, which so provokingly approached ;
and testified his joy, that amidst so many disorders no blood had
been spilt. He remarked that the distance of places prevented him
from giving them more precise instructions ; and, finally, tliat he
placed great reliance upon their wisdom, discretion and prudence.

These dispatches of the secretary of state sufficientìy evince
what was his mode of thinking, with respect to American affairs ;
for, although he recommends the employment of force, if requisite,
for the repression of tumults, he no where speaks of constraining
the Americans to submit to the stamp act.

In the midst of so many storms, the year 1765 approached its con-
clusion, when the parliament was convoked, on the 17th of Decem-
ber. Although the king, in his opening speech, had made mention
of American affairs, this subject, which held in suspense not only
Great Britain and her colonies, but even all Europe, was adjourned
till the meeting of parliament, after the Christmas holidays. Ac-
cordingly, on the 14th of January, 1766, the king adverted again to
the events which had occurred in America, as matters of extreme
importance, which would require the most serious attention of par-
liament during its present session. Things were on all sides brought
to maturity. The new ministers had laid before parliament all the
information relating to this subject ; and, having previously arranged
the system of measures they intended to pursue, they were fully pre-
Dared to answer the objections which they knew it must encounter
from the opposite party. Likewise, those who from personal inter-
est, or from conviction, voluntarily, or at the suggestion of others,
proposed to support the ministers in their debates, had made all th«

86 THE AMERICAN WAK.

BOOK II.

dispositions they believed conducive to the object in view. On the
other hand, the late ministers, and all their adherents, had strenu-
ously exerted themselves, in making preparations to defend a law
they had ushered into being, and the darling object of their solici-
tude ; fully apprised, apart from partiality for their own opinion,
what dishonor, or at least what diminution of credit, they must sus-
tain from its abrogation. But, whatever might iiave been the mo-
tives, deducible from reasons of state, for the maintenance of the
law, the prejudice which must result from it to the commerce of
Great Britain, was already but too evident.

Accordingly, as if the merchants of the kingdom had leagued for
the purpose, they presented themselves at the bar of parliament,
with petitions, tending to cause the repeal of the act. They
represented how much their commerce had been affected in
consequence of the new regulations and new laws concerning
America.

' At this moment,' they said, ' we see accumulated or perishing
in our warehouses, immense quantities of British manufactures,
which heretofore have found a ready market in America ; a very
great number of artisans, manufacturers, and seamen, are without
employment and destitute of support. England is deprived of rice,
indigo, tobacco, naval stores, oil, whale fins, furs, potash, and other
commodities of American growth, that were brought to our ports
in exchange for British manufactures. The merchants of Great
Britain are frustrated of the remittances, in bills of exchange and
bulUon, which the Americans have hitherto procured them ; and
which they obtained in payment for articles of their produce, not
required for the British market, and therefore exported to other
places ; already, many articles are wanting, heretofore procured by
the Americans with their own funds, and with English manufac-
tures, and which they brought eventually to the ports of England.
From the nature of this trade, consisting of British manufactures
exported, and of the import of raw materials from America, it must
be deemed of the highest importance to the British nation ; since,
among other advantages, it tended to lessen its dependence on for-
eign states ; but it is henceforth annihilated, without the immediate
interposition of parliament. The merchants of Great Britain are
in advance to the colonists for the sum of several millions sterling,
who are no longer able to make good their engagements as they
have heretofore done, so great is the damage they have sustained
from the regulations of commerce recently introduced ; and many
bankruptcies have actually occurred of late in the colonies — a thing
almost without example in times past.' The petitioners added, thai

BOOK n. THL AMERICAN WAR. 87

their situation was critical ; without the immediate succors of
parliament, they must be totally ruined ; that a multitude of manu-
facturers would likewise be reduced to the necessity of seeking sub-
sistence in foreign countries, to the great prejudice of their own.
They implored the parliament to preserve the strength of the nation
entire, the prosperity of its commerce, the abundance of its reve-
nues, the power of its navy, the immensity and wealth of its navi-
gation, (the sources of the true glory of England, and her strong-
est bulwark,) and finally to maintain the colonies, from inclination,
duty and interest, firmly attached to the mother country.

The agent of Jamaica also presented a petition, in which were
detailed the pernicious eflfects produced, in that island, by a stamp
law, which had originated in the assembly of its own representa-
tives. Other petitions were presented by the agents of Virginia
and Georgia. All these were got up at the suggestion of the min-
isters. The representations of the congress of New York were
not admitted, because this assembly was unconstitutionally formed.

Not trusting to these preparatives, the ministers, passionately
desirous of obtaining the revocation, resolved to employ the name
and authority of Benjamin Franklin, the man who enjoyed at that
time the greatest reputation. He was therefore interrogated, dur-
ing the debates, in the presence of the house of commons. The
celebrity of the person, the candor of his character, the recol-
lection of all the services he had rendered his country, and the
whole human race, by his physical discoveries, roused the attention
of every mind. The galleries were crowded with spectators, ea-
ger to hear so distinguished an individual speak upon a subject
of so much moment- He answered with gravity, and with extreme
presence of mind. ' The Americans,' he said, ' already pay taxes
on all estates, real and personal ; a poll tax ; a tax on all oflices,
profefsions, trades, and businesses, according to their profits ; an
excise on all wine, rum, and other spirits ; and a duty of ten pounds
per head on all negroes imported ; with some other duties. The
assessments upon real and personal estates amount to eighteen
pence in the pound ; and those upon the profits of employments to
half a crown. The colonies could not in any way pay the stamp
duty ; there is not gold and silver enough, in all the colonies, to
pay the stamp duty even for one year. The Germans who inhabit
Pennsylvania are more dissatisfied with this duty than the native
colonists themselves. The Americans, since the new laws, have
abated much of their aflfection for Great Britain, and of their re-
spect for parliament. There exists a great difference between in-
ternal and external duties ; duties laid on commodities imported

gS THE AMERICAN BOOK II.

have no other effect than to raise the price of these articles in the
American market ; they make, in fact, a part of this price ; but it
is optional with the people either to buy them or not, and conse-
quently to pay the duty or not. But an internal tax is forced
from the people without their own consent, if not laid by their own
representatives. The stamp act says, we shall have no commerce,
make no exchange of property with each other, neither purchase,
nor grant, nor recover debts, we shall neither marry, nor make our
wills, unless we pay such and such sums ; and thus it is intended
to extort our money from us, or ruin us by the consequences of re-
fusing to pay it. The American colonists could, in a short time,
find in their own manufactures the means of sufficing to themselves.
The repeal of the stamp act would restore tranquillity, and things
would resume their pristine course.'

Thus spoke Franklin ; and his words were a powerful support to
the ministers. But the advocates of the law were not inactive ; and
they marshaled all their strength to obstruct their repeal. The
disquisitions and debates had continued with equal warmth on both
sides, and the moment of decision approached ; when George Gren-
ville, the same who, being prime minister, had first proposed the
stamp act in parliament, a man whose influence was extensive, and
his adherents very numerous, arose in his place and spoke in the
following terms ; ' If I could persuade myself that the pride of
opinion, the spirit of party, or the affection which man usually bears
to things done by himself, had so fascinated my intellectual sight
and biased the faculties of my mind, as to deprive me of all power
to see and distinguish that which is manifest, I certainly, on this
occasion, should have intrenched myself in silence, and thus dis-
played, if not my zeal for the public service, at least my prudence
and discretion. But, as the affair now before us has been the sub-
ject of my most attentive consideration, and of my most deliberate
reflection, at the period when the general tranqiiJlHty was uninter-
rupted by scandalous excesses; and as from a contingency for
which I claim no merit, it appears that to my honor and reputation
the honor and dignity of this kingdom are attached, my prudence
might be reputed coldness, and my discretion a base desertion.

' But where is the public, where is the private man, whatever may
be his moderation, who is not roused at the present dangers which
so imminently threaten the safety of our country ? Who does not
put forth all his strength to avert them ? And who can help indulg-
mg the most sinister anticipation, in contemplating the new coun-
sels and fatal inactivity of the present servants of the crown ? A
solemn law has been enacted in parhament, already a year since It

BOOK II. THE AMERICAN WAR. 89

was, and still is, the duty of ministers to carry it into effect. The
constitution declares, that to suspend a law, or the execution of a
law, by royal authority, and without consent of parliament, is felo-
ny ; in defiance of which, this law has been suspended, — has been
openly resisted, — but did I say resisted ? Your delegates are insult-
ed, their houses are pillaged ; even their persons are not secure
from violence and, as if to provoke your patience, you are mocked
and braved under the mouths of your artillery. Your ears are as-
sailed from every quarter, with protestations that obedience cannot,
shall not, ought not, to be rendered to your decrees. Perhaps other
ministers, more old fashioned, would have thought it their duty, in
such a case, to lend the law the aid of force ; thus maintaining the
dignity of the crown, and the authcfrity of your deliberations. But
those young gentlemen who sit on the opposite benches, and no one
knows how, look upon these principles as the antiquated maxims of
our simple ancestors, and disdain to honor with their attention mere
acts of riot, sedition, and open resistance. With a patience truly
exemplary, they recommend to the governors lenity and moderation ;
they grant them permission to call in the aid of three or four soldiers
from general Gage, and as many cock-boats from lord Colvil ; they
commend them for not having employed, to carry the law into effect,
the means which had been placed in their hands.

<Be prepared to see that the seditious are in the right, and that
we only are in fault ; such, assuredly, is the opinion of the minis-
ters. And who could doubt it ? They have declared it themselves,
they incessantly repeat it in your presence. It is but too apparent
that, much against their will, they have at length laid before you the
disorders and audacious enormities of the Americans ; for they be-
gan in July, and now we are in the middle of January ; lately, they
were only occurrences — they are now grown to disturbances, tumults
and riots. I doubt they border on open rebellion ; and if the doc-
trine I have heard this day be confirmed, I fear they will lose that
name, to take that of revolution. May Heaven bless the admirable
resignation of our ministers ; but I much fear we shall gather no
fruits from it of an agreeable relish. Occasion is fleeting, the dan-
ger is urgent ; and this undisciplinable people, the amiable object of
their fond soUcitude, of their tender care, are forming leagues, are
weaving conspiracies, are preparing to resist the orders of the kmg
and of the parliament. Continue then, ye men of long suffering, to
march in the way you have chosen ; even repeal the law ; and see
how many agents you will find zealous in the discharge of their du-
ty, in executing the laws of the kingdom, in augmenting the reve
nues and diminishing the burthens of your people ; see, also, how

90 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK H.

many ministers you will find, who, for the public service, will op-
pose a noble and invincible firmness against the cabals of malignity,
against the powerful combination of all private interests, against
the clamors of the multitude, and the perversity of faction. In a
word, if you would shiver all the springs of government, repeal
the law.

' I hear it asserted, from every quarter, by these defenders of the
colonists, that they cannot be taxed by authority of parliament, be-
cause they are not there represented. But if so, why, and by what
authority, do you legislate for them at all ? If they are represent-
ed, they ought to obey all laws of parliament whatsoever, whether
of the nature of taxes, or any other whatever. If they are not,
they ought neither to submit to tax laws nor to any other. And if
you believe the colonists ought not to be taxed by authority of par-
liament, from defect of representation, how will you maintain that
nine tenths of the inhabitants of this kingdom, no better represent-
ed than tlie colonists, ought to submit to your taxation ? The Ameri-
cans have taken a hostile attitude towards the mother country ; and
you would not only forgive their errors, dissemble their outrages,
remit the punishment due, but surrender at discretion, and acknowl-
edge their victory complete ! Is this preventing popular commo-
tions ? Is this repressing tumults and rebellion ? Is it not rather to
foment them, to encourage them to supply fresh fuel to the confla-
gration ? Let aiiy man, not blhided by the spirit of party, judge and
pronounce. I would freely listen to the counsels of clemency, I
would even consent to the abrogation of the law, if the Americans
had requested it in a decent mode ; but their modes are outrages,
derision, and the ways of force ; pillage, plunder, arms and open re-
sistance to the will of government. It is a thing truly inadmissible,
and altogether new, that, at any moment, whenever the fancy may
take them, or the name of a law shall happen to displease them,
these men should at once set about starving our manufacturers, and
refuse to pay what they owe to the subjects of Great Britain. The
officers of the crown, in America, have repeatedly solicited, and
earnestly entreated, the ministers, to furnish them with proper means
to carry the law into effect ; but the latter have disregarded their
instances ; and, by this negligence, the American tumults have taken
the alarming character we see. And shall we now suffer the minis-
ters to come and alledge the effects of their own neglect, to induce
us to sacrifice the best interests of this kingdom, the majesty, the
power, and even the reputation of the government, to an evil, over-
grown indeed, but not past cure, the moment a suitable resolution is
demonstrated to bring this infatuated multitude to a sense of duly ?

BOOK II. THE AMERICAN WAR. 91

But, again, if the colonists are exempted, by their constitutions, from
parUaiTien*ary taxes, as levies of seamen have been either prohibited
or restricted in America, by different acts of parliament, it follows,
of necessity, that they are not bound either to furnish men for the
defense of the common country, or money to pay them ; and that
England alone must support the burthen of the maintenance and
protection of these her ungrateful children. If such a partiality
should be established, it must be at the hazard of depopulating this
kingdom, and of dissolving that original compact upon which all
human societies repose.

' But I hear these subtle doctors attempting to inculcate a fantas-
tical distinction between external and internal taxes, as if they were
not the same as to the effect — that of taking money from the subjects
for the pubhc service. Wherefore, then, these new counsels? When
I proposed to tax America, I asked the house if any gentleman would
object to the right ? I repeatedly asked it ; and no man would at-
tempt to deny it. And tell me when the Americans were emanci-
pated. When they want the protection of this kingdom, they are
always very ready to ask it. This protection has always been afford-
ed them in the most full and ample manner ; and now they refuse
to contribute their mite towards tlie public expenses. For, let not
gentlemen deceive themselves, with regard to the rigor of the tax ;
it would not suffice even for the necessary expenses of the troops
stationed in America ; but a peppercorn, in acknowledgment of the
right, is of more value than millions without. Yet, notwithstanding
the slightness of the tax, and the urgency of our situation, the Ameri-
cans grow sullen, and instead of concurring in expenses arising from
themselves, they renounce your authority, insult your officers, and
break out, I might almost say, into open rebellion.

' There has been a time when they would not have proceeded
thus ; but they are now supported by ministers more American than
English. Already, by the artifice of these young gentlemen, in-
flammatory petitions are handed about against us, and in their favor.
Even within this house, even in this sanctuary of the laws, sedition
has found its defenders. Resistance to the laws is applauded, obsti-
nacy encouraged, disobedience extolled, rebellion pronounced a vir-
tue ! Oh more than juvenile imprudence ! Oh -blind ambition of the
human mind ! But you give a fatal example ; you will soon have
ample cause to repent your own work.

•' And thou, ungrateful people of America, is this the return for
the cares and fondness of thy ancient mother ? When I had the
honor of serving the crown, while you yourselves were loaded with
an enormous debt, you have given bounties on their lumber, on their

92 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK n.

iron, their hemp, and many other articles. You have relaxed, in
their favor, the act of navigation, that palladium of the British
commerce ; and yet I have been abused, in all the public papers, as
an enemy to the trade of America. I have been charged with
giving orders and instructions to prevent the Spanish trade. I dis-
couraged no trade but what was illicit, what was prohibited by act
of parliament.

' But it is meant first to cahimniate the man, and then destroy his
work. Of myself, I will speak no more ; and the substance of my
decided opinion, upon the subject of our debates, is briefly this ; let
the stan^.p act be maintained ; and let the governors of the American
provinces be provided with suitable means to repress disorders, and
carry the law into complete effect.'

William Pitt, venerable for his age, and still more for the services
he had rendered his country, rose to answer this discourse ; ' I know
not whether I ought most to rejoice, that the infirmities which have
been wasting, for so long a time, a body already bowed by the weight
of years, of late suspending their ordinary violence, should have al-
lowed me, this day, to behold these walls, and to discuss, in the pres-
ence of this august assembly, a subject of such high importance,
and which so nearly concerns the safety of our country ; or to grieve
at the rigor of destiny, in contemplating this country, which, within
a few years, had arrived at such a pinnacle of splendor and majesty,
and become formidable to the universe from the immensity of its
power, now wasted by an intestine evil, a prey to civil discords, and
madly hastening to the brink of the abyss, into which the united
force of the most powerful nations of Europe struggled in vain to
plunge it. Would to Heaven that my health had permitted my at-
tendance here, when it was first proposed to tax America ! If my
feeble voice should not have been able to avert the torrent of ca-
lamities which has fallen upon us, and the tempest which threatens
us, at least my testimony would have attested that I had no part
in them.

' It is now an act that has passed ; I would speak with decency of
every act of this house, but I must beg the indulgence of the house
to speak of it with freedom. Assuredly, a more important subject
never engaged your attention, that subject only excepted, when,
near a century ago, it was the question whether you yourselves were
to be bound or free. Those who have spoken before me, with so
much vehemence, would maintain the act because our honor de-
mands it. If gentlemen consider the subject in that light, they leave
all measures of right and wrong to follow a delusion that may lead
U> destruction. But can the point of honor stand opposed against

BOOK n. THE AMERICAN WAR. 93

justice, against reason, against right ? Wherein can honor better
consist than in doing reasonable things ? It is my opinion that Eng
land has no right to tax the colonies. At the same time, I assert
the authority of this kingdom over the colonies to be sovereign and
supreme, in every circumstance of government and legislation what-
soever. The colonists are the subjects of this kingdom, equally en-
tided with yourselves to all the natural rights of mankind, and the
peculiar privileges of Englishmen ; equally bound by its laws, and
equally participating of the constitution of this free country. The
Americans are the sons, not the bastards, of England. Taxation is
no part of the governing or legislative power. The taxes are a vol-
untary gift and grant of the commons alone. In legislation, the
three estates of the realm are alike concerned ; but the concurrence
of the peers and the crown to a tax, is only necessary to close with
the form of a law. The gift and grant is of the commons alone ;
now this house represents the commons, as they virtually represent
the rest of the inhabitants ; when, therefore, in this house, we give
and grant, we give and grant what is our own. But in an American
tax, what do we do ? We, your majesty's commons of Great Brit-
ain, give and grant to your majesty, what? Our own property?
No. We give and grant to your majesty the property of your com-
mons of America. It is an absurdity in terms. It was just now
affirmed, that no difference exists between internal and external
taxes, and that taxation is an essential part of legislation. Are not
the crown and the peers equally legislative powers with the com-
mons ? If taxation be a part of simple legislation, the crown, the
peers, have rights in taxation as well as yourselves ; rights which they
will claim, which they will exercise, whenever the principle can be
supported by power.

' There is an idea in some, that the Americans are virtually rep-
resented in this house ; but I would fain know by what province,
county, city, or borough, they are repiesented here ? No doubt by
some province, county, city, or borough, never seen or known by
them or their ancestors, and which they never will see or know.

' The commons of America, represented in their several assem-
blies, have ever been in possession of the exercise of this, their con-
stitutional right, of giving and granting their own money. They
would have been slaves if they had not enjoyed it.

« I come not here armed at all points, with law cases, and acts of
parliament, with the statute book doubled down in dog's ears, as my
valiant adversary has done. But I knovv, at least, if we are to take
example from ancient facts, that, even under the most arbitrary reigns,
parliaments were ashamed of taxmg a people without their consent,

94 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK II

and allowed them representatives ; and in our own times, even those
who send no members to parliament, are all at least inhabitants ot
Great Britain. Many have it in their option to be actually represent-
ed. They have connections with those that elect, and they have in-
fluence over them. Would to Heaven that all were bettor represent-
ed than they are ! It is the vice of our constitution ; perhaps the
day will arrive, and I rejoice in the hope, when the mode of repre-
sentation, this essential part of our civil organization, and principal
safeguard of our liberty, will be carried to that perfection, which
every good Englishman must desire.

' It has been asked. When were the Americans emancipated ? But
I desire to know when they were made slaves.

It is said, that in this house the signal of resistance has been
given, that the standard of rebellion has been erected ; and thus it
is attempted to stigmatize the fairest prerogative of British senators,
that of speaking what they think, and freely discussing the interests
of their country. They have spoken their sentiments with freedom,
against this unhappy act ; they have foreseen, they have predicted
the perils that impend ; and this frankness is imputed as a crime.
Sorry I am to observe, that we can no longer express our opinions
in this house, without being exposed to censure ; we must prepare
for a disastrous futurity, if we do not oppose, courageously, with
our tongues, our hearts, our hands, the tyranny with which we are
menaced. I hear it said that — America is obstinate, America is almost
in open rebellion. I rejoice that America has resisted. Three mil-
lions of people, so dead to all the feelings of liberty, as voluntarily
to submit to be slaves, would have been fit instruments to make
slaves of ourselves. The honorable member has said also, for he is
fluent in words of bitterness, that America is ungrateful ; he boasts
of his bounties towards her ; but are not these bounties intended,
finally, for the benefit of this kingdom ? And how is it true that
America is ungrateful ? Does she not voluntarily hold a good cor-
respondence with us? The profits to Great Britain, from her com-
merce with the colonies, are two millions a year. This is the fund
that carried you triumphantly through the last war. The estates
that were rented at two thousand pounds a year, seventy years ago,
are at three thousand pound?-- at present. You owe this to America.
This is tlie price she pays for your protection. I omit the increase
of population in the colonics ; the migration of new inhabitants
from every part of Europe ; and tlie ulterior progress of American
commerce, should it be regulated by judicious laws. And shall we
hear a miserable financier come with a boast that he can fetch a pep-
percorn into the exchequer, to the loss of millions to the nation ?

BUOK II. THE AMERICAN WAR. 95

The gentleman complains that lie has been misrepresented in the
public prints. I can only say, it is a misfortune common to all that
fill high stations, and take a leading part in public affairs. He says,
also, that when he first asserted the right of parliament to tax Amer-
ica, he was not contradicted. I know not how it is, but there is a
modesty in this house, which does not choose to contradict a minis-
ter. If gentlemen do not get the better of this modesty, perhaps
the collective body may begin to abate of its respect for the repre-
sentative. A great deal has been said Avithout doors, and more than
is discreet, of the povyer, of the strength, of America. But, in a
good cause, on a sound bottom, the force of this country can crush
America to atoms ; but on the ground of this tax, when it is wished
to prosecute an evident injustice, I am one who will lift my hands
and voice against it.

' In such a cause, your success would be deplorable, and victory
hazardous. America, if she fell, would fall like the strong man.
She would embrace the pillars of the state, and pull down the con-
stitution along with her. Is this your boasted peace? — not to
sheath the sword in its scabbard, but to sheath it in the bowels of
your countrymen ? Will you quarrel with yourselves, now the
whole house of Bourbon is united against you ? — while France dis-
turbs your fisheries in Newfoundland, embarrasses your slave trade
with Africa, and withholds from your subjects in Canada their prop-
erty stipulated by treaty ? — while the ransom for the Manillas is de-
nied by Spain, and its gallant conqueror traduced into a mean plun-
derer ? The Americans have not acted in all things with prudence
and temper. They have been wronged. They have been driven to
madness by injustice. Will you punish them for the madness you
have occasioned ? Rather let prudence and benignity come first
from the strongest side. Excuse their errors ; learn to honor their
virtues. Upon the whole, I will beg leave to tell the house what is
really my opinion. I consider it most consistent with our dignity,
most useful to our liberty, and in every respect the safest for this
kingdom, that the stamp act be repealed, absolutely, totally, and im-
mediately. At the same time, let the sovereign authority of this
country over the colonies be asserted in as strong terms as can be
devised, and be made to extend to every point of legislation what-
soever ; that we may bind their trade, confine their manufactures,
and exercise every power whatsoever, except that of taking their
money out of their pockets without their consent.'

These words, pronounced in a firm and solemn tone, by a man
of so great authority, acted with extreme force upon the minds of
the hearers.

96 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK II.

They still retained, however, a deep resentment, on account of the
excesses committed by the Americans ; and perhaps the repeal of
the act would not have taken place, if, at the same time, the minis-
ters had not accompanied it with tiie declaration of wiiich we shall
speak presently. Some also are of tlie opinion, that the affair was
much facilitated by the promise of an early repeal of the cider tax,
which was, in effect, afterwards debated, and pronounced in the
month of April. The members from the counties where cider is
made, all voted for the repeal of the stamp act. However the truth
of this may be, the question being put, on the 22d of February,
whether the act for the repeal of the stamp act should pass ? it was
carried in the affirmative ; not, however, without a great number of
contrary votes ; two hundred and sixty-live voting in favor, and one
hundred and sixty-seven against. It was approved in the house of
peers; one hundred and fifty-five votes were in favor, sixty-one
were contrary. At the same time was passed the declaratory act,
purporting that the legislature of Great Britain has authority to make
laws and statutes to bind the colonies in all cases whatsoever. On
the 19th of March, the king, having repaired to the house of peers,
gave his assent to the act of repeal, and that of the dependence of
the colonies towards Great Britain. The American merchants at
that time in London, went, in a body, to testify their joy and grati-
tude upon this occasion. The ships which lay at anchor in thè
Thames, displayed their colors in token of felicitation. The houses
were illuminated in all parts of the city ; salutes were heard, and
bonfires were kindled, in all quarters. In a word, none of the pnb-
hc demonstrations, usual on similar occurrences, were omitted, to
celebrate the goodness of the king, and the wisdom of parliament.

Couriers were immediately dispatched to Falmouth, to spread
throughout the kingdom, and transmit to America, the tidings of a
law, which, to appearance, must, on the one hand, by appeasing
irritation, put a stop to all further tumults ; and, on the other, dis-
sipate the alarms produced by the losses the manufacturers had
sustained.

END OF BOOK SECOND*

BOOK IH. THE AMERICAN WAR 9-7

BOOK THIRD.

The Americans, generally, either weary of the present disorders,
annoyed by the interruption of commerce, or terrified at the aspect
of the future, which seemed to threaten the last extremities, receiv-
ed with great exultation the news of the revocation of the stamp act.

With infinite delight, they found themselves released from the
necessity either of proceeding to the last resort, and to civil blood-
shed, a thing horrible in itself, and accompanied with innumerable
dangers, or of submitting their necks to a yoke equally detested,
and which had become the more odious from the efforts they had al-
ready made in resistance. It is easy to imagine, therefore, how great
were, in every place, the demonstrations of public joy. Even the
assembly of Massachusetts, either from a sentiment of gratitude, or
to confirm itself in opposition, for among its members were many of
the most distinguished citizens of the province, all firmly resolved tO'
maintain the dependence of America towards Great Britain, unani-
mously voted thanks to be addressed to the duke of Grafton, to<
William Pitt, and to all those members of the house of peers, or of
commons, who had defended the rights of the colonies, and procured
the abrogation of the odious law. In like manner, the assembly
of burgesses of Virginia resolved that a statue should be erected to
the king, in acknowledgment and commemoration of the repeal of
the stamp act ; and an obelisk, in honor of those illustrious men who
had so efficaciously espoused their cause. William Pitt, especially,
had become the object of public veneration and boundless praises,
for having SEiid the Americans had done well in resisting ; little heed-
ing that he had recommended, in terms so strong and remarkable^
the confirmation of the authority of parliament over the colonies,
in all points of legislation and external taxation. But they saw the
consequences of these measures only in the distance ; and considered
the assertion of certain rights of parliament merely as speculative
principles thrown out to spare its dignity, to soothe British pride,
and facilitate the digestion of so bitter a morsel. Besides, to justify
past events, and perhaps also to authorize their future designs, the
colonists were glad to have the shield of so great a name. They
received with the same alacrity the declaratory act, which the secre-
tary of state transmitted to America at the same time with that for
the repeal of the stamp act.

Notwithstanding this expression of universal exultation, the pub-
lic mind was not entirely appeased. Secret grudges, and profound

TOL. I 7

98 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK III.

resentments, still rankled under these brilliant appearances. The
restraints recently laid upon commerce, had caused a disgust no
less extreme than the stamp act itself, particularly in the northern
provinces ; and the success of the first resistance encouraged ulte-
rior hopes.

During the late disturbances, men had become extremely conver-
sant with political disquisitions ; every charter, every right, had been
the subject of the strictest investigation ; and the Americans rarely,
if ever, pronounced against themselves. From these discussions
and debates, new opinions had resulted upon a great number of
points, and some of them strangely exaggerated, respecting the
rights of the Americans, and the nature of their relations with Great
Britain. The irritation and inflexibility of their minds had in-
creased in the same proportion. In this state of excitement, the
shadow of an encroachment upon their political or civil liberty,
would have caused a sudden insurrection ; and tlie attentive ob-
server might easily have perceived, that the reconciliation between
the colonies and the mother country was more apparent than real ;
and that the first occasion would be seized, to break out afresh in
discord and revolt.

The occasion of new dissensions, and the elements of a new com-
bustion, originated in the provinces of Massachusetts and of New
York. The assembly of the former bore ill will to the governor.
Sir Francis Bernard, for being, as they behoved, a foe to the cause
of America ; and having chosen for their speaker James Otis, one of
the warmest advocates of liberty existing in America at that period,
the governor refused to confirm the choice ; at which the represen-
tatives were highly exasperated. Otis, meanwhile, to retaliate, suc-
ceeded in causing to be excluded from the assembly the officers of
the crown, and the members of the superior court of judicature,
who were Hutchinson and Oliver. The governor, much incensed,
pronounced, on his part, the exclusion of six of the proposed can-
didates for the speaker's chair. Thus the spirit of division was re-
ciprocally fomented. But the patriots went further still ; and pro-
cured a resolution of the assembly, that their debates should be pub-
lic, and that galleries should be constructed, for the accommodation
of such as might wish to attend them ; this was promptly executed.
The intervention of the public at their deliberations encouraged the
partisans of liberty, and disheartened the friends of powei ; the for-
mer were sure of increasing their popularity, by warmly advocating
the privileges of the colonies ; the latter, of incurring greater aver-
sion, and more universal hatred, in proportion tr their zeal in sup-
porting the cause of the government. Hence, numbers were de'er-

BOOK m. THE AMERICAN WAR. 99

red from taking part in the debates. The first had, besides, a pow-
erful advantage over them ; for it sufficed to render their adversa-
ries odious to the people, to reproach them, true or false, with hav-
ing favored the stamp act. The secretary of state, along with the
aot repealing the stamp act, had also sent the governors of the prov-
inces a resolution of the house of commons, purporting, ' That all
persons, who, on account of the desire which they had manifested
to comply with, or to assist in carrying into execution, any acts of
parliament, had suffered any injury or damage, ought to have full
compensation made to them, by the respective colonies in Aviiich
such injuries or damages were sustained.' The secretary had also
recommended to the governors, to be particularly attentive that such
persons should be effectually secured from any further insult or dis-
gust ; and that they might be treated with that respect and justice
which their merits towards the crown, and their past sufTerings, un-
doubtedly claimed.

It was principally in the province of Massachusetts, that these dis-
orders had taken place ; and the governor, Bernard, lost no time in
conmiunicating to the assembly the resolution of the house of com-
mons ; but this he did in such intemperate language as gave great
offense to the representatives, and greatly imbittered, on both sides,
the misunderstanding already existing between them. Much alter-
cation ensued; in which the assembly armed itself sometimes with
one excuse, and sometimes with another, for not granting the indem-
nifications required ; till at length, resuming the further considera-
tion of the subject, and reflecting, on the one hand, that in any
event the parliament would have the power to raise the sum neces-
sary for the compensations, by imposing some new duty on the mari-
time ports, and on the other, that this new resistance might render
them odious in the eyes of prudent men, as the refractory spirit of
Massachusetts had already been greatly censured, they resolved, that
the indemnifications should be made, at the expense of the province ;
and accordingly passed an act for granting compensation to the suf-
ferers, and general pardon, amnesty and oblivion, to the offenders ;
to which the king afterwards refused his sanction ; denying the au-
thority of the colonial assemblies to grant acts of general pardon.
Meanwhile, the indemnifications were made ; and the offenders were
not prosecuted. The assembly of New Y'ork appeared to receive
the act of compensation more favorably ; and the greater part of the
.sufferers were indemnified. Golden, the lieutenant-governor, was
alone refused compensation ; the assembly alledging, that if the peo-
ple had risen against him, he had brought it upon liimself by his
misconduct.

48771^0

100 THE AMERICAN WAR. HOOK m.

But, in the same province, another dispute soon arose, which
manifested how imperfectly the seeds of discord were extinguished.
General Gage was expected at New York with a considerable body
of troops ; in consequence of which, the governor addressed a mes-
sage to the assembly, requesting it to put in execution the act of
parliament called the mutiny act, which requires, that in the colo-
nics where the royal troops are stationed, they shall be provided
with barracks and other necessary articles. The assembly complied
only in part with this requisition, and with evident repugnance.
They passed a bill for providing barracks, fire-wood, candles, bed-
ding, and utensils for the kitchen, as demanded ; but ♦hey refused to
grant salt, vinegar, and cider or beer ; saying, it was not customary
to furnish these articles to soldiers when in quarters, but only when
they are on the march.

The governor thought it prudent to acquiesce in this decision.
And here is presented a striking example of the mildness of the
British ministers at this epoch ; for, instead of resenting and chas-
tising, as some advised, this new disobedience, they contented them-
selves with procuring a law to be passed, by which it was enacted
that the legislative power of the general assembly of New York
should be totally suspended, until it fully complied with all the terms
of the requisition. The assembly afterwards obeyed ; and things
were restored to their accustomed order.

The same disputes were renewed in Massachusetts. Towards
the close of the year, some companies of artillery were driven, by
stress of weather, into the port of Boston. The governor was re-
quested to lodge them, and procure them the necessary supplies ;
the council gave their consent ; and the money was drawn from the
treasury, by the governor's order. Meanwhile, the assembly met ;
and, desirous of engaging in controversy, sent a message to the
governor, to inquire if any provision had been made for his majes-
ty's troops, and whether more were expected to arrive, to be quar-
tered also in the town ? The governor replied by sending them the
minutes of the council, with an account of the expenses incurred ;
and added, that no other troops were expected. They had now
ample matter for discussions. They exclaimed, that the governor,
in giving orders for these supplies, upon the mere advice of his coun-
cil, had acted, in an essential point, contrary to the statutes of the
province. They added, however, some protestations of their readi-
ness to obey the orders of the king, when requested according to
established usages.

This obstinacy of two principal provinces of America, this dispo-
sition to seek new causes of contention, sensibly afflicted those per-

BOOK III. THE AMERICAN WAR. 101

sons in England who had shown themselves favorable to American
privileges ; and furnished a pretext for the bitter sarcasms of their
adversaries, who repeated, every where, that such were the fruits of
ministerial condescension, — such was the loyalty, such the gratitude
of the colonists towards the mother country !

' Behold their attachment for public tranquiUity ! Behold the re-
spect and deference they bear towards the British government ! They
have now thrown off the mask ; they now rush, without restraint,
towards their favorite object of separation and independence. It is
quite time to impose a curb on these audacious spirits ; they must be
taught the danger of contending with their powerful progenitors, of
resisting the will of Great Britain. Since they are thus insensible to
the indulgence and bounty she has shown them in the repeal of tjie
stamp duty, they must be made to pay another ; both to maintain
the right, and compel them to contribute directly to the common de-
fense of the kingdom.'

These suggestions were greatly countenanced by the landholders
of the British islands ; who persuaded themselves, that the more
could be raised by a tax laid upon the colonies, the more their own
burthens would be lessened. These opinions were also flattering to
British pride, which had been hurt to the quick by the revocation of
the stamp act, and still more profoundly stung by the repugnance
of the Americans to any submission. The king himself, who, with
extreme reluctance, had consented to the repeal of the act, mani-
fested a violent indignation ; and lord Bute, always his most inti-
mate counsellor, and generally considered as the author of rigorous
counsels, appeared anew much disposed to lay a heavy hand upon
the Americans. Hence, about the last of July, an unexpected change
of ministry was effected. The duke of Grafton was appointed first
secretary of the treasury, in the place of the marquis of Rocking-
ham ; the earl of Shelburne, secretary of state, instead of the duke
oi Richmond ; Charles Townsend, a man of versatile character, but
of brilliant genius, chancellor of the exchequer, in the room of Wil-
liam Dowdeswell ; and finally, William Pitt, who had recently been
created viscount Pincent, and earl of Chatham, was promoted (1767)
to the charge of keeper of the seals. The new ministers, with the
exception, however, of the earl of Chatham, who was prevented by
his infirmities from taking part in the councils, resolved to impose
certain duties on tea, glass, and paints, upon their introduction into
the colonies of America. The bill was drawn up to be submitted
to parliament. No sooner was it convetied, than Charles Townsend
began, vauntingiy, to vociferate in the house of commons, that he
knew a mode of drawing a revenue from the colonies, without ^-'^

102 TflE A.MEUICAN UAR. BOOK III.

kting their rights or opinions. Grenville caught at the words, and
urged the minister to deciarc what it was, and to promise, that he
would bring it before parliament without delay. A short time after,
in effect, the chancellor of the exchequer moved in the house of
commons, to impose duties on tea, glass and colors, imported from
England into the American colonies ; he proposed, also, to suppress
the duties on teas that should be shipped from England, intended
for America ; and impose a duty of three pence per pound, upon
their introduction into the American ports. These two bills were
passed without much opposition, and approved by the king.

In the preamble it was declared that the produce of the duties
should be applied to defray the expenses of the government and
administration of the colonies. In one article it was provided, that
in each province of North America should be formed a general
civil list, without any fixed limit ; that is, that from the produce of
the new duties, a public fund should be composed, of which the
government might dispose immediately, even to the last shilling, for
the salaries and pensions to be paid in America. The ministers
were authorized to draw this money from the treasury, and employ
it at their discretion ; the surplus was to remain in the treasury, sub-
ject to the disposal of parliament. It was also 'enacted, that the
government might, from the same funds, grant stipends and salaries
to the governors and to the judges, in the colonies, and determine
the amount of the same. These last measures were of much
greater importance than the taxes themselves, since they were en-
tirely subversive of the British constitution.

In effect, since the time of Charles II., the ministers had many
times attempted, but always without success, to establish a civil list,
or royal chamber, in America, independent of the colonial assem-
blies ; and yet Charles Townsend, with his shrewd and subtle ge-
nius, thus obtained, as it were, while sporting, this difficult point ;
and obtained it, while the remembrance of American opposition, in
a matter of much less importance, was still recent ; while the traces
of so great a conflagration were still smoking ! These new meas-
ures produced another change of great importance ; the governors
and the judges, being able to obtain, through the ministers, their re-
spective emoluments, from funds raised by an act of parliament,
without the intervention, and perhaps against the will of the colo-
nial assemblies, became entirely independent of the American na-
tion, and of its assemblies ; and founded all their future hopes.
on the favor of the general government alone, that is, of the British
ministers. The act imposing the new duties was to take effect on
the 20th of No\ ember; but as if it was apprehended in England

BOOK III. THE AMERICAN WAR. 103

that the new tax would be too well received by the colonists • and
purposely to irritate their minds, by placing before their eyes the im-
pressive picture of the tax gatherers to be employed in the collec-
tion of these duties, another act was passed, creating a permanent
administration of the customs in America. And, to crown such a
measure, the city of Boston was selected for the seat of this new es-
tablishment ; for such a purpose, less proper than any other ; for no
where were the inhabitants more restless or jealous of their privi-
leges ; which they interpreted with a subtilty peculiar to themselves.

They were, besides, not accustomed to see among them an order
of financiers, lavishing in the refinements of luxury, the large emol-
uments to be defrayed with the money of the colonies, while they
were themselves constrained to observe the limits of an extremely
narrow mediocrity. From these causes combined, it resulted that
many commotions were excited anew among the Americans. The
recent disturbances had given them a more decided inchnation
towards resistance ; and their political researches had increased the
pretensions of rights, and the desire of a liberty more ample. As
this was an external tax, if more tranquil times had been chosen for
its introduction, and without the combination of so many circum-
stances, which wounded them in their dearest interests, the people,
perhaps, would have submitted to it. But in such a state of tilings,
what could have been expected from a tax, the produce of which
was destined to form a branch of the public revenue, and which ex-
ceeded the limits of a commercial regulation, a thing which had
already furnished the subject of so much controversy ? It was too
manifest that the British government had resolved to renew its an-
cient pretensions, so long and firmly disputed, of establishing a
public revenue in the colonies, by the authority of parliament.

Resistance, therefore, was every where promptly resolved ; and as
the passions, after being compressed for a time, when rekindled in
the human breast, no longer respect their ancient limits, but com-
monly overleap them with impetuosity ; so the political writers of
Boston began to fill the columns of the public papers with new
and bold opinions respecting the authority of parliament. Already
intimations were thrown out, allusive to independence ; and it was
asserted, that freemen ought not to be taxed, any more than gov-
erned, without their consent, given by an actual or virtual repre-
sentation.

The legislative power of the parliament over the colonies was not
made the subject of doubt, but denied. Adopting the opinion of
those who in the two houses had opposed the repeal of the stamp
act, the patriots affirmed that all distinction between internal and

l04 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK III

external taxes was chimerical, and that parliament had no right to
impose the one or the other ; that it had no power to make laws to
bind the colonies ; and, finally, they went so far as to maintain, that
not being represented in parliament, they were exempted from every
sort of dependence towards it.

The rights which the colonists pretended to enjoy, were explained
with great perspicuity, and a certain elegance of style, in a pamphlet
entitled, Letters from a Pennsylvania Farmer, to the Inhabitants of
the English Colonies. They were received with great and universal
favor ; the author was John Dickenson.

The excitement soon became general. New associations were
formed against the introdartion of British manufactures, and in fa-
vor of those made at home. A paper to this effect was circulated
in Boston, for such to subscribe as were disposed to become parties
to the confederacy ; they bound themselves by it not to purchase
certain articles of commerce, after the last day of December.

But on the other hand, James Otis, from a motive unknown,
whether from levity of character, or because the most ardent are
frequently the least constant in their opinions, or because he really
was apprehensive that the colony of Massachusetts would be left
alone in the present controversy, passing from one extreme to the
other, pronounced a long discourse in favor of government. IVot-
withstanding which, the league was approved at Providence, at
Newport, and in all Connecticut. The affair of these combinations,
however, advanced very slowly this time, in spite of all the efforts
of the most zealous patriots.

17C8. The assembly of Massachusetts opened their session at
the commencement of the year 1768, and immediately took into
consi'leration the subject of the new taxes ; a very elaborate letter
was addressed to Dennis de Berdt, their agent at London, instruct-
ing him to make remonstrances. They protested their affection
towards Great Britain, and condemned all idea of independence ; they
gloried in the English name, and their participation in the British
constitution. ' The design,' they observed, ' to draw a public reve-
nue from the colonies, without their consent, is manifest ; a thing
absolutely contrary to the established laws, and to our rights.
Though men are known sometimes to disregard life, and even to
contemn liberty, they are always at least inviolably attached to their
property ; even those who ridicule the ideas of right and justice,
who despise faith, truth and honor, and every law, divine and hu
man, Avill put a high value upon money ; the savages themse.ves,
who inhabit the forests, know and admit the right of property ; they
are as strongly attached to the bow, the arrow, and the tomahawk,

BOOK in. THE AMERICAN WAR. 105

to their hunting and fishing ground, as other nations can be to gold
or silver, and the most precious objects. The Utopian schemes of
leveling, and a community of goods, are as visionary and impracti-
cable, as tiiose which vest all property in the crown, are arbitrary
and despotic. Now, what property can the colonists be conceived
to have, if their money may be granted away by others, without
their consent ? ' They added a long enumeration of their rights,
and of the comniercial advantages accruing to Great Britain, from
her colonies ; they affirmed, that stipends and salaries, granted by
the crown to governors and judges, were things of a nature to alarm
the freemen of America ; that a more solid foundation for tyranny
could not be laid, since the judges in America hold thf ir places, not
as in England, during good behavior, but. during pleasure ; that the
colonists were ready to supply the subsidies necessary for the public
service, without the intervention of parhamentary authority ; that a
standing army was unnecessary in America ; that the inhabitants had
an aversion to these armies, as dangerous to their civil liberties ;
that England herself, considering the examples of ancient times,
ought to fear lest these large bodies of mercenary troops, stationed
in a country so remote, might occasion another Csesar to arise, and
usurp, at length, the authority of his sovereign. They also com-
plained of the new board of customs, as tending to create a swarm ^
of pensioners ; a race ever obnoxious to the people, and prejudicial
to the rectitude and purity of manners. ' Can any thing be more
extraordinary than the suspension of the assembly of New York?
Liberty has no longer an existence, and these assemblies are useless
if, willing or not willing, they must conform to the mandates of par-
liament. And supposing also, what we deny, that the new laws are
founded in right, it is not the less certain that a real prejudice to
the two nations will be their result, and that the confidence and af-
fection which have hitherto united them, will experience, from their
continuance, a signal diminution. These are points which merit the
serious consideration of a good government. The colonists are
not insensible that it has become fashionable in England, to speak
with contempt of the colonial assemblies ; an abuse from which the
English have more to apprehend than the Americans themselves ;
for only a few reigns back, the habit also prevailed of contemning
the parliament ; and it was even an aphorism with king James I.,
that the lords and commons were two very bad copartners with a
monarch, in allusion to the ancient proverb, that supreme power de-
cline's all participation ; and these attacks, though at present aimed
at the colonial assemblies, will one day be directed against the par-
liament itself.

106 THE AMEBICAN VVAIl. BOOK III.

Thej concluded by recommending to their agent to exert his ut-
most endeavors to defeat the projects of those who persisted with
obstinacy in their attempts to sow dissensions, and foment jealousy
and discord between the two parts of the realm ; dispositions, which,
if not promptly repressed, it was to be feared, would lead to irrep-
arable mischief.

The assembly of Massachusetts wrote in similar terms to the earl
of Shelburne, and to general Conway, secretaries of state ; to the
marquis of Rockingham, to lord Camden, to the earl of Chatham,
and to the commissioners of the treasury. These letters, as usual,
recapitulated the rights of the colonies, and their grievances ; those
to whom they were addressed, were styled the patrons of the colo-
nies, the friends of the British constitution, the defenders of the hu-
man race. The assembly of Massachusetts also addressed a petition
to the king, with many protestations of loyalty, and strenuous re-
monstrances against the grievances already mentioned. But not
content with these steps, and wishing to unite all the provinces in
one opinion, they took a very spirited resolution, that of writing to
all the otlier assemblies, that it was now full time for all to take the
san>e direction, and to march in concert towards the same object.
This measure gave the ministers no little displeasure, and they cen
sured it, in their letters to the governors, with extreme asperity.

The governor of Massachusetts, not without apprehensions from
the refractory spirit of this assembly, dissolved it. Nor should it be
omitted, that for a long time, there had existed an open breach be-
tween these two authorities, which proceeded from no defect of ge-
nius or experience in affairs, on the part of the governor, who pos-
sessed, on the contrary, an ample measure of both ; but he was re-
puted a secret enemy to American privileges, and it was believed
that in his letters to the earl of Hillsborough, he had prompted the
government to acts of rigor, and exaggerated the colonial disturb-
ances. On the other hand, the representatives were of a lofty spirit,
and devotedly attached to their prerogatives. In this state of recip-
rocal umbrage and jealousy, the smallest collision led to a dissen-
sion, and few were the affairs that could be concluded amicably. In
effect, it cannot be doubted, that the animosity v.hich subsisted be-
tween the assembly of no capital a province, and governor Bernard,
ivas one of the principal causes of the first commotions, and event-
ually, of the American revolution.

The gov(irnment of Great Britain, continually stimulated by the
exhortation,? of the governor, — dissatisfied with the Bostonians, and
the inhabitants generally of the province of Massachusetts, was ap-
prehensive of new tumults ; and resolved to provide effectually for

BOOK III.

THE AMERICAN WAR. 107

the execution of the laws. Orders were dispatched to general
Gage, to send a regiment, and even a more considerable force, if he
should deem it expedient, to form the garrison of Boston. It was
also determined, that a frigate, two brigs, and two sloops of war,
should be stationed in the waters of Boston, to aid the officeis of
the customs in the execution of their functions.

At this same epoch, a violent tumult had occurred in this city.
The Bostonians, wishing to protect a vessel suspected of illicit traffic,
had riotously assailed and repulsed the officers of the revenue.

Informed of this event, general Gage detached two regiments in-
stead of one, to take up their quarters in Boston. At this news,
the inhabitants assembled, and sent a deputation to the governor,
praying him to inform them, if the reports in circulation, relative to
a garrison extraordinary, were true ; and to convoke another assem-
bly. He answered, that he had indeed received some private inti-
mation of the expected arrival of troops, but no official notice ; that
as to the convocation of an assembly, he could take no resolution
without the orders of his majesty.

He flattered himself, that the people would become more submis-
sive, when, left to themselves, they should no longer have a rallying
point for sedition in the colonial assembly. He endeavored, there-
fore, to gain time ; inventing, every day, new motives for delaying
the session of the assembly. But this conduct produced an effect
directly contrary to his anticipations. The inhabitants of Boston,
having received the answer of the governor, immediately took an
unanimous resolution, sufficiently demonstrative of the real nature
of the spirit by which they were animated ; it was resolved, that, as
there was some probability of an approaching v/ar with France, all
the inhabitants should provide themselves with a complete military
equipment, according to law ; and that, as the governor had not
thought proper to convene the general assembly, a convention should
be convoked of the whole province. These resolutions were trans-
mitted, by circulars, to every part of Massachusetts ; and such was
the concert of opinions, that out of ninety-seven townships, ninety-
six sent their deputies to the convention of Boston.

They met on the 22d of September. Wishing to proceed with
moderation, they sent a message to the governor, assuring him that
they were, and considered themselves, as private and loyal individu-
als ; but no less averse to standing armies, than to tumults and se-
dition. They complained, but in measured terms, of the new laws,
and the imputations of disloyalty with which they had been traduc-
ed in England. Finally, they entreated the governor to convoke
the general assembly, as the only constitutional remedy that could

108 THE AMEIUCAN WAR. BOOK III.

be resorted to in the present calamities. The governor answered
haughtily, as the troops already approached. The convention, after
having communicated what had occurred to De Berdt, the agent at
London, dissolved itself.

The day preceding their separation, the soldiers destined for the
garrison, arrived, on board a great number of vessels, in the bay of
Nantasket, not far from Boston. The governor requested the coun-
cil to furnish quarters in the city. The council refused ; alledging
that castle William, situated on a small island in the harbor, was suf-
ficiently roomy to receive the troops. But the commanders of the
corps had orders to take their quarters in the town. Meanwhile, it
was given out, that the Bostonians would not suffer the soldiers to
land. This menace, and especially the resolution of a general ar-
mament, inspired the commanders of the royal troops with much
distrust. Consequently, general Gage, whose intention, it appears,
had been at first to land one regiment only, gave orders to colonel
Dalrymple, to disembark the two, and to keep a strict guard in the
city. Accordingly, on the first of October, every preparation hav
ing been made, the squadron, consisting of <burteen ships of war,
began to move, and took such a position as Vo command the whole
city ; the ships presented their broadsides, and the artillery was in
readiness to fire upon the town, in case of any resistance. The
troops began to disembark at one o'clock in the afternoon, without
receiving any molestation ; they immediately entered the town, with
their anns loaded, a suitable train of artillery, and all the mihtary
parade usually displayed in such circumstances. The selectmen of
Boston being requested, in the evening, to provide quarters for the
soldiers, peremptorily refused. The governor ordered the soldiers
to enter and occupy the State House. Thus stationed, the main
guard was posted in front of this edifice, witii two field pieces point-
ed towards it. The Bostonians were naturally much shocked at
these arrangements. They could not see, without extreme indigna-
tion, the palace of the puUic councils, tlie ordinary scat of their gen-
eral assemblies, and the courts of judicature, occupied by so many
troops, and on all sides surrounded by such a display of arms. The
streets were full of tents, and of soldiers, continually coming and
gomg to relieve the posts ; who challenged at every moment the citi-
zens as they passed. The divine services were interrupted by the
continual beating of drums and the sound of fifes ; and all things
presented the image of a camp. The inhabitants experienced the
most insupportable constraint from a state of things not only extra-
ordinary, but even without example, in the protince of Massachu-
setts. Cries of displeasure resounded from every quarter against

BOOK ni. . THE AMERICAN WAR. 109

these new orders of the governor. The soldiers beheld the citizens
with an evil eye, believing them to be rebels ; the citizens detested
the soldiers, whom they looked upon as the instruments of in odious
project to abolish their rights, and sent to impose on them the yoke
of an unheard of tyranny. The most irritating language frequently
passed between them, and thus exasperated their reciprocal ani-
mosity.

It is true, however, that this display of military force so repressed
the multitude, that for a considerable space of time tranquillity was
preserved.

1769. But in England, the parliament having been convoked
about the close of the year 1768, the obstinacy of the Americans,
in refusing obedience to its new laws, determined the government to
adopt rigorous measures against the colonies, and especially against
the province of Massachusetts, where sedition had acquired the
profoundest roots. The parhament condemned, in the severest
terms, all the resolutions taken by this province. They approved
that the king should employ force of arms for the repression of the
disobedient ; and declared, that he had the right to cause the chief
•authors of the disorders to be arrested, and brought to England
for trial, according to the statute of the 35th year of the reign of
Henry VIII.

But these new measures of the English encountered a very ill re
ception in America. The assembly of Virginia immediately took,
in the strongest terms that could be devised, the resolutions they be-
lieved the most proper to secure their rights. They also drew up a
supplication to be presented to the king, with a view of exciting his
compassion towards an unfortunate people. He was conjured as
the father of his subjects, and as a clement king, to interpose his
royal intercession, and avert the evils which menaced and already
oppressed them ; his pity was implored, that he would not suffer the
colonists, who had no powerful protection, to be forced from their
firesides, wrested from the embraces of their families, and thrust into
dungeons, among robbers and felons, at the distance of three thou-
sand miles from their country, to linger until judges whom they
knew not should have pronounced their fate. A condition so deplor-
able would leave them no other wish, no other prayer, but that re-
lenting death might soon deliver them from so many miseries. These
proceedings incurred the displeasure of the governor, who dissolved
them, with a severe reprimand. But they assembled in another
place, as private individuals ; and having chosen for their moderator
Peyton Randolph, a man of great influence in the province, they
resorted, more strenuously than ever, to the ordinary remedy of as-

110 THE AMERICAN WAR BOOK III.

sociations again.st the introduction of British manufactures. The
articles of the league, having been circulated for the purpose, were
soon invested with all the signatures, not only of the assembly, but
of the entire province. The other colonies followed the example,
and adhered to the confederacy upon oath. The inhabitants of
Charleston, the capital of South Carolina, even discontinued all
commerce with those of Rhode Island and of Georgia, as well be-
cause they had refused to join this combination, or the preceding,
as because they had exercised an extensive contraband traffic. But
at length, these provinces also concurred with the others ; Georgia,
in September, Providence and Rhode Island, a month later.

In order to prevent the contraventions which avarice, or a secret
opposition, might have produced, committees of inspectors were
created, to examine the cargoes of all vessels arriving from England,
and to stigmatize with the censure specified in their regulations,
those who should violate their compact, by publishing their names
in the public papers, and declaring them enemies to the country ;
and, as the people were always ready to take those in hand who
should be thus denounced, the decrees of these committees were re-
ceived with general obedience, as if they had proceeded from the
authority of government. All were emulous to make use of the
manufactures of the country ; even the women, hitherto so decided
in their taste for English merchandise, not only renounced it, but
took a laudable pride in adorning themselves with objects of do-
mestic manufacture.

It is not to be understood, however, that in the midst of this gen
eral zeal and enthusiasm, there were no examples of persons, who.
governed by interest and a thirst of gain, these powerful motives of
the human breast, sought to make their profit of circumstances ; ex-
tolling, in public, the magnanimity of the American people, but de-
riding it in their hearts, they addicted themselves to a secret com-
merce in the merchandise proscribed. Even among those who
preached liberty, and affected to be called by its name, even among
those who with the most forwardness had embraced the league, there
was more than one individual who clandestinely bought and sold.
The patriots had declared with so much violence against tea, that, in
several provinces, nearly all the inhabitants abstained from the use
of it ; but this first ardor having abated with time, many, either in
secret, or even openly, regaled themselves with this beverage, giving
it some other name. The British officers themselves, affecting a
military contempt for the civil laws, but not less than others mindful
of private interest, ordered merchandise from England in their own

BOOK III. THE AMERICAN WAR. Ill

names, as if destined for the use of their troops, which they secretly
introduced into the country.

Notwithstanding these infringements of the general compact, men
of integrity, as always happens, faithful to their public professions,
persisted in the retrenchments exacted by their pledge, from which
there eventually resulted an incalculable prejudice to the English
conunerce.

The assembly of Massachusetts, having met, about the last of
May, immediately resumed the ancient controversy, and sent a mes-
sage to the governor, purporting that whereas the capital of the
province was invested with an armed force by land and sea, and the
gates of the State House occupied with cannon by a military guard,
the assembly could not deliberate with that freedom and dignity
which became them ; that they hoped, therefore, this hostile appa-
ratus would be removed from the city and port. The governor an-
swered, briefly, that he had no authority over his majesty's ships
that were moored in the port, or over the troops which occupied the
city. The assembly replied, that this display of armed force was
contrar}' to law ; and, no power being superior to that of arms, they
asked, what privilege, or what security, was left to the house ? that,
where arms prevail, the civil laws are silent ; that, therefore, the as-
sembly had resolved to abstain from all deliberation whatever, until
it should be re-established in all its authority. The governor ad-
journed it to Cambridge, a town at a short distance from Boston ;
and addressed it a requisition for a supply of money for the troops.
Without noticing this demand, the assembly answered with new res-
olutions, which discovered the extreme exasperation of their minds.
They represented that the discontent which had been excited in the
province by the tax laws, the expectation of more troops, the ap-
prehension that they were to be quartered in private houses, and the
people reduced to desperation, were things which demonstrated the
necessity of new conventions ; that the presence of a standing army
in the province in time of peace, was a violation of their natural
rights, and imminently perilous to public liberty ; that governor Ber-
nard, in his letters to the earl of Hillsborough, had recommended
new modes of tyranny ; that general Gage, in writing that there was
no longer a government at Boston, had written the truth ; but that
this ought not to be attributed to an innocent and loyal people, but,
in justice, to those who had violated the laws, and subverted the
foundations of the constitution. At length, the governor having re-
turned to the charge for subsidies to subsist the troops, the assembly
declared, that, for their own honor, and the interest of the province,
they could not consent to grant them. South (l^rolina, Mary Ian J ,

112 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOCK III,

Delaware, and New York, following the example of the provinces
of Massachusetts and Virginia, took the same resolutions, and
refused obedience to the mutiny act.

Meanwhile, the English government, willing to give some indi-
cation of a better spirit towards its colonies, announced to them its
determination to propose, at the next session of parliament, the re-
peal of the duties upon glass, paper, and colors ; thus maintaining
only the duty on tea. This new mildness did not suit the Ameri-
cans ; the exception of tea, and the declaration that the law should
be abrogated as contrary to the regulations of commerce, persuad-
ed them that it was intended to maintain the right ; and this in
reality was the truth. They were apprehensive that the affair might
be revived when the present heats were dissipated ; and that the
government, then proceeding with more address and vigor, might
renew its attempts to establish the authority of taxation forever.
The assembly of Virginia protested in stronger terms than at first.
Combinations were again formed, as well in this province as in Mas-
sachusetts and the greater part of the others ; but they were this
time upon the point of being dissolved, by the defection of New
York ; this province authorized the importation of every species of
Enghsh merchandise, except such as were charged with some duty.

Governor Bernard was at length succeeded. He departed, with-
out leaving any regret ; which should be attributed to circum.stan-
ces. He was a man of excellent judgment, sincerely attached to
the interests of the province, and of an irreproachable character ;
but he was also a defender of the prerogatives of the crown, and
wanted the pliancy necessary in these difficult times ; ardent, and
totally devoid of dissimulation, he could never abstain from declar-
ing his sentiments ; qualities, none of which, however laudable, can
fail to prove unprofitable, or rather pernicious, as well to him that
possesses them, as to others, in the political revolutions of states ;
for the multitude is either indulged without profit, or opposed with
detriment.

Meanwhile, at Boston, things assumed the most serious aspect.
The inhabitants supported with extreme repugnance the presence of
the soldiers ; and these detested the Bostonians. Hence, mutual
insults and provocations occurred.

1770. Finally, on the morning of the 2d of March, as a soldier
was passing by the premises of John Gray, a ropemaker, he was as-
sailed with abusive words, and afterwarth beaten severely. He
soon returned, accompanied by some of his comrades. An affray
ensued between the soldiers and the ropemakers, in which the lat-
ter had the worst.

BOOK III. THE AMERICAN WAR 113

The people became greatly exasperated ; and, on the 5th of the
same month, between seven and eight o'clock in the evening, a vio-
lent tumult broke out. The multitude, armed with clubs, ran
towards King str(iet, crying, ' Let us drive out these ribalds ; they
have no husiness here.'' The soldiers who were lodged in the bar-
racks of Murray, were eager to fall upon the populace ; and their
officers had the greatest difficulty in restraining them. IMeanwhile
it was cried that the town had been set on fire ; the bells pealed
alarm, and the crowd increased from all parts. The rioters rushed
furiously towards the custom house ; they approo.ched the sentinel
crying, ' Kill him ! kill him ! ' They assaulted him with snow balls
pieces of ice, and whatever they could lay their hands upon. The
sentinel in this conjuncture, having called the guard, captain Pres-
ton detached a corporal and a few soldiers to protect this man, and
the chest of the customs, from the popular fury. They marched
with their arms loaded, and the captain himself followed ; they en-
countered a band of the populace, led by a mulatto named Attucks,
who brandished their clubs, and pelted them with snow balls. The
maledictions, the imprecations, the execrations of the multitude,
were horrible. In the midst of a torrent of invectives from every
quarter, the military was challenged to fire. The detachment was
surrounded : and the populace advanced to the points of their bayo-
nets. The soldiers appeared like statues; the cries, the bowlings,
the menaces, the violent din of bells, still sounding the alarm, in-
creased the confusion and the horrors of these moments ; at length
the nudatto and twelve of his companions, pressing forward, envi-
roned the soldiers, and striking their muskets with their clubs, cried
to the multitude ; ' Be not afraid, they dare not fire ; u-hy do you
hesitate, why do you not kill them, xvhy not crush them at once 1 '
The mulatto lifted his arm against captain Preston, and having turned
one of the muskets, he seized the bayonet with his left hand, as
if he intended to execute his threat. At this moment, confused
cries were heard, ' The uretchcs dare not fire.'' Firing succeeds ;
Attucks is slain. Two other discharges follow. Three were killed,
five severely wounded ; several others slightly ; the greater part,
persons that were passing by chance ; or quiet spectators of this
scene. Eight soldiers only fired, and none more than once. The
populace dispersed, but returned soon after to carry off the dead
and wounded.

Meanwhile, the whole city was become a scene of incredible con-
fusion, the crowd was seen hurrying through all the streets. The
sound of dmms, and cries to arms, were heard from every quarter.
The citizens flocked together by thousands. The lieutenant gover-

VOL. I. 8

114 THE AMERICAN WAK. BOOK III.

nor, Hutchinson, being arrived upon the spol, said in a menacing
tone to captain Preston, ' TVhi/ have you fired u'ithout the orders of
the civil magistrate 1 ' The other answered, ' We have been insulted.'
But no more was said, either by the one or by the other ; this being
neither the proper time, nor place, for an inquest.

Hutchinson made his way through the press of the multitude, and
they were persuaded, by his efforts, to disperse.

The following morning, at a very early hour, the people re-assem-
bled. A message was dispatched to the governor, declaring in the
name of all the inhabitants, that without the immediate removal of
the soldiers, it would be impossible to restore the tranquillity of the
citj, or to prevent the effusion of blood. After repeated menaces,
on the one part, and many evasions on the other, the troops were
removed to castle William. Captain Preston, with all the detach-
ment he commanded, were committed to prison.

It was resolved to celebrate the obsequies of the slain, in the most
public and solemn manner ; not that they were persons of note, but
to testify and excite the regrets and compassion of the people,
towards those who had perished miserably by the hands of British
soldiers, in open violation of civil liberty. On the morning of the
8th, the shops were closed ; all the bells of Boston, of Charlestown,
and of Roxbury, towns of the vicinity, were tolled. The proces-
sions, attending each corpse, proceeded to King street, and met in
the same place, where, three days before, the individuals whose
.memory they honored thus had received their death. Whence the
funeral train, followed by an immense multitude of people, and a
long file of coaches, belonging to the most distinguished citizens,
moved, in profound silence, and with every mark of grief and indig-
nation, through the main street, to the place of sepulture, where the
bodies were deposited in the same tomb.

The trial of captain Preston, and the soldiers, was afterwards
taken up. John Adams, and Josiah Quincy, two principal chiefs of
the opposition in Massachusetts, and lawyers of the greatest celebri-
ty, made their defense, with singular eloquence and ability. The
captain and six of the eight soldiers accused were acquitted ; two
were declared guilty of homicide, without premeditation. A thing
truly remarkable, that in the midst of such a commotion, and at the
moment when the effervescence of minds was so extreme, this
judgment, so little conformable to the wishes of the multitude, should
have been pronounced. So admirable were the judicial regulations
established in these countries, and so firm was the resolution of the
judges to obey the law, in defiance of all influence w^hatsoever !
Adams and Quincy lost by their magnanimity something of their fa-

BOOK III. THE AMERICAN WAR. 115

vor, at the time, with the people. Notwithstanding the issue of the
trial, the greater number persisted in believing that the wrong was
on the part of the soldiers, and that their conduct was the more bar-
barous, as it had not been provoked. Thus, at least, the leaders of
party had an interest that it should be supposed. These opinions
contributed not a little to foment and even exasperate the hatred and
animosities" already so intense in all parts of America.

While the minds of the Americans were thus excited to greater
unanimity, and rage fermented in every heart, those half resolutions
were taken in England, which were the evident cause, on her part,
of the fatal issue of this crisis. Several causes contributed, at once,
to produce this result ; the prejudices and the incapacity of the min-
isters ; the unfaithful reports of the agents of the state, in America ;
and, perhaps, it was no less the work of Benjamin Franklin, who,
residing at London, as the agent of the colonies, deceived the min-
isters, as he used to say, by telling them the truth. So corrupt, he
added, were the men in power, that they reputed his sincerity artifice,
and the truth deception. Hence, they blindly abandoned them-
selves to illusions, that made them see things different from what
they were in reality, and with a bandage over their eyes, they trod
incessantly upon the brink of a precipice.

The 5th of March, lord North, who had been appointed by the
king, prime minister, proposed, in a speech to the house of com-
mons, the repeal of taxes, excepting that upon tea. Nowithstand-
ing the opposition of many members, who insisted that the Ameri-
cans would not be satisfied with this partial repeal, the proposition
was finally approved by a great majority. The predictions of the
minority were but too well verified in America ; the continuance
of the duty on tea had the effect to keep aUve the same (fiscon-
tents. The combinations were dissolved, however, so far as related
to the importation of merchandise not taxed; the article of tea
alone continued to be prohibited. The fermentation maintained
itself principally in the province of Massachusetts, the local authori-
ties of which were incessantly engaged in altercations with the offi-
cers of the crown.

On the whole, how many motives combined to create in America
an insurmountable resistance to the designs of the government ! On
the one hand, the obstinacy inherent to man, rendered still more in-
fiexible by obstacles, and the blood which had flowed, as also by
the love of liberty ; on the other, the species of triumph already ob-
tained by perseverance, and the opinion resulting from it, that not
from any spirit of indulgence, but a consciousness of inferior force,
the government had consented to revocations, 'i'he Americans

1 16 THE AMERICAN WAR.

BOOK III.

were, besides, persuaded that the rumors which daily increased, of a
war with France, would lay the British ministers under the necessity
of conceding all their demands ; and finally, they well knew they
had powerful protectors, both within and without the walls of parlia-
ment. Such were the public occurrences in the colonies during the
year 1770.

1771. In the course of the following year there happened few
that are worthy of memory ; only the ordinary altercations contin-
ued between the assembly of Massachusetts and Hutchinson, who
had been appointed governor. All the provinces persisted in open
resistance to laws of taxation and of commerce ; smuggling was no
longer secretly but openly transacted. The officers of the customs
had fallen into utter contempt. In Boston, a tidesman of the cus-
toms, havii-g attempted to detain a vessel for breach of the acts of
trade, was seized by the people, stripped, and carted through the
principal streets of the city, besmeared with tar, and then covered
with feathers. There was some tumult, also, at Providence ; the
inhabitants having plundered and burnt the king's ship Wasp.

1772. The government then reflected, that in such a distempered
state of minds, it could not hope to repress the boldness of the
Americans, and secure the observation of the laws, without resorting
to some more effectual means. It resolved, among others, to ren-
der the officers of the crown totally independent of the colonial as-
semblies ; to effect this, it decided that the salaries and stipends of
the governors, judges, and other principal officers of the colonies,
should, in future, be fixed by the crown, and paid w ithout the inter-
vention of the colonial assemblies. Immediately new commotions
broke out in America, and particularly in the province of Massachu-
setts, where it was declared that those who should consent to be paid
by the crown, independently of the general assembly, should be
deemed enemies to the constitution, and supporters of arbitrary gov-
ernment. Thus, all measures taken in England, to vanquish re-
sistance, and re-establish submission in America, not being sustained
by an armed force sufficient to coerce, tended to a result absolutely
contrary.

And if the government meditated the display of greater vigor,
the Americans were occupied with the same thoughts. They were
not ignorant, that in popular agitations, nothing tends more directly
to the desired object, than having chiefs to direct the movements,
ascertain the opinions of all the members of the confederacy, and
act with concert in their respective operations. Accordingly, the
inhabitants of Massachusetts, following the suggestion of Samuel
Adams and James Warren, of Plymouth, formed a council of the

BOOK III. THE AMERICAN WAR. 117

partisans of a new order of things, and established a species of po-
litical hierarchy, by creating committees of correspondence in all the
cities and towns of the province ; all referring to the central commit-
tee of Boston. The chiefs were six in number, each of whom
commanded a division ; the chiefs of a division, in like manner,
commanded a subdivision, and a movement being given by the first,
was communicated progressively, and without delay, to the whole
province. These committees, or clubs, were composed of individu-
als of different characters ; some entered them mechanically, and
because they saw others do it ; some from attachment to the public
cause ; others to acquire authority, to gratify their ambition, or their
avarice ; others, finally, because they believed the general good is
the supreme law, and that all the maxims of private morals should
bend to this sovereign rule. All were resolved, or said they were
resolved, to secure the hberty of their country, or part with fife in
the glorious attempt.

The governor affirmed, that the greater part of them were athe-
ists, and contemners of all religion ; which made him wonder, he
said, to see deacons, and other members of the church, who pro-
fessed a scrupulous devotion, in league with characters of such a
description.

This new political order, instituted by the few, was soon adopted,
by the whole province ; and every city, village, or town, had its
committee, which corresponded with the others. Their deliber-
ations and decrees were considered as the will and voice of the
people.

The minds of the inhabitants were thus regularly inflamed and
prepared for a general explosion. The other provinces imitated
this example.

The first occasion to act was offered to the committee of Boston,
by the determination of the government, to charge itself with the
salaries of the judges. Very spirited resolutions were framed, and
distributed profusely throughout the provinces. The committee ac-
companied them with a vehement letter, in which they exhorted the
inhabitants to rouse from their long slumber, to stand erect, and
shake off indolence ; ' noio while,' as it was said in the turgid style
of that epoch, ' the iron hand of oppression is daily tearing the
choicest fruits from the fair tree of liberty.' The effervescence
became as extreme as universal.

1773. Meanwhile, an event occurred, which supplied fresh fuel
to this fire, vi^hich already menaced a general conflagration. Doc-
tor Franklin, agent at London of several colonies, and particularly
of Massachusetts, had found means, it is not known how, to obtam,

118 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK III.

from the office of state, the letters of governor Hutchinson, of Heu-
tenant-governor OUver, and of some others adhering to tlie party of
government in America. In these dispatches, they acquainted the
ministers with all that passed in the colonies ; and delivered their
opinions with great freedom. They represented, that the members
of the American opposition were generally persons of little weight,
audacious and turbulent, but few in number ; that they were even
without influence with the multitude ; that the mildness and for-
bearance of the government had been the sole cause of their bold-
ness ; that if it should take vigorous measures, all would return to
their duty ; they recommended, especially, that the public officers
should receive their stipends from the crown. Franklin transmitted
these letters to Massachusetts ; they were printed and distributed
copiously in all parts of the province. It is easy to imagine the
ebullition they produced.

While the inhabitants of the colonies were thus exquisitely sensi-
ble to whatever they deemed hostile to their rights, resenting with
equal indignation the most trivial as the most serious attack, a reso-
lution was taken in England, which, if it had been executed, would
have given the victory to the government, and reduced the Ameri-
cans to the condition for which they demonstrated such an extreme
repugnance. Their obstinacy, in refusing to pay the duty on tea,
rendered the smuggling of it very frequent ; and their resolutions
against using it, although observed by many with little fidelity, had
greatly diminished the importation into the colonies of this com-
modity. Meanwhile, an immense quantity of it was accumulated in
the warehouses of the East India company in England. This com-
pany petitioned the king to suppress the duty of three pence per
pound upon its introduction into America, and continue the six
pence upon its exportation from the ports of England ; a measure
which would have given the government an advantage of three pence
the pound, and reheved the Americans from a law they abhorred.
The government, more solicitous about the right than the revenue,
would not consent. The company, however, received permission
to transport tea, free of all duty, from Great Britain to America ;
and to introduce it there, on paying a duty of three pence.

Here it was no longer the small vessels of private merchants, who
went to vend tea, for their own account, in the ports of the colo-
nies, but, on the contrary, ships of an enormous burthen, that trans-
ported immense quantities of this commodity, which, by the aid of
the public authority, might easily be landed, and amassed in suitable
magazines. Accordingly, the company sent to its agents at Boston,
New York, and Philadelphia, six hundred chests of tea, and a pro-

BOOK III. THE AMERICAN WAR, 119

portionate numoer to Chaxleston, and other maritime cities of the
American continent.

The colonists were now arrived at the decisive moment, when
they must cas-t the die, and determine their cause in regard to par-
liamentary taxes ; for if the tea was permitted to be landed, it would
be sold, and the duty consequently paid. It was therefore resolved
to exert every effort to prevent the landing. Even in England, in-
dividuals were not wanting who fanned this fire ; some from a desire
to baffle the government, others from motives of private interest, and
jealousy at the opportunity offered the East India company to make
immense profits to their prejudice. They wrote, therefore, to Amer-
ica, encouraging a strenuous resistance. Tliey represented to the
colonists, that this would prove their last trial ; and if they should
triumph now, their liberty was secured forever ; if they should yield,
they must bow their necks to the yoke of slavery ! The materials
were too well prepared and disposed not to kindle. At Philadel-
phia, those to whom the teas of the company were intended to be
consigned, were induced by persuasion, or constrained by menaces,
to promise not in any mode to accept the proffered consignment. At
New York, captains Seers and Macdougall, daring and enterprising
men, effected a concert of will between the smugglers, the merchants
and the Sons of Liberty. Pamphlets, suited to the conjuncture, were
daily distributed; and nothing was left unattempted, by the populai
leaders, to obtain their purpose. The factors of the company were
obliged to resign their agency, and return to England. In Boston,
the general voice declared the time was come to face the storm.
' Why do we wait ?' they exclaimed ; ' soon or late, we must engage
in conflict with England. Hundreds of years may roll away, be-
fore the ministers can have perpetrated as many violations of our
rights as they have committed within a few years. The opposition
is formed ; it is general ; it remains for us to seize the occasion. The
more we delay, the more strength is acquired by the ministers. Do
you not see how many arrogant youths they send us, to exercise the
offices of the revenue, to receive enormous salaries, and to infect ua
with their luxury and corruption ? They will take American wives,
and will become powerful instruments of ministerial tyranny. This
is the moment to strike a decisive blow, while our cause is strong in
hope ; now is the time to prove our courage, or be disgraced with our
brethren of the other colonies, who have their eyes fixed upon us,
and will be prompt in their succors, if we show ourselves faithful
and firm.'

The factors were urgcil to renounce their agency ; but they re-
fused, and took refuge in the fortress. Immediately after, captain

120 THE AMERICAN WAR.

BOOK III.

Hall arrived in port, with a cargo of more than an hundred chests
of tea. The people instandy assembled, in great fury, and sent
notice to Rotch, the consignee of this cargo, that if he valued his
safety and interest, he must abstain from receiving the tea, and cau-
tion captain Hall against attempting to land it. They also placed a
guard on Griffin's wharf, near which the ship was moored. It was
agreed, that a strict watch should be kept ; that, in case of any in-
sult during the night, the bell should be rung immediately ; that
some persons should be always in readiness to bear the intelligence
of what might occnr to the neighboring towns, and to call in the
assistance of the country people.

The committee of correspondence performed their duty with
activity. Captain Bruce and Coffin having arrived, with other car-
goes of tea, they were ordered to cast anchor near captain Hall.
The people from the country arrived in great numbers ; the inhab-
itants of the town assembled. Rotch was requested to demand a
certificate of clearance, that captain Hall might put back to sea with
his ship.

Things appeared hastening to a disastrous issue. In this conjunc-
ture, Josiah Quincy, a man of great infiuence in the colonV; of a
vigorous and cultivated genius, and strenuously opposed to ministe-
rial enterprises, wishing to apprise his fellow citizens of the impor-
tance of the crisis, and direct their attention to results, demanded
silence, and said, ' This ardor, and this impetuosity, which arc mani-
fested within these walls, are not those that are requisite to conduct
us to the object we have in view ; these may cool, may abate, may
vanish, like a flitting shade. Quite other spirits, quite other efforts,
are essential to our salvation. Greatly will he deceive himself, who
shall think, that with cries, with exclamations, with popular resolu-
tions, we can hope to triumph, in this conflict, and vanquish our in-
veterate foes. Their malignity is implacable, — their thirst for ven-
geance insatiable. They have their allies, their accomplices, even
in the midst of us, — even in the bosom of this innocent country ;
and who is ignorant of the power of those who have conspired our
ruin ? — who knows not their artifices ? Imagine not, therefore, that
you can bring this controversy to a happy conclusion, without the
most strenuous, the most arduous, the most terrible conflict. Con-
sider attentively the difficulty of the enterprise, and the uncertainty
of the issue. Reflect and ponder, even ponder well, before yon
embrace the measures which are to involve this country in the most
perilous enterprise the world has witnessed.'

The question was put, whether the landing of the tea should b«
opposed ? and carried in the affirmative unanimously. Rotch was

BOOK HI. THE AMERICAN WAR. 121

then requested to demand of the governor a permit to pass the cas-
tle. The latter answered, haughtily, that for the honor of the laws,
and from duty to Awards the king, he could not grant the permit until
the vessel was regularly cleared. A violent commotion immediately
ensued. A person disguised after the manner of the Indians, who
was in the gallery, shouted, at this juncture, the cry of war'; the
meeting was dissolved in the twinkling of an eye. The multitude
rushed in mass to Griffin's wharf. About twenty persons, also dis»
guised as Indians, then made their appearance ; all either masters of
ships, carpenters or calkers. They went on board the ships laden
with tea. In less than two hours, three hundred and forty chests
were staved, and emptied in the sea. They were not interrupted ;
the surrounding multitude on shore served them as a safeguard.
The aftair was conducted v Hhout tumult ; no damage was done to
the ships, or to any other effects whatever. When the operation
was terminated, every one repaired to his own habitation, either in
the city or in the country.

In New York and in Philadelphia, as no person coufd be found
that would venture to receive the tea, the ships of the company,
which had arrived in these ports, returned, with their cargoes, to
England. In the former city, however, captain Chamber, having
on board his ship some chests of tea for account of a private mer-
chant, they were thrown into the sea. At Charleston, the tea was
permitted to be landed ; but, having been deposited in certain
humid cellars, it perished.

1774. The news of these events having come to the ears of the
ministers, they determined to take more vigorous measures. The
province of Massachusetts, and especially the city of Boston, had
always stood foremost in resistance, had been the scene of the great-
est disorders, and appeared the head-quarters of sedition. The
ministers therefore resolved to distinguish them by the first marks
of their displeasure. They hoped that the principal agitators being
thus repressed, the rest would voluntarily return to submission.
Considering, also, that the city of Boston was very flourishing : that
it was accounted not only one of the most commercial cities of the
continent, but even considered as the emporium of all the provinces
of New England ; it is not surprising that they should have taken
the resolution to deprive it entirely of its commerce, by means of a
rigorous interdict, and turn it all towards some other maritime citj
of this coast. It was thought, likewise, that the civil magistrates,
who, according to the statutes of the province, were chosen by the
people, ought, for the future, to be appointed by the government ;
that, placed thus entirely under its influence, they might no longer

122 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK III

be inclined to favor the popular tumults, but become, from duty as
n-ell as inclination, interested to supi.ress them, by requiring the ne-
cessary assistance from the military authorities ; for it was seen that
the late tumults o'.ved their origin and alarming increase to the inac-
tivity of the military, which, according to the established laws, could
not interfere without the requisition of the civi! magistrates, from
which they had purposely abstained. It was also in deliberation to
pass a law for enabling the soldiers to execute with perfect security
the orders they might receive for the suppression of tumults, without
any fear of consequences. The ministers expected thus to create
divisions, to render the civil magistrates absolutely dependent on the
government, and to re-establish the soldiery in that independence
which is essential to the complete exertion and efficacy of their
force. But whoever has a competent share of natural capacity, and
a slight acquaintance with political affairs, will readily see how wide
were these resolutions of the British ministers from corresponding
with the urgency of circumstances. Is it not surprising, that a govern-
ment like that of England, which at all times had exhibited the evi-
dences of an extreme ability, and of singular energy, having before
its eyes the example of the revolutions of Switzerland and of Hol-
land, well knowing the inflexible pcitinacity inherent to the Ameri-
can people, and the astonishing unity of sentiments they had recent-
ly manifested in all their movements, is it not even astonishing that
this government could have brought itself to believe, that the block-
ing up a port and change of some old statutes, things that tended
more to irritate than coerce, would suffice to curb such headlong fury,
vanquish such unyielding obstinacy, dissolve a league so formidable,
and re-establish obedience where rebellion had already commenced
its impetuous career ? The display of a formidable force, and not the
reforms, of charters, presented the only mode of promptly termi-
nating the contest, maintaining the ancient order of things, and re-
storing tranquillity in America.

The ministers ought to have boon the more prompt in their military
preparations, as they should not have been ignorant that France se-
cretly encouraged these commotions, and was no stranger to their ul-
timate object. Arms were not wanting ; they abounded. Due fore-
cast, or the requisite vigor, were indeed wanting in the British coun-
cils. Twenty or thirty thousand men, sent to America immediately
after the commencement of the disorders, would indubitably have
surmounted all resistance, and re-established obedience ; which it
was idle to expect from a few modifications of the laws. England,
in this instance, appeared to have forgotten the familiar aphorism,
that wars, to be short, must be vigorous and terrible.

BOOK III. THE AMERICAN WAR. , 123

Nor could it be alledged, that the principles of the British constitu-
tion would not have permitted the sending of a regular army into a
British province, and in time of peace ; for, if the parliament sub-
verted the fundamental statutes of the province of Massachusetts,
and destroyed the most essential bases of the constitution itself, by
the laws it was about to enact, it could also have authorized the
presence of an efficient standing army. But lord Bute, the favorite
counsellor of the king, and author of most of the secret resolutions,
was a man whose passions were more remarkable than his sagacity ;
and lord North, the prime minister, was rather an accurate and la-,
borious financier, than a statesman. He had formed about him a
council of the most celebrated lawyers of the kingdom, to have their
advice upon the present state of affairs ; and too many examples
attest, what is to be expected from these doctors, when, with their
schemes, and sophistical refinements, they undertake to interfere in
the government of states, and to direct the revolutions of nations
Good armies, large and vigorous measures, are the only means of
success in such circumstances. In critical moments, the direction
of affairs should be confided to men of firmness and decision, not to
those whose cautious timidity can venture only half measures, and
who are incapable of embracing a magnanimous policy.

Lord North, on the 14th of March, proposed in the house of com-
mons a bill, of the following purport; that, dating from the 1st of
June, 1774, it should be prohibited to land or discharge, lade or em-
bark, any goods, wares, or merchandise, whatsoever, at the town or
within the harbor of Boston ; and that the officers of the customs
should be transferred immediately to the port of Salem. The min-
ister remarked, that this law was no less necessary than just ; as
from this city had issued all the mischief which disturbed the colo-
nies, and all the venom that infected America.

' Thrice already have the officers of the customs been prevented
from discharging their duty. At the epoch of the disorders, the in-
habitants, instead of interfering to appease them, maintained regular
guards, day and night, to prevent the landing of tea and other Brit-
ish merchandise. Nay, more ; still fearing it might be landed, with
an excess of popular insolence, absolutely unheard of, they have
thrown into the sea the tea of the East India company. The meas-
ure proposed is more severe in appearance than in reality ; for the
Bostonians may cause it to cease, by yielding due respect to the laws.
A few frigates stationed at the entrance of the harbor, will be suffi-
cient to carry it into effect, without calling in the aid of the military

' It is now quite time to assume a firm attitude, and to take such
vigorous steps as shall ultimately persuade the Americans that Eng-

124 THE AMERICAN WAR BOOK III

land has not only the power, but also the will, to maintain them lu
obedience ; in a word, that she is unalterably determined to pro-
tect her laws, her commerce, her magistrates and her own dig-
nity.'

The project of the minister was opposed by the agent of Massa-
chusetts, named Bollan, and by several orators of the house of ccm-
mons, among whom Burke and Dowdeswell appeared the most
animated ;

' It is wished, then, to condemn the accused without a hearing, —
to punish indiscriminately the innocent with the guilty ! You will
thus irrevocably alienate the hearts of the colonists from the mother
country. Before the adoption of so violent a measure, the principal
merchants of the kingdom should at least be consulted. The bill is
unjust ; since it bears only upon the city of Boston, while it is noto-
rious that all America is in flames ; that the cities of Philadelphia,
of New York, and all the maritime towns of the continent, have ex-
hibited the same disorders. You are contending for a matter which
the Bostonians will not give up quietly. They cannot, by such
means, be made to bow to the authority of ministers ; on the con-
trary, you will find their obstinacy confirmed, and their fury exasper-
ated. The acts of resistance in their city have not been confined to
the populace alone ; but men of the first rank and opulent fortune,
in the place, have openly countenanced them. One city in pro-
scription, and the rest in rebellion, can never be a remedial measure
for general disturbances. Have you considered whether you have
troops and ships sufficient to reduce the people of the whole American
continent to your devotion ? It was the duty of your governor, and
not of men v.'ithout arms, to suppress the tumults. If this oflicer has
not demanded the proper assistance from the military commanders,
why punish the innocent for the fault and the negligence of the offi-
cers of the crown ? Who is ignorant that certain foreign powers wait
only for an occasion to move against England ? And will England
now offer them this object of their desires ? The resistance is general
in all parts of America ; you must therefore let it govern itself by its
own internal policy, or make it subservient to all your laws, by an
exertion of all the forces of the kingdom. These partial counsels
are well suited to irritate, not to subjugate.'

Notwithstanding all these arguments, the ministers obtained an
immense majority of the suffrages ; and the bill passed, almost with-
out opposition.

A few days after, lord North proposed another law, which went
to subvert entirely the fundamental statutes of Massachusetts, by
investing the crown with the power to appoint the counsellors, judges

BOOK in. THE AMERICAN WAR. 125

and magistrates of all denominations ; with the clause that each
should hold his office during the pleasure of the king. Thus the
people of Massachusetts no longer had authority to interfere, either
directly or by their representatives, in the administration of the
province, which became, therefore, completely dependent on the
government ; as the latter controlled, at will, the measures of all the
civil authorities.

The ministers alledged that in doing this, no more was attempted
than to place that province on the same footing as several others ;
that the government did not, at present, possess a sufficient share of
power, — too much being lodged in the hands of the people ;

' If such a state of things be suffered to continue, it will no longer
be possible to repress the seditious, and prevent the repetition of dis-
orders. The magistrates, so long as they are chosen by the people,
will never attempt to resist them ; but, on the contrary, will endeavor
to flatter their caprices, than which nothing can be imagined more
fatal, or more contrary to the public repose. In this province, all is
confusion and uproar. In desperate cases, the most active remedies
are necessary. Such is the crisis of the moment, that we must either
renounce all supremacy over America, or curb with more effi3ctual
means these unruly spirits ; and, in such an extremity, what is the
use of cavils and subtile distinctions ?'

But the members of the opposition, and the agents of Massachu-
setts, represented, on their part, that the measure proposed was
flagrantly tyrannical ; that this alone, setting aside the affair of
taxation, was more than sufficient to excite the greatest commotions
in America.

< What can the Americans believe, but that England wishes to de-
spoil them of all liberty, of all franchise ; and, by the destruction of
their charters, to reduce them to a state of the most abject slavery ?
It is a thing of no little peril, however, to undertake the reformation
of charters. The princes of the house of Stuart found it so ; who
lost the crown in attempting to gratify so fatal an ambition. Great
Britain has always held similar proceedings in just abhorrence ; and
how can she now herself pretend to imitate them ? Hitherto the
Americans have only complained of the loss of one of their immu-
nities ; but at present it is proposed to usurp them all. The other
colonies will believe, that what is commenced in Massachusetts will
soon be introduced in each of them ; and thus, it cannot be doubted,
they will all combine to oppose such attempts in the outset. As
the Americans are no less ardently attached to liberty than the Eng-
lish themselves, can it even be hoped they will submit to such ex-
orbitant usurpations, — ^to such portentous resolutions ?'

126 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK III.

These, with other considerations, were advanced by those who
advocated the American cause ; but all was in vain. The bill was
passed, by an immense majority.

Lord North then proposed a third, by which it was provided, that
in case any individual should be questioned, in the province of Mas-
sachusetts, for homicide, or other capital offense, and it should ap-
pear to the governor, that the act was done in the execution of the
law, or in assisting any magistrate to suppress tumults, and that a
just and impartial trial was not to be expected in the province, the
same governor should have authority to send the accused to take
his trial in another colony, or, if expedient, even in Great Britain.
Tliis act was to be in force, for the term of four years.

The minister insisted in his discourse, that without the measure
proposed, those whose office it was to enforce the execution of the
laws, would be very remiss in the discharge of this duty, having no
hope to find, in case of need, an impartial tribunal to judge them.
' It is impossible, without inconsistency, to commit the trial of such
persons to those against whom, in obedience to the laws, they may
have acted. The bill now submitted will crown the resolutions
taken with respect to the colonics ; your work, without this, would
remain unfinished and defective. We must consider, that every
thing we have, that is valuable to us, is at stake ; and the question
at issue is very shortly this, Whether the Americans shall continue
the subjects of Great Britain or not ? I feel assured of a good
result, when all these new arrangements shall be carried properly
into execution.'

But colonel Barre, and Edmund Burke, opposed the minister
with great warmth ; and spoke, in substance, as follows : ' This is
indeed the most extraordinary resolution that was ever heard in the
parliament of England. It offers new encouragement to military
insolence, already so insupportable ; which is the more odious, in
the present case, as the soldiers are expected to act against their own
fellow citizens ! By this law, the Americans are deprived of a right
which belongs to every human creature, — that of demanding justice
before a tribunal composed of impartial judges. Even captain
Preston, who, in their own city of Boston, had shed the blood of
citizens, found among them a fair trial, and equitable judges. It is
an idea so extravagant, this of taking the trial over the Atlantic seas,
three thousand miles, to Great Britain, where the prisoner may cab
upon and subpoena as many witnesses as he pleases, that it is hard
to conceive how it could have entered the brain of any man in his
senses. Instead of stimulating the audacity of regular troops, on
the contrary the provincial militia should be encouraged, that they

BOOK III. THE AMERICAN WAR. 127

may serve as a shield and a bulwark against them in favor of civil
liberiy. To approve this law is equivalent to a declaration of war
against the colonies. Let us but look a Uttle into our behavior.
When we are insulted by Spain, we negotiate ; when we dispute
with our brethren of America, we prepare our ships and our troops
to attack them. In the one house of parliament, ' wc have passed
the Rubicon ;' in the other, ' delenda est Carthago.' But I see
nothing in the present measures, but inhumanity, injustice, and
wickedness ; and I fear that the hand of Heaven will fall down on
this unhappy country, with the same degree of vengeance we desire
to wreak on our brethren of America. And what is the unpardon-
able oifense the Americans have been guilty of? Of no other but
that of refusing their consent to an act that was contrary to the writ-
ten laws, and to the unalterable principles of the British constitu-
tion. And if England herself, in certain ancient times, had not re-
sisted such arbitrary laws, should we have enjoyed our present free
government, or should we have existed as a house of commons hero
this day ? '

Lord Gcrmaine, having risen, spoke thus on the side of ministers ;
* If 1 believed that the measure in question could be deemed unjust
and tyrannical, I certainly should not undertake to support it against
such vehement attacks. But as I think it, on the contrary, not only
just, but seasonable and necessary, I shall freely defend it, even at
the risk, in so doing, of wounding the delicate ears of the orators
seated opposite. The trial of the military on this side of the water
has been much objected to. What is it, sir, but a protection of inno-
cence ? Can any thing be more desirable to generous minds, than
that ? America, at this instant, is nothing but anarchy and confu-
sion. Have they any one measure, but what depends upon the will
of a lawless multitude ? Where are the courts of justice ? Shut up.
Where are your council ? Where is your governor ? All of them
intimidated by the infuriate rabble. Can you expect, in the midst
of such tumults, in the midst of such ferocious anarchy, that these
men could have a fair tria'.? No ; assuredly not. It has been ob-
served, that we negotiated, however, with Spain. But the Spaniards
disavowed the fact, and acknowledged our right with respect to the
Falkland Islands ; whereas, the contumacious Americans continue
to resist and deride us ! It is objected, that these proceedings are
to deprive persons of their natural right. Let me ask, of what natu-
ral right? Whether that of smuggUng, or of throwing tea over-
board"?—or of another natural right, which is not paying their debts ?
But surely this bill does not destroy any of their civil rights. You
have given the innocent man a fair trial. It is not a military govern-

128 THE AMEIIICAN WAll. BOOK III.

•nent that is established ; but the alteration of a civil one, oy which
it is made conformable to existing circumstances. If peace, if obe-
dience to the laws and legitimate authorities, are still to be re-estab-
lished in the province of IMassachusetts, this is the only measure that
can conduct us to a result so desirable.'

The question being put, it was resolved in the affirmative ; an
hundred and twenty-seven voted in favor of the bill, and only
twenty-four against.

Notwithstanding the resolutions recently taken, which were to
produce such salutary effects in the colonies, the government re-
flected that the Americans might possibly proceed to the last ex-
tremities, and thus render it necessary to use open force to reduce
them ; the ministers therefore thought it might be well to secure a
place near the colonies, where they could make the necessary prep-
arations, and disembark, upon occasion, their troops and munitions
of war, without obstacles, without discontent on the part of the in-
habitants, and, especially, without these eternal complaints of the
violation of rights and of statutes. For such a purpose, no prov-
ince appeared more suitable than Canada, which, from its situation,
was well adapted to overawe the colonies where the late tumults had
arisen. But, to facilitate this design, it was requisite to satisfy the
Canadians, who, till very lately, having been French, were not yet
accustomed to the laws of their new masters, and were even much
inclined to detest them. The Canadian nobility, heretofore possessed
of great authority in their province, complained that they had no
longer so 'considerable a part in public affairs, as they had enjoyed
under the French dominion. The people, professing generally the
Catholic religion, were dissatisfied because they were not permitted
to partake of all the privileges and civil advantages enjoyed by
Protestant subjects.

These motives determined the government to extend the author-
ity of the nobility, and establish a perfect equality of rights between
the Catholics and Protestants. Accordingly, upon the motion of
lord North, the parliament passed an act, establishing, in the prov-
ince of Canada, a legislative council, invested with all powers, ex-
cept that of imposing taxes. It was provided, that its members
should be appointed by the crown, and continue in authority during
its pleasure ; that the Canadian subjects professing the Catholic faith,
might be called to sit in this council ; that the Catholic clergy, with
the exception of the regular orders, should be secured in the enjoy-
ment of their possessions, and of their tithes towards all those who
professed the same religion ; that the French laws, without jury,
should be re-estabhshed, preserving, however, the Enghsh laws, with

BOOK III. THE AMERICAN WAR. 129

trial by jury, in criminal cases. It was also added, in order to fur
nish the ministers with a larger scope for their designs, that the limits
of Canada should be extended so as to embrace the territory situ-
ated between the lakes, the river Ohio and the Mississippi. Thus, it
was hoped, that being flanked by a province reduced to a state of
absolute dependence on the government, and with this bridle, as it
were, in tlie mouth, the Americans would no longer dare to renew
their accustomed salhes.

In the last place, a bill was proposed and passed, which author-
ized, in case of exigency, the quartering of soldiers in the houses
of citizens.

These new laws were received in England with universal applause ;
as a general and violent indignation had been excited there, by the
insolence and enormities of the Americans. The bill of Quebec,
liowever, as that of Canada was called, found a much less cordial re-
ception. It even occasioned much murmuring among the English
people. ' The other laws,' it was said, ' are just and proper, because
they tend to establish English authority over the seditious ; but this
is an attempt against the national liberty and religion.'

Governor Hutchinson, become odious to the Americans, was suc-
ceeded by general Gage, a man much known, and highly respected,
in America. He was invested with the most ample authority, to
pardon and remit, at discretion, all treason or felony, and even all
murders or crimes, of whatever denomination, as also all forfeitures
and penalties whatsoever, which the inhabitants of Massachusetts
might have incurred.

An universal curiosity prevailed, to know the result of the new
measures taken by the English ministers, and what v/ould be the
issue of a contest, in which all the authority of a most ancient and
powerful kingdom, formidable even from the terror of its name, and
the recent glory of its arms, combated against the obstinacy of a
people naturally headstrong, and attached to their privileges almost
to infatuation. Nor did the course of events remain long in doubt.
For, upon the arrival in Boston of the news of the port bill, a meet-
ing of the inhabitants was immediately called ; in which, the act was
declared to be unjust and cruel ; they made their appeal to God and
to tlie world. A vast number of copies of the act were printed and
dispersed throughout the colonies ; and, to make the deeper impres-
sion on the multitude, the copies were printed on mourning paper,
bordered with black Unes ; and they were cried through the country,
as the ' barbarous, cruel, sanguinary and inhuman murder.'' In
many places, it was burnt with great solemnity by the assembled
multitude

VOL. I. 9

130 THE AMERICAN WAR.

BOOR III.

In the midst of this effervescence, general Gage arrived at Bos-
ton ; where, notwithstanding the general agitation, he was received
with distinction.

The committee of correspondence perceived all the importance
of uniting in a common sentiment the committees of the other colo-
nies ; but they also felt the constraint of their present position, since
the particular interests of Boston were now especially concerned.
They wrote, therefore, with a modest reserve, and their letters mere-
ly expressed a hope, that the city of Boston would be considered as
suffering for the common cause.

The flames of this combustion were soon communicated to all
parts of the continent ; there was not a place that did not convene
its assembly, that did not dispatch its letters, animated with the
same spirit ; the praises, the congratulations, the encouragements,
addressed to the Bostonians, were without end. The province of
Virginia was also on this occasion prompt to give the signal and the
example ; its assembly was in session when the news arrived of the
Boston port bill. It was immediately resolved, that the first of
June, the time prefixed for the law to take effect, should be observed
by all as a day of fasting, prayer and humiliation ; that on this
day, the divine mercy should be supplicated, that it would deign to
avert the calamities which threatened the Americans with the loss of
their rights, and a civil war ; that it would inspire all hearts and all
minds with the same affections and with the same thoughts, that they
might effectually concur in the defense of their liberty. The othei
cities followed this example. The popular orators in the public
halls, and the ministers of religion in the churches, pronounced dis •
courses adapted to inflame the people against the authors of the
usurpations, and all the evils of which the Bostonians were the
victims. The governor thought it prudent to dissolve the assembly
of Virginia. But prior to their separation, they contracted a league,
by which they declared, that the attempt by coercion, to induce one
of the colonies to consent to an arbitrary tax, was to be considered
as an outrage common to all ; that in such a case, it was just and
necessary that all should unite, with one consent, to oppose such
pernicious, such detestable counsels. Not content with this, they
adopted a resolution, which was the most important of all ; it pur-
ported that all the colonies should be invited to choose deputies, to
convene every year, in a general congress, to deliberate in common
upon the general interests of America.

In Boston, the general assembly of the province having met, the
new governor informed the house, that on the first of June, in con-
formity to the port bill, their sittings must be transferred to Salem.

BOOK III. THE AMERICAN WAR. l.'Jl

But perceiving, that, to avoid this translation, they hastened to ter-
minate the affairs in deliberation, he adjourned them himself to Sa-
lem, for the 7th of June. When re-assembled in this place, the
house immediately took into consideration the events of the day.
The leaders, among whom Samuel Adams was the most active, had
prepared the resolutions. The assembly decreed that a general
congress should be convoked ; they elected the deputies that were
to represent the province in the same, and made provision for their
expenses.

Maryland held its assembly at Annapolis ; South Carolina, at
Charleston ; Pennsylvania, at Philadelphia ; Connecticut, at IVew
London ; Rhode Island, at Newport ; and, in a word, all the provinces ,
from New Hampshire to South Carolina, pursued one course ; all
adhered to the measure of holding a general congress ; and elected
their deputies accordingly. No province sent less than two, or more
than seven representatives. The city of Philadelphia, being rich,
flourishing and populous, and forming a central point between the
provinces of the north and those of the south, was chosen for the
seat of the general congress.

The associations against British commerce were also resumed with
great spirit ; the provincial assemblies, the town meetings, and the
committees of correspondence, all co-operated with admirable effect,
in promoting the same object. Had it been possible to increase the
animosity and indignation already kindled by the Boston port bill,
they must have redoubled at the news of the two other acts, con-
cerning the civil administration of Massachusetts, and that of Que.
bee. The Boston committee of correspondence originated a mo-
tion, upon this occasion, of great moment ; it was to form a general
combination, which should be called, ' The League and Covenant*
in imitation of the leagues and covenants made in the times of civil
wars in England. The covenanters were required to obligate them-
selves, in the presence of God, and promise in the most solemn and
religious manner, to cease all commerce with England, dating from
the last of the ensuing month of August, until the late detestable acts
should be repealed, and the colony reinstated in all its rights, fran-
chises, liberty and privileges ; not to purchase or use, after this term,
any British goods, wares or merchandise whatsoever ; and to abstain
from all commerce or traffic whatever with those who should
use or introduce them, or refuse to enter into the solemn league.
Finally, a menace was added, which, in a period of such universal
excitement, was sufficient to intimidate, that the names of those
should be published who should refuse to give this authentic proof
of their attachment to the rights and liberty of their country. If

132 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK 111.

the resolution was bold, its execution was not tardy. The articles
of the league were transmitted, by circulars, to the other provinces,
with invitation to the inhabitants to annex their names. Either vol-
untarily or out of fear, an infinite number subscribed in all the i)rov-
nices, and particularly in those of New England. The citizens of
Philadelphia alone discovered a repugnance to the measure ; not that
they felt less abhorrence for the proceedings of England, or were
less attached to their privileges ; but a total suspension of commerce
with Great Britain, appeared to them a thing of so great importance,
and so prejudicial to many industrious inhabitants of their city, that
they could not but hesitate as to its adoption. They desired, there-
fore, to leave it for the determination of the general congress ; prom-
ising to CvCicute, scrupulously, whatever might be the resolutions of
that assembly.

General Gago. astonished and inflamed at the very name of league,
a name so fui! of dread for the ears of an officer of the crown of
England, issued a proclamation, declaring it to be an illegal and
criminal combination, and contrary to the allegiance due to the king.
But these were mere words. The people of Massachusetts publish-
ed, on their part, that the declaration of the governor was of itself
tyrannical ; they contended, that no authority could prevent the
subjects from consulting together, and forming conventions for the
maintenance of their rights, in cases of oppression.

Thus the laws upon which the British ministers had rested their
hopes of dividing the counsels, appeasing the tumults, securing
obedience, and re-establishing tranquillity in America, were those
which originated more union, greater commotions, more open revolt,
and a more determined spirit of resistance. Nor should it be im-
agined, that so much agitation was excited only by men of obscure
condition, or a few party leaders ; on the contrary, men of all ranks
engaged in the work ; and among the foremost, numbers remarkable
for their opulence, their authority or their talents. The landholders,
especially, were exasperated more than all others, and manifested a
more vehement desire to triumph over the ministers ; whom they
called wicked, and whom they detested so mortally.

Meanwhile, on the first of June, at mid-day, ail business ceased
in the custom house of Boston, and the port was shut against every
vessel that offered to enter ; and, on the 14th, permission to depart
was refused to all that had entered before. This day was observed
as a day of calamity at Williamsburg, the capital of Virginia ; and
as a day of general mourning in all the other cities of the continent.
At Philadelphia, all business ceased, and all tradesmen, excepting
the Quakers, closed their shops; the bells sounded the funeral knell.

BOOK III. THE AMERICAN WAR. 133

But the Bostonians excited pity ; their city, lately so rich, so pros-
perous, so distinguished for the number and courteous character of
its inhabitants, now presented, in every part, only the images of deso-
lation and despair. The rich, in having lost the rents of their build-
ings, were becoming poor ; the poor, deprived of employment, had
fallen into indigence. Each sustained his share of the general ca-
lamity. A malignant soldiery, parading through the city, seemed
also inclined to insult their miseries.

The inhabitants of the province of Massachusetts, and of all the
others, came, indeed, to their succor ; subscriptions went round,
in Philadelphia, to procure some relief for those Bostonians, who,
by the effect of the new law, were deprived of subsistence. But
how inadequate were these succors, to satisfy the exigencies of such
distress ! Many of these unfortunate sufferers were reduced to the
last extreme of penury. If the miseries, however, they experienced,
were extreme, so also were the resignation and the fortitude with
which they supported them. It may well be supposed, they perus-
ed with singular attention the pages of ancient and modern story,
which have recorded the sufferings of the apostles of liberty, either
to publish them, as they did, in a style often of virulence, and more
often of emphasis, in the public journals, or to repeat them in
popular assemblies, and paragon with such illustrious examples,
the tribulations of the Bostonians, whose constancy they magnified
with boundless encomium. They were styled the hving martyrs
of liberty, — the generous defenders of the rights of man ; they
were pronounced the worthy descendants of their virtuous and
heroic ancestors.

The government had persuaded itself, that, the port of Boston
being shut up, the inhabitants of the neighboring towns would en-
deavor to avail themselves of it by drawing to their own ports the
commerce hitherto transacted in that city. But things took a direc-
tion very wide of its expectations. The inhabitants of Marblehead,
a small seaport, at a few miles distance from Boston, and even those
of Salem, offered the Bostonians their ports, wharves, and ware-
houses, free of all expense or remuneration.

During these occurrences, most of the civil magistrates had sus-
pended the exercise of their functions ; for those who had been ap-
pointed under the new laws, had either declined acceptance, or were
prevented by the people from acting in their several offices. The
council only which assisted the governor, was permitted to dispatch
sonie affairs, as, out of thirty-six new counsellors, who had been ap-
pointed, only two had declined ; but the others, having been de-
nounced to the public as enemies to the country, and the multitude

134 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK 111.

collecting in fury about their houses, the greater part resigned. The
courts of justice were suspended, because their members refused to
take the oath prescribed by the laws, or to conform, in any shape, to
its provisions. The attorneys who had issued writs of citation, were
compelled to ask pardon in the public journals, and promise not to
expedite other, until the laws should be revoked, and the charters
re-established. The people rushed in a throng to occupy the seat of
justice, that no room might be left for the judges ; when invited to
withdraw, they answered, that they recognized no other tribunals,
and no other magistrates, but such as were established according to
ancient laws and usages.

The greater part of the inhabitants, persuaded that things must,
finally, terminate in open war, diligently provided themselves with
arms, and exercised daily, in handling tiiem. They succeeded in
this with extreme facility, being naturally active, accustomed to fa-
tigue, and experienced huntsmen. They excelled particularly in
the use of the rifle, which they leveled with unerring aim. In all
places, nothing was heard but the din of arms, or the sound of fifes
and of drums ; nothing was seen but multitudes intent upon learning
the military exercise and evolutions ; young and old, fathers and
sons, and even the gentle sex, all bent their steps towards these mar-
tial scenes ; some to acquire instruction, others to animate and en-
courage. The casting of balls, and making of cartridges, were be-
come ordinary occupations. All things offered the image of an
approaching war.

The arrival of general Gage, at Boston, had been followed by that
of two regiments of infantry, with several pieces of cannon. These
troops had been quartered in the city : they were re-inforced by
several regiments, coming from Ireland, from New York, from Hali-
fax, and from Quebec ; all directed upon this point, to smother the
kindling conflagration. The inhabitants beheld this with incredible
jealousy, which was still increased by an order of the general, to
place a guard upon the isthmus, which connects the peninsula, where
Boston is situated, with the main land. The pretext assigned was,
to prevent the desertion of the soldiers, but the real motive of this
istep was to intimidate the inhabitants, that they might not so freely
as they had done heretofore, transport arms from the city into the
country. Every day gave birth to new causes of contention between
the soldiers and the citizens. Popular rumors were circidated rap-
idly, and heard with avidity ; at every moment the people collected
as if ripe for revolt.

The governor, attentive to this agitation, and fearing some unhap-
py accident, resolved to fortify the isthmus, and proceedetl in tlie

BOOK III. THE AMERICAN WAR. 135

works with great activity. The inhabitants of Boston, as well aa
tliose of the country, were extremely exasperated by it ; they ex-
claimed, that this was an act of hostility on the part of the general,
and a manifest proof that it was resolved to make every thin<' bend
to military authority. Many conjectures were in circulation among
trie people, and violent menaces were thrown out. General Gage,
apprehensive of an explosion, detached two companies of soldiers
to seize the powder that was deposited in the magazine at Charles-
town, near Boston. He considered this the more prudent, as the
time was now approaching for the annual review of the militia;
when, if any hostile designs were in agitation, they might probably
be put in execution.

The rage of the people had now reached its acme. They assem-
bled from all quarters, and hastened with arms, to Cambridge. The
more prudent had great difficulty to prevent them from marching
furiously to Boston, to demand the restitution of the powder, or in
case of refusal, to fall immediately upon the garrison.

But soon after, and probably by a secret device of the patriot
chiefs, to let the British soldiers perceive, that, if they should ven-
ture to offer the shadow of violence, a signal to the inhabitants of
the province would suffice to make them repent of it, a report was
circulated among this exasperated multitude, that the fleet and gar-
rison had commenced hostilities, that their artillery was firing upon
the town, and that the Bostonians were hard pressed to defend
themselves. The rumor was spread with incredible rapidity through
the whole province ; in a few hours, above thirty thousand men
were under arms ; they proceeded towards Boston with the utmost
speed, and made no halt till they had full certainty that the alarm
was premature.

This movement gave origin to many others ; and it became an
almost daily custom to attack the houses of such as either had ac-
cepted the new offices, or in any way had shown themselves favor-
able to English pretensions, or opposed to American privileges. No
longer, therefore, able to find safety except within the city itself, the
commissioners of the customs, and those under their authority, as
well as all other public officers, who had removed to Salem for the
exercise of their functions, went back to Boston. Thus, in the
space of a few months, the regulations were annihilated, which the
ministers had designed to introduce by means of the port bill.

The province of Massachusetts was not the only theater of popu-
lar commotions ; all had a part in this general convulsion. The in-
habitants, at many points, fearing the governor might get the start
of them in respect to seizing the powder, as he had done at Charles-

136 THE AMERICAN WAR.

BOOK. III.

town, flew to possess themselves of what lay in the forts and pow-
der magazines of the king. Thus it happened at Portsmouth, in
New Hampshire, where the provincials stormed the fort, and carried
off the powder and artillery. The inhabitants of Rhode Island did
the same ; the people of Newport rose, and took possession of forty
pieces of cannon, which defended the harbor.

The removal of the powder at Charlestown, and the fortifications
carrying on at Boston, together with the popular agitations, occa-
sioned a meeting of delegates from the difiercnt towns and boroughs
of the county of Suffolk, of which Boston is the capital. They
took very spirited resolutions ; purporting, that no obedience Avas
due to the late acts of parliament, but, on the contrary, hatred and
execration, since they were attempts to enslave America ; that the
appointment of public officers by virtue of these acts, was contrary
to constitutional statutes and principles ; that the country would in-
demnify the subordinate officers, who should refuse to execute the
orders of their superiors, appointed under the new laws ; that the
collectors of the public money should retain it in their hands, and
make no payment, until the ancient laws of the colony should be
re-established, or until it should be ordered otherwise by tiie pro-
vincial congress ; that those who had accepted the new offices must
resign them before the 20th of September ; and if not, they should
be declared enemies to the country : that officers of the militia should
be chosen in every town, selecting, for this purpose, individuals skill-
ful in arms, and inflexibly attached to the rights of the people ; that,
as it had been reported it was in contemplation to apprehend cer-
tain persons of the county, if this menace should be executed, the
royal officers should be immediately seized, and detained as hos-
tages ; that the people should be exhorted to maintain tranquillity,
and merit, by their moderation, by their steady, uniform and perse-
vering resistance, in a contest so important, in a cause so solemn,
the approbation of the wise, and the admiration of the brave, of
every country, and of every age.

Another assembly, but of tiie entire province of Massachusetts,
was held at Salem. The governor not choosing to sanction it by his
presence, they formed themselves into a provincial congress, and
elected Hancock president. After having addressed their complaints
to the governor of the fortifications of the isthmus, they took extraor-
dinary measures for the defense of the pro\'ince. They prepared
munitions of war, they filled magazines with provisions, they enrolled
twelve thousand of the militia, whom they called minute men ; that
is, soldiers that must hold themselves in readiness to march at a
minute's notice. The decrees and recommendations of the provin-

BOOK III. THE AMERICAN WAR. 137

cial congress were executed with the same exactness as if they had
emanated from a legitimate authority.

Thus, the plans of the British ministers produced, in America,
effects contrary to their intentions. Already, every appearance
announced the approach of civil war.

In the midst of this agitation, and of apprehensions inspired by
the future, the general congress assembled at Philadelphia ; it was
composed of delegates from all the American colonies.

END OF BOOK THIRD.

138 THE AMERICAN WAR. UOOK IV.

BOOK FOURTH.

1774. The deputies of the different colonies arrived in Philadel-
phia on the 4th of September, except those of North Carohna, who
delayed their appearance until the 14th of the same month. All
were men of note, and distinguished by the public favor. Far from
being persons destitute of the goods of fortune, they were all landed
proprietors, and some possessed even great opulence. Several had
been instructed by their constituents, to e.xert their utmost endeavors
to secure the liberty of America, by the most suitable means, and to
restore the ancient course of things with England ; others, to vote
for resolutions relative to the exercise of commerce, calculated to
induce the English government to embrace milder counsels towards
the colonies ; others, finally, were invested with unlimited authority
to do whatsoever, in the present circumstances, they should judge
most conducive to the public good.

Having met on the 5th, they resolved that their deliberations
should be kept secret, until the majority should direct them to be
published ; and that, in determining questions, each colony should
have but one vote, whatever might be the number of its deputies
They elected for president, Peyton Randolph, of Virginia ; and for
secretary, Charles Thomson. They were in number fifty-five.*

For a long time, no spectacle had been offered to the attention ol
mankind, of so powerful an interest as this of the present American
congress. It was indeed a novel thing, and as it were miraculous,
that a nation, hitherto almost unknown to the people of Europe, or
only known by the commerce it occasionally exercised in their ports,
should, all at once, step forth from this state of oblivion, and, rous-
ing as from a long slumber, should seize the reins to govern itself;
that the various parts of this nation, hitherto disjoined, and almost
in opposition to each other, should now be united in one body, and
moved by a single will ; that their long and habitual obedience
should be suddenly changed for the intrepid counsels of resistance,
and of open defiance, to the formidable nation whence they derived
their origin and laws.

There had been observed, at intervals, it is true, in the vast domin-
ions of Spain in America, some popular agitations ; but they were
easily repressed by th? government. In the colonies of Portugal, the
public repose had ne\er been interrupted. France, in like manner

• See Note I.

BOOK IV. THE AMEKICAN WAR. 139

had always found her American subjects inclined to a willing sub-
mission. It was reserved for the English colonies to afford the first
example of resistance, and of a struggle to separate themselves from
the parent state. Such, however, was the necessary consequence
of the corstitution of England, and of her colonies ; of the opinions
which prevailed in the latter ; of the memory of ancient revolutions ;
and of the discontents which, from time to time, had manifested
themselves in America, but which now, for the first time, menaced
an inevitable, and not distant explosion ; for the congress of Albany
had presented nothing illegal in its character, since it had been con-
voked by the legitimate authorities. It had manifested no tendency
towards a new order of things ; though perhaps the secret counsels
of those who composed it, eventually aspired at independence ; but,
in effect, nothing was regulated by that assembly, except the interests
of the English colonies with regard to the Indian nations of the vi-
cinity. When the congress of New York was convened, the excite-
ment of men's minds was not yet so extreme, the popular disor^'ers
had not taken so alarming a character, nor had the government then
displayed so much rigor, nor prostrated so many colonial statutes.
On the other hand, the members of this congress, though possessed
of much, had not so entire an influence with the American people
as those of the congress of Philadelphia ; nor did they excite such
public expectation of future events as the latter assembly. The col-
onists looked upon it as a convention of men who, in some mode
or other, were to deliver their country from the perils that menaced
it. The greater part believed that their ability, their prudence and
their immense influence with the people, would enable them to ob-
tain from the government the removal of the evils that oppressed
them, and the re-establishnient of the ancient order of things. Some
others cherished the belief, that they would find means to conduct
the American nation to that independence which was the first and
most ardsnt of their aspirations, or rather the sole object of that in-
tense passion which stung and tormented them, night and day. The
confidence they had placed in the congress, was equal to the aver-
sion they had conceived to the new laws. The generality of peo-
ple, usually ignorant what obstacles must be encountered in great en-
terprises, deem their grievances already removed, when they have
confided to a few the interests of all ; the colonists, accordingly, at-
tributing to their new delegates greater power than they in reality
possessed, were generally elated with the most flattering hopes.
They knew that a union of minds is the most efficacious instrument
of success ; and their concord was prodigious ; all were ready to sac-
rifice their lives and their fortunes to the triumph of their cause.

140 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK IT.

Not that there existed none of another mind, wlio would gladly
have held a quite different course ; but they were few, in this firsi
impulse, and they were reduced to silence by the consent and en-
thusiasm of all the others. No other government, however consoli-
dated by the lapse of ages or the force of arms, ever experienced so
much promptness and punctuality of obedience as the American
congress. The colonists were disposed to receive its deliberations,
not only as the useful and salutary laws of a good government, but
as the revered precepts and oracles of men conse'jrated and gener-
ously devoted to the salvation of their country.

Such was the posture of affiiirs in America at the epoch of the
convocation of congress. But in Europe, the novelty of circum-
stances had excited strong emotions in the minds o^ all ; in some,
creating ferr, — in others, hope, — in all, astonishment. In England,
the ministerial party declaimed with vehemence against the audacity
of the Americans, who were called rebels ; and the most rigorous
counsels were already proposed. They could not comprehend how
a people like that of America, divided, as they had always been, by
a sectarian spirit, into various schisms and parties, should now be
capable of a concord so entire, as to present but one only sentiment,
and but one same will ; — how, laying aside the mutual rancor result-
ing from the diversity of their opinions and interests, they should
all, at the present moment, have concurred in a resolution to de-
fend and maintain what they considered their rights, against England.

' Is it conceivable, that a nation which subsists by its commerce,
that has no naval armament, and whose principal cities are exposed
to the vengeance of a maritime enemy, that is unprovided with reg-
ular and veteran troops, should have the hardihood to dispute the
will of the British nation, powerful in arms, radiant with the glory of
its recent achievements, inexhaustible in puL lio and private resources,
strong in a government cemented by the hand of time, formidable
for the prodigious number of its ships, and abounding in experi-
enced commanders, both of land and sea?'

But it was answered on the other side :

' Wherefore this astonishment at the resolution of the Americans .'
Even though it were true, that, as to the means of sustaining war,
they were thus inferior to Great Britain, who is ignorant that men
inflamed by the zeal of political opinions do not descend to nice
calculations, or spend time in weighing the probabilities of the future ?
And has not England herself many difficulties to surmount ? Is she
not divided, even upon this question of America, by the spirit of par-
ty ? Opinions are so much at variance on this subject, that a greai
number, it is clear, would march against the colonists with extreme

BOOK rv. THE AMERICAN WAR. 141

repugnance. A vast ocean separates from us the countries in whicJi
the war must be carried on ; this circumstance alone will, of neces-
sity, cause an incalculable expense, an enormous waste of military
stores, a frightful sacrifice of men, the most fatal delays, and ^
frequent defect of correspondence between measures and exigencies
The finances of England are exhausted by the exorbitant debt con-
tracted in times past, and especially during the late war ; the reve-
nue falls far short of meeting the ordinary expenditure ; and so pon
derous an increase of burthen as the disbursements of this new war
must involve, would absolutely crush the resources of the state.
Besides, what country is better adapted than America for a long
defense ? It is covered with trackless forests, fortified by lakes,
rivers, and mountains ; it has few passable roads ; and abounds in
strong defiles, and fords, which are only known to the in-
habitants.'

Nor should it be omitted, that the recollection of past events must
have acted with great force upon the minds of those who directed
the counsels of England. They were abandoned to doubt and un-
certainty ; for this was the same cause which in the preceding cen-
tury had been contested in England, and which, after so many ef-
forts, and so much blood, had produced a total revolution, and placed
the British scepter in the hands of a ne^ ^ line of princes. Bui
even this reflection was calculated to excite, in the members of the
government, a certain indignation, but too proper to pervert their
reason, and alienate them from the counsels of moderation and pru-
dence. Assuredly, since the epoch of this revolution, the British
cabinet never had a more difficult enterprise to conduct ; it had
never witnessed a crisis of such fatal augury, or that menaced, with
a wound so deadly, the very heart of the state. Nor was it possible
to dissemble, that the Americans would not be destitute of foreign
succors ; for, although the European powers, who possessed colo-
nies in America, could not, but with certain solicitude, contemplate
these commotions in the British provinces, viewing them as a danger-
ous example for their own subjects, who, if success should attend
the designs of the Americans, might, they apprehended, indulge
pernicious thoughts, and contrary to their allegiance, yet they were
greatly re-assured, by reflecting that their colonists were far from
cherishing the same political opinions that prevailed among the in-
habitants of the English colonies. And, on the other hand, their
vehement desires to see the power of England reduced, prevented
them from perceiving the danger, or caused them to despise it ; for
this danger was remote and uncertain ; whereas the advantage of
the humiliation of England, which was expected to result from the

142 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK IV.

American war, was near at hand, and, if not certain, at least ex-
tiemely probable.

But, among the various nations of Europe, all more or less favor-
able to the cause of the Americans, and equally detesting the tyr-
anny of England, none signalized themselves more than the French.
The desire of vengeance, the hope of retrieving its losses, the re-
membrance of ancient splendor, the anguish of recent wounds, all
stimulated the French government to side with the Americans. It
waited only for the maturity of events, and a propitious occasion, to
declare itself. These dispositions of the ministry were not unknown
to the nation ; and, as no people are more susceptible of impres-
sions from those in power than the French, the cause of the Ameri-
cans found among them the most ardent and the most inge-
nious advocates. Many other causes, no less evident, concurred to
the same effect. The people of France, though accustomed to live
under a very absolute system of government, have uniformly testified
a particular esteem for such men, and for such nations, as have
valiantly defended their liberty against the usurpations of t)'ianny ;
for, when they are not led astray, and as it were transported out of
themselves, by their exorbitant imagination, their character is natu-
rallv benevolent and genti ^ ; they are always disposed to succor the
opprejised, especially when they support their ill fortune with con-
stancy, and contend, with courage to surmount it ; in a word, when
their enterprise presents an aspect of glory and of greatness. Such
was, or appeared to be, the cause of the Americans ; and such were
the general sentiments of the French towards them.

It should also be added, that, at this epoch, the writers who had
treated political subjects, in all countries, and especially in France,
had manifested themselves the advocates of a more liberal mode of
government; and thus the opinions which prevailed, at that time,
were extremely propitious to civil liberty. These writings were in
more eager request, and these opinions were still more rapidly dis-
seminated, at the news of the commotions which agitated America ;
than which nothing could more evidently prove what was the spirit
of that epoch. In all social circles, as well as in numerous publica-
tions which daily appeared in France, tho Americans were the objects
of boundless praise ; their cause was defended by the most spe-
cious arguments, and justified by a multitude of illustrious exam-
ples. And if, at the epoch when France, after the cession made by
the republic of Genoa, had undertaken the conquest of Corsica, ma-
ny were found, among the French, who professed themselves the
apologists of those islanders, and ventured openly to condemn the
determination of their own government to subdue them, it may well

BOOK IV, THE AMERICAN WAR.

143

be thought, the partisans of the Americans were far more numer-
ous, and demonstrated an enthusiasm still more ardent. It would
be diCicult to express what joy and what hopes were excited by the
intelligence of the convocation of the American congress. The
names of the deputies were extolled to the skies ; ' Let them has-
ten,' it was said, every where, 'to shake off the yoke of English
despotism, to sever these bonds of servitude ; let them establish
civil liberty in their country ; and let them serve as a perpetual ex-
ample that princes cannot, without peril, violate the fundamental
laws of their states, nor attack with impunity the privileges and im-
munities of their subjects.' Thus the French excited continually by
new motives and plausible arguments, the already exasperated minds
of the Americans ; and irritated those wounds which had already
the appearance of canceration, in order to render them absolutely
incurable.

Thus the congress saw united in its favor, not only the opinions
of the American people, but also those of all the European nations,
and even of their governments ; as likewise of no small part of the
inhabitants of Great Britain itself. So great was, at this epoch,
either the spirit of innovation, or the love of liberty, or the desire to
shake off the restraints of all authority whatsoever ! Meanwhile all
minds were suspended with expectation, for the issue of so important
a contest ; and all eyes were attentive to see what measures the
American convention would first adopt to sustain it.

It was natural, that the first thoughts of congress should have
turned towards the province of Massachusetts, and the city of Bos-
ton. The resolutions of the assembly of Suffolk having been the
most vigorous, and the most important, it was determined to confirm
them. They accordingly resolved, that they deeply felt the suffer-
ino-s of their countrymen, of the province of Massachusetts, under
the operation of the late unjust and cruel acts of the British parlia-
ment ; that they much approved the wisdom and fortitude which the
people of Massachusetts had displayed, in opposing such wicked
measures ; they exhorted them to perseverance, and recommended
the complete execution of the resolutions taken by the assembly of
Suflblk ; they expressed their confident hopes that the united efforts
of North America, would so persuade the British nation of the im-
prudence, injustice, and danger of the policy of the present minis-
ters, a& quickly to introduce better men, and wiser measures ; and
finally, they recommended, that the contributions which had been
commenced, in all the colonies, should continue to be collected, for
the relief and support of the Bostonians. And as those who are
inclined to war, generally affect the most earnest desire of peace,

144 TUE AMERICAN WAR. COOK IV.

congress addressed a letter to general Gage, praying him to put a
stop to the hostile preparations, wiiicii might provoke a pacific peo-
ple to have recourse to arms, and thus prevent the endeavors of the
congress, to restore a good understanding v^^ith the parent state, and
mvolve the nation in all the horrors of a civil war. He was espe-
cially requested to discontinue the fortifications of Boston, to repress
military license, and to restore a free communication between the
city and country.

Although the congress was not, constitutionally, a legitimate as-
sembly, general Gage, desirous of testifying his disposition to pre-
serve peace, answered, that no troops had ever given less cause for
complaint, than those that were then stationed in Boston, notwith-
standing the insults a^id provocations daily given to both officers and
soldiers ; that the communication between the city and country had
been always free, and should remain so, unless the inhabitants should
constrain him to take other measures. The congress also decreed
that if it should be attempted to carry into execution, by force, the
late acts of parliament, in such case, all America ought to support
the inhabitants of Massachusetts in their opposition ; that in case it
should be judged necessary to remove the citizens of Boston into the
country, the injury they might thereby sustain, should be repaired at
the public expense ; and that every person whomsoever, who should
accept of any commission, or authority, emanating from the new
laws, should be held in universal detestation and abhorrence.

The congress also deemed it useful and necessary to resort to the
accustomed confederacies against English commerce ; the merchants
of the colonies were therefore requested to suspend all importation
of merchandise from Great Britain, until the congress should have
published its intentions, touching the course to be pursued for the
preservation of the liberties of America. The agreement was prompt-
ly and universally contracted, according to its desires ; and it was
further stipulated, that all exportation of merchandise to Great Brit-
ain, Ireland and the West Indies, should cease after ihe 10th of
September, 1775, unless the wrongs of which the Amei icans com-
plained, were redressed prior to that period. The league was ob-
served, this time, with an astonishing consent.

There still remained an affair of the last importance ; ':hat of de-
termining what were the pretensions of America, and the tirms upon
»vhich she would consent to resume her ancient relations of amity
with Great Britain. To this effect the congress published an elabo-
rate declaration, entitled, a Declaration of Rights. This paper com-
menced with very bitter complaints, that the pa^rliament had, of late
years, undertaken to tax the colonies ; to establish an extraordinary

COOK rv'.

THE AMEKICAN WAR. 145

board of customs ; to extend the jurisdiction of the courts of admi-
ralty ; to grant salaries to the judges, without the concurrence of the
colonial assemblies ; to maintain a standing army in times of peace ;
to ordain that persons charged with offenses, affecting the state,
should be transported to England for trial ; to annul the regulations
of the government of Massachusetts, respecting the prosecution of
those who should be questioned for acts committed in the execution
of the laws, and in opposition to tumults ; and, finally, to abolish
the English laws in Canada, and to grant in that province extraordi-
nary favor to the Catholic religion. Which acts of the parhament
were pronounced impolitic, unjust, cruel, contrary to the constitu-
tion, most dangerous and destructive of American rights. They
continued with saying, that whereas the legal assembhes of Ameri-
ca, which had peaceably convened to deliberate on grievances, and
remonstrate against unjust and oppressive laws, had been frequently
dissolved, and their petitions and supplications treated with contempt
by the ministers of the king ; the Americans had, therefore, deter-
mined to convoke this congiess, in order to vindicate and secure
their rights and liberties.

Then followed the enumeration of these rights, such as life, lib-
erty and property ; which, they affirmed, no power could dispose of
without their consent. To these were added the rights peculiar to
English subjects, as, for example, to participate in the legislative
council ; and as the inhabitants of the colonies were not, and, from
local and other circumstances, could not be represented in the Brit-
ish parliament, they were entitled, it was asserted, to enjoy this right
of legislation in their respective assemblies, consenting cheerfully,
however, to the operation of such acts of parliament as were, bona
fide, restrained to the regulation of commerce, excluding every idea
of taxation, internal or external. They claimed, in like manner, th«3
right of being tried by their peers of the vicinage, and that of peace-
ably assembling and addressing their petitions to the king. It was
also declared, that the keeping a standing army in the colonies, in
times of peace, without the consent of the respective colonial assem-
b)\es, was altogether contrary to law. The congress here recapitu-
lated the acts of parliament which had violated the foregoing rights,
affirming that the Americans could not submit to such grievous acts
and measures, nor in any mode return to the former state of things,
without their revocation.

It was hoped, that their fellow citizens of Great Britain, would,
on the revision of these laws, see the necessity of repealing them, and
thus restore the Americans to that state of happiness and prosper-
ity, which they had enjoyed in times past ; that, in the meantime,

VOL. I. 10

146 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK IV.

and for the present, they were resolved to enter into a non-importa-
tion, non-consumption, and non-exportation agreement, in respect to
all articles of commerce with Great Britain. Tliey determined, also,
to prepare an address to the people of Great Britain, and a memo-
rial to the inhabitants of British America, as also another to the king,
in conformity to resolutions already taken.

By the first, their design was to conciliate the English people, and
to appease the resentment which they apprehended would be ex-
cited by the effect of the American combinations against their com-
merce. This they executed with singular address ; on the one hand,
flattering the self-love of the British, and on the other, averring that
it was with repugnance, and compelled, as it were, by invincible ne-
cessity, they were induced to embrace these prejudicial associations.
They were ready, they added, to dissolve them the moment the
government should have restored them to their original condition.

We transcribe a part of this address of the American congress to
the English people, as it is peculiarly proper to demonstrate what
•were the prevailing opinions at this epoch ; with what ardor and in-
flexible resolution the Americans supported their cause ; and the
great progress they had made in the art of writing with that elo-
quence which acts so irresistibly upon the minds of men. The three
members of congress who composed it, were, Lee, Livingston, and
Jay ; the last, it is generally believed, was the author. It was con-
ceived in the following terms :

' When a nation, led to greatness by the hand of liberty, and pos-
sessed of all the glory that heroism, munificence and humanity can
bestow, descends to the ungrateful task of forging chains for her
friends and children, and instead of giving support to freedom, turns
advocate for slavery and oppression, there is reason to suspect she
has either ceased to be virtuous, or been extremely negligent in the
appointment of her rulers.

' In almost every age, in repeated conflicts, in long and bloody
wars, as well civil as foreign, against many and powerful nations,
against the open assaults of enemies, and the more dangerous treach-
ery of friends, have the inhabitants of your island, your great and
glorious ancestors, maintained their independence, and transmitted
the rights of men, and the blessings of liberty, to you their posteri-
ty. Be not surprised, therefore, that we, who are descended from
the same common ancestors ; that we, whose forefathers participated
in all the rights, the liberties, and the constitution, you so justly
boast of, and who have carefully conveyed the same fair inheritance
to us, guarantied by the plighted faith of government, and the most
solemn compacts with British sovereigns, should refuse to surrender

BOOK IV. THE AMERICAN WAR, 147

them to men, who found their claims on no principles of reason, and
who prosecute them with a design, that by having our lives and prop-
erty in their power, they may, with the greater facility, enslave you.
The cause of America is now the object of universal attention ; it
has, at length, become very serious. This unhappy country has not
only been oppressed, but abused and misrepresented ; and the duty
we owe to ourselves and posterity, to your interest, and the general
welfare of the British empire, leads us to address you on this very
important subject.

' Know, then, that we consider ourselves, and do insist that we
are, and ought to be, as free as our fellow subjects in Britain, and
tJiat no power on earth has a right to take our property from us
without our consent. That we shall claim all the benefits secured
to the subject by the English constitution, and, particularly, that in-
estimable one of trial by jury. That we hold it essential to English
liberty, that no man be condemned unheard, or punished for sup-
posed offenses, without having an opportunity of making his defense.
That we think the legislature of Great Britain is not authorized by
the constitution, to establish a religion, fraught with sanguinary and
impious tenets, or to erect an arbitrary form of government, in any
quarter of the globe.

' These rights, we, as well as you, deem sacred. And yet, sacred
as they are, they have, with many others, been repeatedly and fla-
grantly violated. Are not the proprietors of the soil of Great Brit-
ain lords of their own property ? can it be taken from them without
their consent ? will they yield it to the arbitrary disposai of any man
or number of men whatever ? You know they will not. Why then
are the proprietors of the soil of America less lords of their proper-
ty than you are of yours ? or why should they submit it to the dis-
posal of your parliament, or any other parliament, or council in the
world, not of their election ? Can the intervention of the sea that
divides us, cause disparity in rights ? or can any reason be given why
English subjects, who live three thousand miles from the royal pal-
ace, should enjoy less liberty than those who are three hundred
miles distant from it ? Reason looks with indignation on such dis-
tinctions, and freemen can never perceive their propriety. And yet,
however chimerical and unjust such discriminations are, the parlia-
ment assert, that they have a right to bind us in all cases without ex-
ception, whether we consent or not ; that they may take and use our
property, when and in what manner they please ; that we are pen-
sioners on their bounty for all that we possess, and can hold it no
longer than they vouchsafe to permit. Such declarations we con-
sider as heresies in English politics, and which can no more operate

148 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK. IV

to deprive us of our property, than the interdicts of the pope can
divest kings of scepters, which the laws of the land and the voice of
the people have placed in their hands.

' At the conclusion of the late war — a war rendered glorious by
the ability and integrity of a minister, to whose efforts the British
empire owes its safety and its fame ; at the conclusion of this war,
which was succeeded by an inglorious peace, formed under the aus-
pices of a minister, of principles, and of a family unfriendly to the
protestant cause, and inimical to liberty. We say, at this period,
and under the influence of that man, a plan for enslaving your fel-
low subjects in America was concerted, and has ever since been per-
tinaciously carrying into execution.

' Prior to this era, you were content with drawing from us the
wealth produced by our commerce. You restrained our trade in
every way that could conduce to your emolument. You exercised
unbounded sovereignty over the sea. You named the ports and
nations to which, alone, our merchandise should be carried, and with
whom, alone, we should trade ; and though some of these restric-
tions were grievous, we, nevertheless, did not complain ; we looked
up to you as to our parent state, to which we were bound by the
strongest ties ; and were happy in being instrumental to your pros-
perity and your grandeur. We call upon you yourselves to witness
our loyalty and attachment to the common interest of the whole
empire ; did we not, in the last war, add all the strength of this vast
continent to the force which repelled our common enemy ? Did we
not leave our native shores, and meet disease and death, to promote
the success of British arms in foreign climates ? Did you not thank
us for our zeal, and even reimburse us large sums of money, which,
you confessed, we had advanced bey<Tn'i our proportion, and far
beyond our abilities ? You did. To what causes, then, are we to
attribute the sudden change of treatment, and that system of slavery
which was prepared for us at the restoration of peace ? '

After having gone through a recital of the present disturbances,
and specified all the laws of which they complained, they continued
thus :

• This being a true state of facts, let us beseech you to consider to
what end they lead. Admit that the ministry, by the powers of
Britain, and the aid of our Roman Catholic neighbors, should be
able to carry the point of taxation, and reduce us to a state of per-
fect humiliation and slavery ; such an enterprise would doubtless
make some addition to your national debt, which already presses
down your liberties, and fills you with pensioners and placemen.
We presume, also, that your commerce will somewhat be diminished.

BOOK IV. THE AMERICAN WAR. 149

However, suppose you should prove victorious, in what condition
will you then be ? What advantages, or what laurels, will you reap
from such a conquest ? May not a ministry, with the same armies,
enslave you ? It may be said, you will cease to pay them ; but, re-
member, the taxes from America, the wealth, and we may add the
men, and particularly the Roman Catholics, of this vast continent,
will then be in the power of your enemies ; nor will you have any
reason to expect, after making slaves of us, many among us should
refuse to assist in reducing you to the same abject state.

' We believe there is yet much virtue, much justice, and much
public spirit, in the English nation. To that justice we now appeal.
Yon have been told, that we are seditious, impatient of government,
and desirous of independency ; but these are mere calumnies. Per-
mit us to be as free as yourselves, and we shall ever esteem a union
with you to be our greatest glory, and our greatest happiness. But
if you are determined that your ministers shall wantonly sport with
the liberties of mankind ; if neither the voice of justice, the dictates
of the law, the principles of the constitution, or the suggestions of
humanity, can restrain your hands from shedding human blood in
such an impious cause, we must then tell you, that we shall never
submit to be hewers of wood or drawers of water for any minister
or nation in the world.

' Place us in the same situation that we were at the close of thw
war, and our former harmony will be restored. But lest the same
supineness, and the same inattention to our common interest, which
you have for several years shown, should continue, we think it pru-
dent to anticipate the consequences. By the destruction of the
trade of Boston, the ministry have endeavored to induce submission
to their measures. The like fate may befall us all. We will en-
deavor, therefore, to live without trade, and recur for subsistence to
the fertility and bounty of our native soil, which will afford us all
the necessaries, and some of the conveniencies, of Ufe. We have
susjiended our importation from Great Britain and Ireland ; and, in
less than a year's time, unless our grievances should be redressed,
shall discontinue our exports to those kingdoms and the West Indies.
It is with the utmost regret, however, that we find ourselves com-
pelled, by the overruling principles of self-preservation, to adopt
measures detrimental in their consequences to numbers of our fel-
low subjects in Great Britain and Ireland. But we hope that the
magnanimity and justice of the British nation will furnish a parlia-
ment of such wisdom, independence and public spirit, as may save
the violated rights of the whole empire from the devices of wicked
ministers and evil counsellors, whether in or out of office ; and there-

150 THE AMERICAN WAR.

B(!OK IV

by restore that harmony, friendship and fratei nal affection, between
all the inhabitants of his majesty's kingdoms and territories, so ar-
dently wished for by every true and honest American.'

The scope of their address to the inhabitants of America, was to
manifest the justice of their cause, by an exact enumeration of the
offensive laws ; to confirm them in resistance ; and to prepare their
minds for the worst. They observed, that the designs of the min-
isters to enslave America, had been conducted with such constancy,
as to render it prudent to expect mournful events, and be prepared,
in all respects, for every contingency.

In the petition addressed to the king, they made protestations of
their attachment towards the crown and the royal family ; they af-
firmed that nothing short of the usurpations which wicked counsel-
lors, deceiving the paternal heart of his majesty, had attempted,
could have induced them to depart from that submission of which
they had given, in happier times, such signal examples ; that it was
with extreme reluctance, and urged by imperious necessity, they
had entered into resolutions detrimental to the commerce of their
European fellow subjects ; and after having recapitulated their griev-
ances, they proceeded :

' From this destructive system of colonial administration, adopted
since the conclusion of the last war, have flowed those distresses,
dangers, fears, and jealousies, that overwhelm your majesty's dutiful
colonists with affliction ; and we defy our most subtle and inveterate
enemies, to trace the unhappy differences between Great Britain
and these colonies, from an earlier period, or from other causes than
w^e have assigned. Had they proceeded, on our part, from a rest-
less levity of temper, unjust impulses of ambition, or artful sugges-
tions of seditious persons, we should merit the opprobrious terms
frequently bestowed upon us by those we revere. But, so far from
promoting innovations, we have only opposed them ; and can be
charged with no offence, unless it be one to receive injuries and be
sensible of them.

* Had our Creator been pleased to give us existence in a land of
slavery, the sense uf our condition might have been mitigated by
ignorance and habit. But, thanks be to his adorable goodness, we
were born the heirs of freedom, and ever enjoyed our rights under
the auspices of your royal ancestors, whose family was seated on
the British throne to rescue and secure a pious and gallant nation
from the popery and despotism of a superstitious and inexorable
tyrant.

' Your majesty, we are confident, justly rejoices that your title to
the crown is thus founded on the title of your people to liberty ; and

BOOK IV. THE AMERICAN WAR.

151

therefore we doubt not but your royal wisdom must approve the
sensibility that teaches your subjects anxiously to guard the blessing
they received from Divine Providence, and thereby to prove the per-
formance of that compact which elevated the illustrious House of
Brunswick to the imperial dignity it now possesses. The apprehen-
sion of being degraded into a state of servitude, from the pre-emi-
nent rank of freemen, while our minds retain the strongest love of
liberty, and clearly foresee the miseries preparing for us and our pos-
terity, excites emotions in our breasts, which, though we cannot de-
scribe, we should not wish to conceal. Feeling as men, and thinking
as subjects, in the manner we do, silence would be disloyalty. By
giving this faithful information, we do all in our power to promote
the great objects of your royal cares, the tranquillity of your govern-
ment, and the welfare of your people ; and, as your majesty enjoys
the signal distinction of reigning over freemen, we apprehend the lan-
guage of freemen cannot be displeasing. Your royal indignation,
we hope, will rather fall on those dangerous and designing men, who,
daringly interposing themselves between your royal person and your
faithful subjects, and for several years past incessantly employed to
dissolve the bonds of society, by abusing your majesty's authority,
misrepresenting your American subjects, and prosecuting the most
desperate and irritating projects of oppression, have at length com-
pelled us, by the force of accumulated injuries, too severe to be
any longer tolerable, to disturb your majesty's repose by our com-
plaints.'

The congress having, by these different writings, endeavored to
mollify the breast of the sovereign, to concihate the favor of the
English people, to dispose and prepare the colonists to brave all the
terrors of the crisis, and, generally, to propitiate the favor of the
''.uropean nations, turned their attention towards the inhabitants of
Canada, whose benevolence it was desirable to cultivate, in order to
secure, if not their adherence, at least their neutrality, in the grand
struggle that was approaching ; for, omitting the increase of force
which must have resulted to one or other of the belligerent parties,
from the alliance of the brave and warlike Canadians, it was of the
greatest importance to the colonists, to be secure of the friendly dis-
position of a country, which, from its position alone, appeared to
menace their provuices. This negotiation, however, required a very
delicate management ; for the Canadians were not accustomed to
EngUsh liberty ; and had been long contented with their condition
under the government of France. The difference of religion was
also an obstacle of great moment. How was it possible to persuade
them to undertake the defense of rights they scarcely knew, or

152 THE AMERICAN WAR.

BOOK IV^.

which they esteemed of little vahie ? And how hopeless must have
appeared the attempt to induce them to complain of the act of Que-
bec, which favored, protected, and placed in a condition, even better
than at first, a religion they held so much at heart ! The congress,'
however, in their address to the Canadian people, eluded these em-
barrassments with singular dexterity.

They commenced with a declaration that the Canadians were en-
titled to possess all the rights enjoyed by English subjects ; they ac-
cused the ministers of a design to deprive them thereof, and to en-
slave them totally. They endeavored to explain, in the most insin-
uating style, what these rights were ; how extreme their importance,
and how conducive they were to the happiness of every human
being. They sufficed, it was affirmed, to defend the poor from the
rich, the feeble from the powerful, the industrious from the rapa-
cious, the peaceable from the violent, the tenants from the lords,
and all from their superiors. ' These are the rights without which a
people cannot be free and happy, and to whose protection and en-
couraging influence the English colonies are indebted for their pres-
ent prosperity and numerous population. Of these rights the act
of Quebec has completely divested the Canadians ! It has not left
the people even a shadow of authority, but has placed it all in the hands
of those who are themselves absolutely dependent on the crown. Can
any government be imagined more arbitrary or tyrannical ? Wlmt-
ever may have i»een the rigors of the French domination, your pres-
ent condition is infinitely worse ; for then they were Frenchmen,
who ruled other Frenchmen ; and that benignity which the mode of
government appeared to exclude, resulted, nevertheless, from the
community of language, manners, opinions, and the bonds of na-
tional fraternity. But since they are Englishmen who now govern
a French people, the latter can no longer expect from the sympathy
of their rulers, but only from the protection of laws, a refuge from
the abuses of authority, and the rapacious passions of foreign min-
isters, always disposed to suspect them of pernicious designs. Seize,
then, the occasion which is offered, by joining with us, to acquire
that liberty and those privileges which the colonists have always en-
joyed ; and which they are, with one mind, resolved never to resign,
but with their lives.'

As to religion, in order to quiet their minds upon this subject, it
was observed, that the tolerant opinions which prevailed, at the pres-
ent epoch, among the French people, would doubtless remove all
obstacles to a sincere amity between them. They cited the example
of the Swiss, who, notwithstanding the ditference of their religion,

BCOK IV THE AMERICAN WAR. 153

lived with one another in the utmost concord, and were thus enabled
to defy and defeat every tyrant that had invaded them.

' Let the inhabitants of Canada, therefore, take advantage of cir-
cumstances. Let them form a provincial convention ; let them
elect their delegates to congress, and attach themselves to the com-
mon cause of North America. Has not the present congress al-
ready resolved unanimously, that they considered the violation of
the rights of the Canadians, by the act for altering the government
of their province, as a violation of the rights of the colonists them-
selves ? '

Letters of a similar style, and tending to the same object, were
addressed to the colonies of St. John's, Nova Scotia, Georgia, and
the Floridas.

At the same time, the congress passed a resolution, declaring, that
the arrest of any person in America, in order to transport such per-
son beyond the sea, for trial of offenses committed in America, be-
ing against law, authorized resistance and reprisal.

Having concluded these transactions, and appointed the 10th of
the ensuing May for the convocation of another general congress,
the present dissolved itseit.

No one will deny, thai this assembly knew how to appreciate the
circumstances ot the time, and demonstrated a rare sagacity, in
leading them to co-operate in their designs. They not only found
means to invigorate the opinions which then prevailed in America,
but also to diffuse and propagate them surprisingly ; applauding the
ardent, stimulatmg the torpid, and concihating the adverse. They
were lavish in protestations of loyalty to the king ; which could not
fail to answer the end they proposed — that of finding a pretext and
e.xcuse for ulterior resolutions, in case their remonstrances should
prove ineffectual. With the same apt poUcy, they flattered the pride
of the British nation, with the view of engaging it to favor their
cause. They manifested equal dexterity in fomenting the political
opinions that were beginning to prevail in this century. Originating
at first in England, they had been diffused, by degrees, among the
neishboring nations, and particularly in France, where they had been
mtroduced, and defended with a fascinating eloquence, by the most
celebrated writers of that period. Accordingly, in every place and
circle, the Americans, and especially the members of congress, were
considered as the generous champions of these favorite principles ;
for, as to the object they had in view, there no longer existed a doubt.
Though it was possible, however, to excuse, and even applaud this
resolution of the Americans, to defend, by force of arms, the nght3
for which thev contended, it was difiicult, it must be acknowledged,

154 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK IV.

to reconcile with the loyahy tliey so frequently professed, their in-
sinuating writings to draw into their confederacy other subjects of
the crown of England, as the Canadians, for example, who had not,
or who made no pretensions to have, the same rights. But in af-
fairs of state, utility is often mistaken for justice ; and, in truth, no
event could have happened more useful to the colonists than the ad-
hesion of the Canadians to their cause.

1775. The resolutions of congress were received in America
with universal consent. They were approved not only by the peo-
ple, but also by the authorities, whether established or provisional.
The assembly of Pennsylvania, convened about the close of the
year, was the first constitutional authority which ratified formally all
the acts of congress, and elected deputies for the ensuing. A con-
vention having soon after been formed in this province, it was there-
in declared, that, if the petition of congress was rejected, and the
government should persist in attempting to execute by force the late
arbitrary acts of parliament, it would then be requisite to resist also
with open force, and defend, at all hazards, the rights and liberties
of America. Not content with words, this assembly recommended
that provision should be made of salt, gunpowder, saltpetre, iron,
steel, and other munitions of war. Charles Thomson and Thomas
IMifflin, afterwards general, both men of great influence in the prov-
ince, and much distinguished for their intellectual endowments,
were very active on this occasion ; and, by their exertions, the reso-
lutions of the convention were executed with singular promptitude
and vigor.

The inhabitants of IMaryland displayed an equal ardor ; all within
their province was in movement. Meetings were convoked, in every
place ; associations were formed ; men were chosen, for the purpose
of seeing that the resolutions of congress were punctually observed
and executed. The provincial convention voted funds for the pur-
chase of arms and ammunition ; they declared enemies to the coun-
try those who should refuse to provide themselves with a military
equipment. The most distinguished citizens made it their glory to
appear armed in the cause of liberty ; the militia was daily assembled
and exercised ; it was withdrawn from the authority of the governor,
and placed under that of the province ; they held themselves in read-
iness to march to the assistance of Massachusetts.

The same precautions were taken in the lower counties of Dela-
ware, and in New Hampshire. The legal assembly of the latter
was convoked. They approved the proceedings of congress, and
wrote to congratulate the Marylanders upon their patriotism and
public spirit ; promising to stand prepared to defend this liberty, so

BOOK IV. THE AMERICAN WAR. 155

dear to every liearl. The inhabitants, not content with this, formed
a convention at Ext ter, which ratified the doings of congiess, and
elected delegp.tes for the new session.

But in South Carolina, so important a province, things went for-
ward with great animation. A convention was formed of the repre-
sentatives of the whole province. Their first decree was t> render
immortal thanks to the members of congress, to approve its resolu-
tions, and to ordain their strict execution. The manufacturers of
the country received encouragement ; and ample liberalities were
granted to the indigent inhabitants of the city of Boston. The same
enthusiasm inspired every breast. And, to prevent the infractions
which the love of gain, or private interest, might occasion, inspectors
were appointed, to watcii, with rigorous diligence, over the execution
of these public resolutions.

In Massachusetts and Virginia the ardor of the people was aston-
ishing. All places equally presented the images of war, and the
semblance of combats. The inhabitants of Marblehead, of Salem,
and of other seaports, finding their accustomed marithne occupa-
tions interrupted by the present occurrences, turned their efforts to-
wards the land service, and engaged in it with incredible zeal.
They soon organized several regiments of men w&U trained to the
exercise of arms, and prepared to enter the field, if things should
come to that fatal extremity. The officers of the Virginia militia
being assembled at fort Gower, after protesting their loyalty towards
the king, declared that the love of liberty, attachment to country
and devotion to its just rights, were paramount to every other con
sideration ; that, to fulfill these sacred duties, they were resolved to
exert all the efforts which the unanimous voice of their fellow-citi-
zens should exact.

The provinces of New England presented a peculiar character.
Their inhabitants being extremely attached to religion, and more ea-
sily influenced by this than any other motive, the preachers exer-
cised over their minds an authority scarcely conceivable. They of
ten insisted, and always with new vehemence, that the cause of the
Americans was the cause of Heaven ; that God loves and protect^
freemen, and holds the authors of tyranny in abhorrence ; that the
schemes of the English ministers against America were, beyond
measure, unjust and tyrannical, and consequently it was their most
rigorous duty, not only as men and citizens, but also as Christians, to
oppose these attempts ; and to unite under their chiefs, in defense of
what man has the most precious, religion the most sacred. The in
habitants of New England thus took the field, stimulated by the fer
vor of their religious opinions, and fully persuaded that Heaven wit

15G THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK IV.

nessed their efforts with complacency. Tlie two most powerful
springs of human action, reUgious and poUtical enthusiasm, were
blended in their breasts. It is therefore not surprising that, in the
events which followed, they exhibited frequent examples of singular
courage and invincible resolution.

Amidst a concord so general, the province of New York alone
hesitated to declare itself. This colony, and principally the capital,
was the scene of much party division. Its assembly having taken
into consideration the regulations of congress for the interruption of
commerce with Great Britain, refused to adopt them ; whereat the
inhabitants of the other provinces te-stified an extreme indignation.
This unexpected resolution must be attributed principally to ministe-
rial intrigues, very successful in this province, on account of the great
number of loyalists that inhabited it ; and who, from the name of
one of the parties that prevailed in England at the time of the revo-
lution, were called Tories. To this cause should be added the very
flourishing commerce of the city of New York, which it was unwil-
ling to lose, and perhaps, also, the hope that the remonstrances of
congress would dispose the British ministers to milder counsels, if
they were not accompanied by such rigorous determinations in regard
to commerce. Some also believed, that this conduct of New York
was only a wily subterfuge, to be able, afterwards, according to cir-
cumstances, to use it as a ground of justification.

The first of February was the destined term for suspending the
introduction of British merchandise into the American ports, accord-
ing to the resolutions of congress. Though it was known every
where, yet several vessels made their appearance, even after this
period, laden with the prohibited articles ; which the masters hoped
to introduce either in a clandestine mode, or even by consent of the
Americans, weary of their obstinacy, or yielding to necessity and
the love of gain. But their hopes were frustrated in the greater
part, or rather in all the provinces except that of New York. Their
cargoes were thrown into the sea, or sent back.

Thus, while the forms of the ancient government still subsisted in
America, new laws were established, which obtained more respect
and obedience on the part of the people. The assemblies of the
jirovinces, districts and towns, had concentrated in their hands the
authority which belonged to the magistrates of the former system,
who had either wanted the will or the power to prevent it. And
thus it was no longer the governors and the ordinary assemblies, but
the conventions, the committees of correspondence and of inspec
tion, that had the management of state affairs. Where these were
wanting, the people supplied the deficiency, by assemblages and

BOOK IV. THE AMERICAN WAR. 157

tiiiriultuary movements. The greater number were impressed with
a belief, that, by the effect of the leagues against British commerce,
this time strictly observed, and by the unanimous firmness of the
colonists, the effusion of blood woulà be avoided. They hoped the
British government would apply it-^elf in earnest to give another di-
rection to American affairs ; and 'Jiat public tranquillity would thus,
without effort, be re-established. The popular leaders, on the con-
trary, were aware of the necessity of an appeal to arms ; some fear-
ed, others desired, this result.

Such was the situation of the English colonies, towards the close
of the year 1774, and at the commencement of 1775. Meanwhile,
whatever was the ardor with which the Americans pursued their de-
signs, the interest excited by this controversy in England had mate-
rially abated. The inhabitants of that kingdom, as if wearied by
the long and frequent discussions which had taken place on either
side, betrayed an extreme repugnance to hear any thing further on
the subject. They had therefore abandoned themselves to an indif-
ference approaching to apathy. As this contest was already of ten
years' date, and though often on the point of issuing in an open
rupture, had, however, never yet come to this fatal extremity, the
prevailing opinion was, that, sooner or later, a definitive arrange-
ment would be effected It was even thought, that this object might
easily be accomplished, by making some concessions to the Ameri-
cans, similar to those they had already obtained. Finally, it was
considered possible, that the Americans themselves, finding their in-
terests essentially affected by the interruption of commerce, would
at length submit to the will of the parent country. This opinion
appeared the more probable to all, inasmuch as the courage of the
colonists was in no great repute. It was not believed they could
ever think of provoking the British nation to arms ; and much less
of making a stand before its troops in the field. It was asserted,
that, to procure the execution of the late prohibitory laws against
the province of Massachusetts, which, if thought expedient, might
easily be extended to the other colonies also, would not only not re-
quire all the troops of Great Britain, but not even all the immense
force of her marine ; that a few ships of the line, stationed at the
entrance of the principal ports of the colonies, and a number of
frigates ordered to cruise along the coast, to prevent the departure
of American vessels, would be more than sufficient to accomplish

this affair.

< And how can it be imagined,' it was said, ' that the colonists
should persevere in a resistance without an object, as they have no
naval force to oppose against England ; who, on the other hand,

158 THE AMERICAN WAK. BOOK IV.

can, at a trifling expense, and with a few troops, enforce the prohi-
bitions she Ikis pronounced, and reduce the American commerce to
an indefinite stagnation ? On the part of the mother country, the
means of annoyance arc, in fact, ahnost infinite and irresistible ;
whereas, the coJonies have nothing to oppose but a mere passive re-
sistance, and a patience of which they can neither foresee the re-
sult nor the period. Besides, so many other markets remain open
for British mercliandise, that, even though its introduction into the
colonies should be totally interdicted, this commerce would experi-
ence but a barely perceptible diminution. Nor can it be doubted,
that private interests, and the usual jealousies, will ere long detach
from the league, successively, all the maritime parts of America.
The towns of the interior will necessarily follow the example ; and
then what becomes of this boasted confederacy ? '

From these different considerations, it ceases to be astonishing,
that the minds of the Englisli people should have manifested, at this
epoch, so perfect a calm ; and that it should have been the general
determination to await from time, from fortune, and from the. meas-
ures of the ministers, the termination of this vexatious quarrel.

In the midst of such universal torpor, and near the close of the
year 1774, the new parliament convened. The proceedings of the
general congress, and the favor they had found in America, not be-
ing yet well known, some reliance was still placed in intestine divis-
ions, and the efficacy of the plan which had been adopted. The
king mentioned in his speech the American disturbances ; he an-
nounced, that disobedience continued to prevail in Massachusetts;
that the other colonies countenanced it ; that the most proper meas-
ures had been taken to carry into execution the laws of parhament ;
and that he was firmly resolved to maintain unimpaired the supreme
legislative authority of Great Britain, in all parts of his dominions.
The addresses proposed in the two houses were strenuously opposed ;
and it was not without difficulty they were at length adopted. On
the part of the opposition it was alledged. that, if the preceding par-
liament had consented to the measures proposed by the ministers, it
was only upon their positive assurance that they would effectually re-
establish tranquillity. ' But, do we not see how illusory their prom-
ises have proved ? Why persist, then, in resolutions that are fruit-
less, and even pernicious ? Has any suppliant voice been heard on
the part of America ? Has she given any token of repentance for
the past, any pledge of better dispositions for the future ? She has
not ; but, on the contrary, has exhibited s-till greater animosity, a
rage more intense, a concord more strict, a faith more confirmed m
the justice of her cause. And still, from pride, if net horn ven-

BOOK IV. THE AMERICAN WAR. 169

geance, it is desired to persevere m measures so decidedly repro-
bated by reason, equity, and fatal experience ! '

But, from the side of the ministers, it was answered :

' The proceedings of the colonists are so void of all respect, that
to endure them longer would be disgraceful. Can any thing be
more extraordinary, than to hear it asserted that the Americans are
persuaded of the justice of their cause, — as if the English were not
persuaded also of the justice of theirs ? And if England, as a party,
has no right to judge of this controversy, is America to be reputed
entirely disinterested ? The Americans know perfectly well that this
is a question of right, and not of money ; the impost is a mere trifle,
of no importance whatever, but as it concerns the honor of this
kingdom. But what care they for the honor of the kingdom ? Noth-
ing can ever satisfy these peevish Americans. To content them how
many ways of gentleness have been tried ! They have only become
the more insolent. They haughtily expect the English to approach
them in a suppliant attitude, and to anticipate all their capricious de-
sires. To conciliate them, all, except honor, has been sacrificed al-
ready ; but Heaven does not permit us to abandon that also. The
question is no longer taxation, but the redress of wrongs, the repa-
ration for deeds of outrage. This the Americans refuse, — and there-
fore deserve chastisement ; and, should England fail to inflict it, she
must expect a daily increase of audacity on the part of her colonies,
and prepare to digest the contempt which the nations of Europe al-
ready entertain towards her ; surprised and confused at the tameness
and patience of the British ministers, in the midst of provocations
so daring and so often repeated.'

The address of thanks was voted, according to the wishes of the
ministers ; and thus the Americans, who had flattered themselves
that the new parliament would be more fav-orably disposed towards
them than the preceding, were forced to renounce this hope.

It appeared, however, notwithstanding these animated demonstra-
tions on the part of the government, that when, previous to the
Christmas recess, the certain intelligence was received of the trans-
actions of congress, and the astonishing concord which prevailed in
America, the ministers, perl>aps loath to embrace extreme counsels,
seemed inclined to relax somewhat of their rigor, and to leave an
opening for accommodation. Lord North even intimated to the
Ameiican merchants then in London, that if they presented peti-
tions, they should meet attention. But in the midst of tliese glim-
merings of peace, the news arrived of the schism of New York ; an
event ol great moment in itself, and promising consequences still
more important. The minister felt his pride revive ; he would no

160 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK IV.

longer hear of petitions, or of accommodation. Things turned
anew to civil strife and war. All the papers, relating to the affairs
of America, were laid before the two houses. Lord Chatham, per-
ceiving the obstinacy of the ministers in their resolution to persist
in the course of measures they had adopted, and fearing it might re-
sult in the most disastrous effects, pronounced a long and extremely
eloquent discourse in favor of the Americans, and was heard with
solemn attention.

Nor was the opposition to the projects of the ministers confined
to tlie two houses of parliament ; but even a considerable part of
the British nation was of the adverse party. The cities of London,
Bristol, Liverpool, Manchester, Norwich, Birmingham, Glasgow,
and others, where commerce had hitherto flourished, preferred their
petitions to parliament. They painted, in glowing traits, the detri-
ment tiieir commerce had already sustained, and the still more ruin-
ous losses with which they were menaced by the impending contest
with America. They implored this body to interpose their authority
for the re-establishment of that calm and pacific state, which had
been heretofore enjoyed. But the prayers of the merchants had no
better success than the authority and the words of the earl of Chat-
ham ; tiie ministerial party even rejected them with an unfeeling
harshness.

In the meantime, Bollan, Franklin, and Lee, presented themselves
before the house of commons, with the petition which the congress
had addressed to the king, and by him had been referred to the
house. They demanded to be heard in its defense. A very warm
discussion arose ; the ministerial party contending, that neither
ought the petition to be read, nor the agents to be heard ; and the
party in opposition, the contrary. The former affirmed, that the
congress was not a legal assembly ; that to receive its petitions would
be to recognize it as such ; tiiat the provincial assemblies and their
agents were the sole true representatives of the colonies ; and that
the petition only contained the customary lamentations about rights,
without offering any means, or any probable hope of coming to an
arrangement.

But it was answered, that however the congress might not be a
legal assembly, it was, nevertheless, more than competent to present
petitions ; every one having, either individually, or jointly with
others, the right to present them ; that those who had signed the pe-
tition were the most distinguished inhabitants of the colonies, and
well deserved to be heard, if not in their public, at least in their
private character. ' There no longer exists any government in the
colonies; the popular commotions have disorganized it absolutely :

BOOK IT. THE AMERICAN WAR. 161

we should therefore learn to appreciate the representation of this
government, which has been estabhshed by the force of things. Can
it be forgotten, that the American disturbances have originated, and
arrived at their present alarming height, from our unwillingness to
hear petitions ? Let us seize this occasion ; if we allow ii to escape,
a second will not be offered, and all hope of accord is vanished.
This is probably the last attempt the Americans will make to sub-
mit, which, if received with haughtiness, will become the source of
inevitable calamities ; for despair, and with it, obstinacy, wil obtain
the entire possession of their minds.' But the ministers would hear
nothing, pleading the dignity of state. The petition was rejected.
Nor was a petition of the West India proprietors, representing the
prejudice they suffered from the interruption of their commerce with
the Americans, received with greater benignity. The ministers con-
sidered petitions as merely the stratagems of faction. ' Admitting,'
they said, ' that some detriment may result from the measures re-
lating to America, it is a necessary evil, an inevitable calamity. But
this evil would become infinitely greater, if the government should
appear to yield to the will of the seditious, and descend to nego-
tiate with rebels.'

After having repulsed, with a sort of disdain, the petitions of the
Americans, and those presented in their favor by the islands of the
West Indies, and even by England herself; and after having rejected
all the counsels of the party in opposition, the ministers unveiled
their schemes, and announced, in the presence of the two houses,
the measures they intended to pursue, in order to reduce the Ameri-
cans to obedience. Always imbued with the opinion, that the di-
versity of interests and humors, and the rivalships existing between
the different provinces, would, in a short time, dissolve the Ameri-
can combinations, independently of the detriment and constraint
they occasioned to individuals ; believing, also, that the colonists
would not easily support greater privations of things necessary to
life ; they flattered themselves, that, v.'ithout sending strong armies
to America, and merely by a few rigorous regulations, a few prohib-
itory resolutions, that should extend beyond the province of Mas
sachusetts, and affect the most internal parts of the American com-
merce, they should be able to accomplish their purpose. It should
also be added, that the ministers thought the partisans of England
were very numerous in America, that they were among its most dis-
tinguished inhabitants, and waited only for an occasion to show
themselves with effect ; and, finally, that the Americans, as they
were, according to the notions of the ministers, of a pusillanimous
spirit, and little accustomed to war, would not dare to look the Brit-

VOL. I. U

162 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK. IV.

ish soldiers in the face. Thus they were induced to adopt certain
resolutions, which were perhaps more cruel, and certainly more irri-
tating, than open war ; for man feels less bitterness towards the foe,
who, in combating against him, leaves him the means of defense,
than the adversary who exposes him to the horrors of famine, while
:he is unable to escape them by a generous effort. Such, as we shall
soon see, was the plan of the British, from which they gathered the
fruits they ought to have expected. But, in order to carry it into
execution, it was necessary that they should first arm themselves
with a word that should legitimate all their measures, and this was,
rebellion. The doctors, whom they had invited to their consulta-
tions, after having considered the affair under all its faces, came to a
conclusion, which, however admissible in other kingdoms, might still
have appeared extremely doubtful in England. They pronounced,
that the province of Massachusetts was found in a state of rebellion.
Accordingly, the 2d of February, k»rd North, after having expatiated
on the benignity with which the king and parliament had proceeded
in maintaining the laws of the kingdom, and the necessity incum-
bent on the ministers, of protecting loyal and affectionate subjects
against the rage of the seditious, proposed, that in the address to
the king, it should be declared, that rebellion existed in the province
of Massachusetts, and that it was supported and fomented by illegal
combinations and criminal compacts with the other colonies, to the
great prejudice of many innocent subjects of his majesty.

To declare the inhabitants of Massachusetts rebels, was to refer
the decision of their cause to the chance of arms — was to denounce
war against them. Accordingly, the opponents of ministers exhib-
ited great ardor in combating this proposition ; and even in their
own party, a great number of individuals appeared to feel great re-
pugnance, and a species of horror, at so grave a determination, and
so fraught with future calamities. The orators of the opposition
contended, that all the disorders in Massachusetts, however multi-
plied and aggravated, ought to be attributed, origina-lly, to the at-
tempts of those who were aiming to establish despotism, and whose
measures evidently tended to reduce the Americans to that abject
condition of slavery, which they hoped to introduce afterwards into
the very heart of England. ' To resist oppression,' it was said, ' is
the subject's right, and the English kingdoms have presented fre-
quent examples of its exercise. No act of violence has been com-
mitted in the province of IMassachusetts, that has not been equaled,
or surpassed, in each of the others ; from what fatal partiality, then,
is this province alone to be made responsible for all ? To press v.'ith
rigor upon a single province, in the hope of separating it lium ìuk

BOOK ir. THE AMERICAN WAP 163

others, is a false measure ; all are united in the same cause ^ all de-
fend the same rights. To declare rebellion, is an act full of danger,
and of no utility ; it only tends to aggravate the evil, to increase the
obstinacy of dispositions, to prepare a resistance more desperate and
sanguinary, as no other hope will be left them but in victory.' %
But the partisans of the ministers, and particularly the doctors,*
who backed them, maintained, that acts of rebellion constituted re-
bellion itself; that to resist the laws of the kingdom being rep.ited
rebellion in England, ought also to be so reputed in America ; ' As
for the rest,' they said, ' due clemency and liberality towards those
who shall submit, will be mingled with the rigor to be exercised
against the obstinate. Reasons of state, no less than justice, demand
the chastisement of these insurgents ; which being visited upon a
few, will reclaim all to their duty ; and thus the union of the colo-
nies will be dissolved. Can we, in fact, make a serious matter of the
resistance of the Americans ? Cowards by nature, incapable of any
sort of military discipline, their bodies are feeble, and their inclina-
tions arc dastardly. Tliey would not be capable of sustaining a
single campaign, without disbanding, or becoming so wasted by sick-
ness, that a slight force would be more than sufficient for their com-
plete reduction.' General Grant was so infatuated with this opinion,
that he declared openly, he would undertake, with five regiments of
infantry, to traverse the whole country, and drive the inhabitants
from one end of the continent to the other. The ministers, whose

* It may ainuse, if not surprise, the reader, to look at the outline, traced by another
historian, of the characters whose sagacity the author seems to question more often
than once :

' I took my seat in parliament,' says Mr. Gibbon, ' at the beginning of the memo-
rable contest between Great Britain and America ; and supported, with many a sincere
and silent vote, the rights, though not perhaps the interests, of the mother country
After a fleeting, illusive hope, prudence condemned me to acquiesce in the humble
station of a mute. I was not armed by nature and education with the intrepid energy
of mind and voice,

' Vincentum strepltus, et natum rebus agendis.' '

Timidity was fortified by pride ; and even the success of my pen discouraged the trial of
my voice.' But 1 assisted at the debates of a. free assembly ; I listened to the attack and
defense of eloquence and reason; I had a near prospect of the characters, views, and
passions, of the first men of the age. The cause of government was ably vindicated by
Ioni Sorth, a statesman of spotless integrity, a consummate master of debate, who could
wield, with equal dexterity, the arms of reason and of ridicule. He was seated on the
treasury bench, icJioee??. his attorney and solicitor-general, the two pillars of the law and
state, ' magis pares quam similes ;' and the minister might indulge in a short slumber,
while he 7cas upholden, on either hand, by the majestic sense of Thurloio. and the skillful
eloquence of Wedderhurne. From the adverse side of the house, an ardent and powerful
opposition was supported, by the lively declamation of Barre ; the legal acuteness of
Dunnincr ; the profuse and philosophic fancy of Burke; and the argumentative vehe-
mence of Fox, who, in conduct of a party, approved himself equal to the conduct of
an empire. By such men, every operation of peace and war, every principle of justice
or policy, every question of authority and freedom, was attached and defended ; and
tlie subject of the momentous contest was the union or separation of Great Britain
and America.' — [Gibbo7is .Miscellaneous IVorks.}

164 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK IV

comprehension seems to have had certain hmits, suffered themselves,
without reluctance, to be guided by such opinions as these ; and this
was one of the principal causes of their precipitancy to commence
the war with such feeble preparations.

Tlie propositions of lord North were adopted, by a majority of
more than two thirds of the suffrages.

But the party in opposition, aware of the importance of pro-
nouncing so formal a declaration of rebellion, did not suffer them-
selves to be discouraged ; and, on the 6th of the same month, lord
John Cavendish moved, in the house of commons, to reconsider the
vote. It was then that Wilkes, one of the most ardent defenders of
liberty of that epoch, and the declared partisan of republican prin-
ciples, arose, and spoke in tiie following terms :

' I am indeed surprised, that in a business of so much moment as
this before the house, respecting the British colonies in America, a
cause which comprehends almost every question relative to the com-
mon rights of mankind, almost every question of policy and legis-
lation, it should be resolved to proceed with so little circumspection,
or rather with so much precipitation and heedless imprudence.
With what temerity are we assured, that the same men who have
been so often overwhelmed with praises for their attachment to this
country, for their forwardness to grant it the necessary succors, for
the valor they have signalized in its defense, have all at once so de-
generated from their ancient manners, as to merit the appellation of
seditious, ungrateful, impious rebels ! But if such a change has in-
deed been wrought in the minds of this most loyal people, it must
at least be admitted, that affections so extraordinary could only have
been produced by some very powerful cause. But who is ignorant,
who needs to be told of the new madness that infatuates our minis-
ters ? — who has not seen the tyrannical counsels they have pursued
for the last ten years ? They would now have us carry to the foot of
the throne, a resolution stamped with rashness and injustice, fraught
with blood, and a horrible futurity. But before this be allowed
them, before the signal of civil war be given, before they are per-
mitted to force Englishmen to sheath their swords in the bowels of
their fellow subjects, I hope this house will consider the rights of
humanity, the original ground and cause of the present dispute.
Have we justice on our side ? No ; assuredly, no. He must be al-
together a stranger to the British constitution, who does not know
that contributions are voluntary gifts of the people ; and singularly
blind, not to perceive that the words ' liberty and property, so grate-
ful to English ears, are nothing better than mockery and insult to
tJie Americans, if their property can be taken without their con.

BOOK IV. THE AMERICAN WAR. Ig5

sent. And what motive can there exist for this new rio-or, lor these
extraordinary measures ? Have not the Americans always demon-
strated the utmost zeal and liberality, whenever their succors have
been required by the mother country ?

' In the last two wars, they gave you more than you asked for, and
more than their faculties warranted ; they were not only liberal
towards you, but prodigal of their substance. They fought gallantly
and victoriously by your side, with equal valor, against our and their
enemy, the common enemy of the liberties of Europe and America,
the ambitious and faithless French, whom now we fear and flatter.
And even now, at a moment when you are planning their destruc-
tion, when you are branding them with the odious appellation of
rebels, what is their language, what their protestations ? Read, in the
name of heaven, the late petition of the congress to the king ; and
you will find, ' they are ready and willing, as they ever have been,
to demonstrate their loyalty, by exerting their most strenuous efforts
in granting supplies and raising forces, when constitutionally re-
quired.' And yet we hear it vociferated, by some inconsiderate indi-
viduals, that the Americans wish to abolish the navigation act ; that
they intend to throw off the supremacy of Great Britain. But
would to God, these assertions were not rather a provocation than
the truth ! They ask nothing, for such are the words of their peti-
tion, but for peace, liberty and safety. They wish not a diminution
of the royal prerogative ; they solicit not any new right. They are
ready, on the contrary, to defend this prerogative, to maintain the
royal authority, and to draw closer the bonds of their connection with
Great Britain. But our ministers, perhaps to punish others for their
own faults, are sedulously endeavoring not only to relax these pow-
erful ties, but to dissolve and sever them forever. Their address
represents the province of Massachusetts as in a state of actual
rebellion. The other provinces are held out to our indignation, as
aiding and abetting. Many arguments have been employed, by
some learned gentlemen among us, to comprehend them all in the
same offense, and to involve them in the same proscription.

' Whether their present state is that of rebellion, or of a fit and
just resistance to the unlawful acts of power, to our attempts to rob
them of their property and liberties, as they imagine, I shall not de-
tlare. But I well know what will follow, nor, however strange and
narsh it may appear to some, shall I hesitate to announce it, that I
may not be accused hereafter of having failed in duty to my country,
on so grave an occasion, and at the approach of such direful calami-
ties. Know, then, a successful resistance is a revolution, not a rebel-
lion. Rebellion, indeed, appears on the back of a flying enemy, but

166 TUE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK IT.

revolution flames on the breastplate of the victorious warrior. Who
can tell whether, in consequence of this day's violent and mad address
to his majesty, the scabbard may not be thrown away by them as well
as by us ; and whether, in a few years, the independent Americans
may not celebrate the glorious era of the revolution of 1775, as we
do that of 1668? The generous efforts of our forcfat-hers for free-
dom, heaven crowned with success, or their noble blood had dyed
our scaffolds, like that of Scottish traitors and rel^els ; and the jieriod
of our history which does us the most honor, would have been
deemed a rebellion against the lawful authority of the prince, not a
resistance authorized by all the laws of God and man, not the ex-
pulsion of a detested tyrant.

' But suppose the Americans to combat against us with more
unhappy auspices than we combated James, would not victory itself
prove pernicious and deplorable? Would it not be fatal to British
as well as American liberty ? Those armies which should subjugate
the colonists, would subjugate also their parent state. JMarius, Syl-
la, Caesar, Augustus, Tiberius, did they not oppress Roman liberty
with the same troops that were levied to maintain Roman suprema-
cy over subject provinces ? But the impulse once given, its effects
extended much farther than its authors expected ; for the same sol-
diery that destroyed the Roman republic, subverted and utterly de-
molished the imperial power itself. In less than fifty years after
the death of Augustus, the armies destined to hold the provinces in
subjection, proclaimed three emperors at once ; disposed of the em-
pire according to their caprice, and raised to the throne of the Cae-
sars the object of their momentary favor.

* I can no more comprehend the policy, than acknowledge the
justice of your deliberations. Where is your force, what are your
armies, how are they to be recruited, and how supported ? The sin-
gle province of Massachusetts has, at this moment, thirty thousand
men, well trained and disciplined, and can bring, in case of emer-
gency, ninety thousand into the field ; and doubt not, they will do
it, when all that is dear is at stake, when forced to defend their lib-
erty and property against their cruel oppressors. The right honor-
able gentleman with the blue ribin assures us that ten thousand of
our troops and four Irish regiments, will make their brains turn in
the head a little, and strike them aghast with terror. But where
does the author of this exquisite scheme propose to send his army ?
Boston, perhaps, you may lay in ashes, or it may be made a strong
garrison ; but the province will be lost to you. You will hold Bos-
ton as you hold Gibraltar, in the midst of a country which will not
be yours j the whole American continent will remain in the power

BOOK IV. THE AMERICAN WAR. 167

of your enemies. The ancient story of the philosopher Calanus and
the Indian hide, will be verified ; where you tread, it will be kept
down ; but it will rise the more in all other parts. Where your
fleets and armies are stationed, the possession will be secured, while
they continue ; but all the rest will be lost. In the great scale of
empire you will decline, I fear, from the decision of this day ; and
the Americans will rise to independence, to power, to all the great-
ness of the most renowned states ; for they build on the solid basis
of general public liberty.

* I dread the effects of the present resolution ; I shuSder at our in-
justice and cruelty ; I tremble for the consequences of our impru-
dence. You will urge the Americans to desperation. They will
certainly defend their property and liberties, with the spirit of free-
men, with the spirit our ancestors did, and I hoj>e we should exert
on a like occasion. They will sooner declare themselves indepen-
dent, and risk every consequence of such a contest, than submit to the
galling yoke which administration is preparing for them. Recollect
Philip II. king of Spain ; remember the Seven Provinces, and the
duke of Alva. It was deliberated, in the council of the monarch,
what measures should be adopted respecting the Low Countries ;
•^ome were disposed for clemency, others advised rigor ; the second
prevailed. The duke of Alva was victorious, it is true, wherever he
appeared ; but his cruelties sowed the teeth of the serpent. The
beggars of the Briel, as they were called by the Spaniards, who de-
spised them as you now despise the Americans, were those, however,
who first shook the power of Spain to the center. And comparing the
probabilities of success in the contest of that day, with the chances
in that of the present, are they so favorable to England as they
were then to Spain ? This none will pretend. You all know, how-
ever, the issue of that sanguinary conflict — how that powerful em-
pire was rent asunder, and severed forever into many parts. Profit,
then, by the experience of tlie past, if you would avoid a similar
fate. But you would declare the Americans rebels ; and to your in-
justice and oppression, you add the most opprobrious language, and
the most insulting scoffs. If you persist in your resolution, all hope
of a reconciliation is extinct. The Americans will triumph — the
whole continent of North America will be dismembered from Great
Britain, and the wide arch of the raised empire fall. But I hope the
just vengeance of the people will overtake the authors of these per-
nicious counsels, and the loss of the first province of the empire be
speedily followed by the loss of the heads of those ministers who
first invented them.'

Thus spoke this ardent patriot. His discourse was a prophecy ;

168 * THE AMERICAN W'AH. BOOK IV.

and hence, perhaps, a new probability might be argued for the vul-
gar maxim, that the crazed read the future often better than the
sage ; for, among other things, it was said also of Wilkes, at that
time, that his intellects were somewhat disordered.

Captain Hcrvey answered him, in substance, as follows :

*I am very far from believing myself capable of arguing the pres-
ent question with all the eloquence which my vehement adversary
has signalized in favor of those who openly, and in arms, resist the
ancient power of Great Britain ; as the studies which teach man the
art of discoursing with elegance, are too different and too remote
from my profession. This shall not, however, deter me from declar-
ing my sentiments with freedom, on so important a crisis ; though my
words should be misinterpreted by the malignity of party, and myself
represented as the author of illegal counsels, or, in the language of
faction, the defender of tyranny.

' And, first of all, I cannot but deplore the misery of the times,
and the destiny which seems to persecute our beloved country. Can
I see her, without anguish, reduced to this disastrous extremity, not
only by the refractory spirit of her ungrateful children on the other
side of the ocean, but also by some of those who inhabit this king-
dom, and whom honor, if not justice and gratitude, should engage,
in words and deeds, to support and defend her ? Till we give a check
to these incendiaries, who, with a constancy and art only equaled
by their baseness and infamy, blow discord and scatter their poison
in every place, in vain can we hope, without coming to tlie last ex-
tremities, to bring the leaders of this deluded people to a sense ol
their duty.

' To deny that the legislative power of Great Britain is entire,
general ai d sovereign, over all parts of its dominions, appears to me
too puerile to merit a serious answer. What I would say is, that,
under this cover of rights, under this color of privileges, under the?-?
pretexts of immunities, the good and loyal Americans have concealed
a design, not new, but now openly declared, to cast off every species
of superiority, and become altogether an independent nation. They
complained of the stamp act. It was repealed. Did this satisfy
them ? On the contrary, they embittered more than ever our re-
spective relations ; now refusing to indemnify the victims of their
violence, and now to rescind resolutions that were so many strides
towards rebellion. And yet, in these cases, there was no question
of taxes, either internal or external. A duty was afterwards imposed
on glass, paper, colors, and tea. They revolted anew ; and the
bounty of this too indulgent mother again revoked the greater pan
of these duties ; leaving only that upon tea. which may yield, at ths

BOOK IV. THE AMERFCAN WAR. 169

utmost, sixteen thousand pounds sterling. Even this inconsiderable
impost, Great Britain, actuated by a meekness and forbearance
without exam.ple, would have repealed also, if the colonists had
peaceably expressed their wishes to this effect. At present they
bitterly complain of the regular troops sent among them to ;nain-
tain the public repose. But, in the name of God, what is the cause
of their presence in Boston ? American disturbances. If the colo-
nists had not first interrupted the general tranquillity, if they had re-
■ipected property, public and private ; if they had not openly resist-
ed the laws of parliament and the ordinances of the king, they would
not have seen armed soldiers within their walls. But the truth is,
they expressly excite the causes, in order to be able afterwards to
bemoan the effects. When they were menaced with real dfuiger,
when they were beset by enemies from within and ^rom without, they
not only consented to admit regular troops into thr very heart of their
provinces, but urged us, with the most earnest solicitations, to send
them ; but now the danger is past, and the colonists, by our treasure
and blood, are restored to their original security, now these troops
have become necessary to repress the factious, to sustain the action
of the laws, their presence is contrary to the constitution, a manifest
violation of American liberty, an attempt to introduce tyranny ; as if
It were not the right and the obligation of the supreme authority, to
protect the peace of the interior as well as that of the exterior, and
to repress internal as effectually as external enemies.

' As though the Americans were fearful of being called, at a fu-
ture day, to take part in the national representation, they pre-occupy
the ground, and warn you, in advance, that, considering their dis-
tance, they cannot be represented in the British parliament ; which
means, if I am not deceived, that they will not have a representative
power in common with England, but intend to enjoy one by them-
selves, perfectly distinct from this of the parent state. But why do
[ waste time in these vain subtleties ? Not content with exciting
discord at home, with disturbing all the institutions of social life,
they endeavor also to scatter the germs of division in the neighbor-
ing colonies, such as Nova Scotia, the Floridas, and especially
Canada. Nor is this the end of their intrigues. Have we not read
here, in this land of genuine felicity, the incendiary expressions of
their address to the English people, designed to allure them to the
side of rebellion ? Yes ; they have wished, and with all their power
have attempted, to introduce into the bosom of this happy country,
outrage, tumults, devastation pillage, bloodshed, and open resistance
lo the laws ! A thousand times undone the English people, should
they suffer themselves to be seduced by the flatteries of the Ameri-

170 , THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK IV.

cans ! The sweet peace, the inestimable hberty, they now enjoy,
would soon be replaced by the most ferocious anarchy, devouring
their wealth, annihilating tiieir strength, contaminating and destroy-
ing all the happiness of their existence. Already have the colonists
trampled on all restraints ; already have they cast off all human re-
spect ; and, amidst their subtle machinations, and the shades in
which they envelop themselves, they suffer, as it were, in spite of
themselves, their culpable designs to appear. If they have not yet
acquired the consistence, they at least assume the forms of an inde-
pendent nation.

' Who among us has not felt emotions kindling deep in his breast,
or transports of indignation, at the reading of the decrees of con-
gress, in which, with a language and a tone better beseeming the
haughty courts of Versailles or of Madrid than the subjects of a
great king, they ordain imperiously the cessation of all commerce
between their country and our own ? We may transport our mer-
chandise and our commodities among all other nations. It is only
under the inhospitable skies of America, only in this country, dyed
with the blood, and bathed in the sweat, we have shed for the safety
and prosperity of its iniiabitants, that English industry cannot hope
for protection, cannot find an asylum ! Are we then of a spirit to
endure that our subjects trace around us the circle of Popilius, and
proudly declare on what conditions they will deign to obey the an-
cient laws of the common country ? But all succeeds to their wish ;
they hope from our magnanimity that war will result, and from war,
independence. And what a people is this, whom benefits cannot
oblige, whom clemency exasperates, whom the necessity of defense,
created by themselves, offends !

' If, therefore, no doubt can remain as to the projects of these
ungrateful colonists ; if an universal resistance to the civil govern-
ment and to the laws of the country ; if the interruption of a free
and reciprocal commerce between one part and another of the
reann ; if resisting every act of the British legislature, and absolute-
ly, in word and deed, denying the sovereignty of this country ; if
layirg a strong hand on the revenues of America; if seizing his
majesty's forts, artillery and ammunition ; if exciting and stimu-
lating, by every means, the whole subjects of America to take arms,
and to resist the constitutional authority of Great Britain, are acts
of treason, then are tiie Americans in a state of the most fiagrani
rebellion. Wherefore, then, should we delay to take resolute meas-
ures ? If no other alternative is left us, if it is necessary to use
the power which we enjoy, under heaven, for the protection of the
whole empire, let us show the Americans that, as our ancestors

BOOK IV THE AMERICAN WAR. 17J

deluged this country with their blood to leave us a free constitution,
we, like men, in defiance of faction at home and rebellion abroad,
are determined, in glorious emulation of their example, to transmit it,
perfect and unimpaired, to our posterity. I hear it said by these
propagators of sinister auguries, that we shall be vanquished in this
contest. But all human enterprises are never without a something
of uncertainty. Are high minded men for this to stand hstless, and
indolently abandon to the caprices of fortune the conduct of their
affairs ? If this dastardly doctrine prevailed, if none would ever
act without assurance of the event, assuredly no generous enterprise
would ever be attempted ; chance and blind destiny would govern
the world. I trust, however, in the present crisis, we may cherish
better hopes ; for, even omitting the bravery of our soldiers and the
ability of our generals, loyal subjects are not so rare in America as
some believe, or affect to beUeve. And, besides, will the Americans
long support the privation of all the things necessary to life, which
our numerous navy will prevent from reaching their shores ?

' This is what I think of our present situation ; these are the
sentiments of a man neither partial nor vehement, but free from all
prepossessions, and ready to combat and shed the last drop of nis
blood, to put down the excesses of Ucense, to extirpate the germs
of cruel anarchy, to defend the rights and the privileges of this most
innocent people, whether he finds their enemies in the savage des-
erts of America, or in the cultivated plains of England.

' And if there arc Catilines among us, who plot in darkness per-
nicious schemes against the state, let them be unveiled and dragged
to light, that they may be offered a sacrifice, as victims to the just
veno^eance of this courteous country ; that their names may be
stamped with infamy to the latest posterity, and their memory held
in execration by all men of worth, in every future age ! '

The vehemence of these two discourses excited an extraordinary
agitation in the house of commons ; after it was calmed, the propo-
sition of the ministers was put to vote and carried, by a majority of
two thirds of the house.

Such was the conclusion of the most important affair that for a
long time had been submitted to the decision of parliament. The
inhabitants of all Europe, as well as those of Great Britain, awaited,
with eager curiosity, the result of these debates. During their con
tinuance, the foreign ministers, resident in London, attentively
watched all the movements of the ministry, and the discussions of
parliament, persuaded that whatever might be the decision, it could
not fail to prove fertile in events of the highest importance, not only
for England, but also for all the other European states.

172 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK IV.

On the same day was read a petition from the island of Jamaica,
very energetic, and totally in favor of the colonies. It displeased,
and, as usual, was thrown aside.

The ministers, having attained their object, in causing the inhab-
itants of JNIassachusetts to be declared rebels, resolved to lay before
parliament the system of measures they intended to pursue, in regard
to the affairs of America. Having either no- adequate idea of the
inflexibility of men, inflamed by the zeal of new opinions, or being
pre-occupied by passion, or perhaps restrained by the timidity of their
characters, they persisted in believing, that the Americans would not
long endure the privation of their commerce, and thus becoming
divided among themselves, would solicit an arrangement. Relying
also too implicitly on the assertions of Hutchinson, and other officers
of the crown, that had been, or still were in America, who assured
them that the friends of England, in the colonies, were powerful in
numbers, resources and influence, they no longer hesitated to adopt
tlie most rigorous measures, without supporting them by a com-
mensurate force.

Thus guided, as usual, by their spirit of infatuation, they confided
their cause, not to the certain operation of armies, but to the sup-
posed inconstancy and partiality of the American people. Upon such
a foundation, lord North proposed a new bill, the object of which
was to restrict the commerce of New England to Great Britain, Ire-
land and the West India islands, and prohibit, at the same time, the
fishery of Newfoundland. The prejudice that must have resulted
from this act, to the inhabitants of New England, may be calculated
from the single fact, that they annually employed in this business
about forty-six thousand tons and six thousand seamen ; and the
produce realized from it, in foreign mr^rkets, amounted to three
hundred and twenty thousand pounds sterling. This bill, however,
did not pass without opposition in the two houses ; on the contrary,
the debates and the agitation it excited, were vehement in both.
Many of the members exerted all their efforts to defeat it, and more
than any, the marquis of Rockingham, who presented, to this end,
a petition of the London merchants.

The bill was, however, approved by a great majority. The oppo-
sition protested ; the ministers scarcely deigned to perceive it.

This prohibition of all foreign commerce, and of the fishery of
Newfoundland, at first comprehended only the four provinces of
New England ; but the ministers, finding the parliament placid and
docilp, afterwards extended it to the other colonies, with the excep-
tion of New York and North Carolina. They alledged it was ex*
pedient to punish all the provinces which had paiticipated in the

BOOK IV. THE AMERICAN WAK. 173

league against British commerce and manufactures. This proposi-
tion was approved without difficulty. After a few days had trans-
pired, they moved, that the counties situated on the Delaware,
New Castle, Kent, and Sussex, should be subjected to the same
laws, as they also had manifested a spirit of rebellion. The clause
was added. Thus the English ministers employed only partial
measures ; imitating those little children, who, having constructed a
dyke of clay for their amusement, are incessantly occupied in stop-
ping, one after another, all the apertures through which the water
seeks to escape.

Meanwhile they had given orders to embark a corps of ten thou-
sand men for America, as they considered this force sufficient to
re-establish submission and obedience to the laws ; always confident-
ly relying upon the divisions of the Americans, and the great number
of those they conceived to be devoted to the British cause. To this
error of the ministers must be attributed the length of the war and
the termination it had ; as it was essential to success, that the first
impressions should have been energetic ; that the first movements
should have compelled the Americans to banish all idea of resist-
ance ; in a word, that a sudden display of an overwhelming force
should have reduced them to the necessity of immediately laying
down arms. But the ministers preferred to trust the issue of this
all important contest, to the intrigues, however at all times uncer-
tain, of factions and parties, rather than to the agency of formida-
ble armies.

But the counsels of the ministers ended not here. Wishing to
blend with rigor a certain clemency, and also to prevent new occa-
sions of insurrection in America, they brought forward the project
of a law, purporting, that when, in any province or colony, the gov-
ernor, council, assembly, or general court, should propose to make
provision according to their respective conditions, circumstances and
faculties, for contributing their proportion to the common defense ;
such proportion to be raised under the authorities of the general
court or assembly in each province or colony, and disposable by
parhament ; and should engage to make provision also for the sup-
port of the civil government, and the administration of justice in
such province or colony, it would be proper, if such proposal should
be approved by the king in his parliament, and for so long as such
provision should be made accordingly, to forbear in respect of such
province or colony, to impose any duties, taxes, or assessment,
except only such as might be thought necessary for the regulation
of commerce.

If, this proposition displeased many among the members of the

174 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOR. IV.

ministerial party, as being greatly derogatory to the dignity and rights
of the parliament, which ought to make no concessions to rebels,
while they have arms in their hands ; it may be presumed that it
was received with every mark of the most violent disapprobation by
the adverse party ; they declared it to be base, vile, and insidious.
But the ministers considered, that whatever might be the fate of the
law in America, and even supposing it should not be accepted, the
people of England, at least, would be convinced that nothing could
subdue the obstinacy of the colonists, and that, as to finances, they
were determined to bear no part of the public burthens. According
to the views of the ministry, if this law was to produce greater con-
cord in England, it would be likely, they apprehended, to create
divisions in America ; for if a single province accepted the offer,
and consented to an accommodation, the confederacy of the Amer-
icans, by which alone they were formidable, dissolved of itself.
Lord North, in his discourse to the parliament, did not dissemble
this last hope.

The colonists affected to resent this project as a violent outrage ;
they complained that the minister attempted to follow the too well
known maxim of divide and reign ; as if the English ministers
ought not to consider laudable what they reputed blamable ; as if,
between declared enemies, things were to be estimated by a com-
mon weight and measure.

Such were the sentiments of the ministers respecting American
affairs. Meanwhile, those who in England, and even in parhament,
favored the cause of the colonists, had not been discouraged by the
little success it obtained. They plainly foresaw the extent of the
evils to which the Americans would be exposed if the resolutions of
the ministers should be executed. Unwilling to fail in their duty to
their country, and perhaps also stimulated by ambition, in case things
should take an unfortunate direction, they resolved to renew their
efforts, to induce, if possible, the government to embrace measures
more calculated to calm the exasperated minds of the colonists, and
dispose them to concord ; for they were very far from believing that
the mode proposed by lord North would have the expected result.

Accordingly, Edmund Burke, one of the members of the house
of commons, who, by his genius, his knowledge, and his rare elo-
quence, had acquired the most brilliant reputation, declared upon
this occasion, ihat it gave him singular satisfaction to find the minis-
ters disposed to make any concessions to the Americans, and since
lord North himself had proposed a way which he supposed might
lead to conciliation, he accepted it as a most happy augury ; as an
avowal, that in the present question, no regard was to be had for

BOOK IV. THE AMERICAN WAR. 175

vain imjiginations, for abstract ideas of rights, and general theories
of government, but on the contrary, that it was essential to reason
from the nature of things, from actual circumstances, from practice,
and from experience.

He then entered into an accurate investigation of the actual state
of the colonies ; he considered their situation, extent, wealth, popu-
lation, agriculture, commerce, with their power and weight in the
scale of empire. He adverted to that invincible spirit of freedom
which distinguishes them in so peculiar a manner from all other
people. He observed, that while Great Britain had governed
America, conformably to all these circumstances, both countries
had been united and happy ; and that to re-establish this prosperous
state of things, it was only necessary to resume the accustomed sys-
tem of government. In examining the different plans proposed for
the government of America, he animadverted particularly upon that
of force ; a method which, as the most simple and easy to compre-
hend, men were apt to have recourse to in all difficult circum-
stances ; without reflecting that what appears the most expeditious,
is frequently the least expedient. He remarked, that the utility of
employing force, depended upon times and circumstances, which
were always variable and uncertain ; that it destroyed the very ob-
jects of preservation ; that it was a mode of governing hitherto un-
known in the colonies, and therefore dangerous to make trial of;
that their flourishing condition, and the benefits thence resulting to
England, were owing to quite other causes, to a method totally dif-
ferent ; that all discussions of right and of favors, should be disclaim-
ed in such a subject ; the surest rule to govern the colonies was to
call them to participate in the free constitution of England, by giving
the Americans the guaranty of parliament, that Great Britain shall
never depart from the principles which shall be once established ;
that, in such matters, it was better to consult prudence than cavil
about right ; that the solemn doctors of the laws had nothing to do
with this affair ; that practice was always a wiser counsellor than
speculation ; that experience had already marked the road to be
taken on this occasion ; it had long been followed with advantage
and safety ; that this tested system could not be resumed too soon,
by abandoning all new and extraordinary projects. He concluded
by saying, that, as there existed no reason for believing that the col-
onists would be less disposed in future to grant subsidies, voiuntari
ly, than they had been in times past, he would have the secretaries
of state address the customary requisitions to their assemblies.

The ministers rose to reply ; and this time, a thing rather strange,
and not to have been expected from the partisans of lord Bute, they

176

THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK IV.

demonstrated great solicitude for liberty ; so true it is, that if some-
times the promoters of popular anarchy, as also those of absolute
power, frequently vociferate the name of liberty, it is because they
know that if the people cannot love what oppresses them, they may
at least easily be deceived by the appearance and the name alone of
ihat which constitutes their happiness. Accordingly, the ministers
declared, that it would be a dangerous thing for liberty, if the colo-
nies could, without the consent of parliament, and simply upon the
requisition of ministers, grant subsidies to the crown.

' Besides,' they added, ' the colonial assemblies have never had
the legal faculty to grant subsidies of themselves ; it is a privilege
peculiar to parliament, which cannot be communicated to any other
body whatsoever. We read, in the Declaration of Rights, " that
levying money for the use of the crown, by pretense of prerogative,
and without the consent of parliament, is an act contrary to law."
A minister who should suffer the grant of any sort of revenues from
the colonies to the crown, without the consent of parliament, would
be liable to impeachment. Although, in time of war, and from the
urgency of circumstances, this abuse has sometimes been tolerated,
it could not be admitted in times of peace, v/ithout the total subver-
sion of the constitution. What will be the consequence, if the par-
liament once divests itself of the right to tax the colonies? It will
no longer be possible to ground calculations upon any subsidies on
their part ; for, because they have furnished them heretofore, can it
be inferred that they will always furnish them in future ? It may
happen, that on some pressing occasion they will refuse ; and if
they should, what means will remain to enforce their contributions ?
Finally, if they passed resolutions for levying money in the late
war, it was because their own interests were concerned, and the
dangers immediately menaced themselves; but, in other circum-
stances, and for interests more remote, whether they would furnish
similar subsidies, appears extremely doubtful.'

Such was the answer of the ministers. The motion of Burke
was rejected ; not, however, without causing pain to many among
the English, who ardently Jesired that some means might be de-
vised, by which a reconciliation could be effected. But such were
not the impressions of the still greater number that adhered to the
party of the ministers. In the present state of things, the affair of
taxation was, or appeared to have become, the least important part
of the controversy ; the quarrel, increasing in virulency, had extend-
ed to other objects of still greater moment, and concerning the very
nature of the government.

The ministerial party entertained the most violent suspicions, that,

BOOK IV. THE AMERICAN WAR. 177

under this shadow of pretensions about taxes and constitutional
liberty, machinations were concealed, tending to alter the form of
government, to propagate, and perhaps to reahze, those ideas of a
repubUc which had occasioned in England so much discord and so
many wars.

The present partisans of liberty in America, and those who favor-
ed them in Great Britain, much resembled those of times past ; and
it was apprehended they were plotting the same designs. The least
partiality for the cause of the Americans was viewed as a criminal
scheme ag-ainst the state ; all those who declared themselves in their
favor were considered as an audacious set of men, full of ambition
and obstinacy, who, to acquire power and gratify their vengeance,
would have involved the whole empire in devastation and carnage.
It was believed, that, as fathers leave their inheritance to their chil-
dren, the patriots of the times of the revolution had transmitted the
venom of their opinions to those of the present epoch ; and that
these, by means of the American revolution, were seeking to ac-
complish their pernicious plots. The insurrection of the colonies,
and the intestine dissensions in England, seemed to be the prelude
of their nefarious purposes. It appeared manifest, that, in the ex-
pectation of future events, unable as yet to make themselves masters
of the state, they had formed a conspiracy to attack incessantly
those who governed it, wiUi their odious imputations and incendiary
clamors. In effect, the partisans of the Americans had, for some
time, abandoned themselves to the most extraordinary proceedings.
They observed no human respect, — no sort of measure ; all ways,
all means, they reputed honest, if conducive to their purposes. Con-
sequently in a discussion sustained with so much vehemence^ and
imbittered by the remembrance of ancient outrages, every motion
in favor of the Americans was interpreted in the most unfavorable
manner. It was thought that Great Britain had no interest in com-
ing to an accommodation with her colonists, until this repubhcan
spirit was first put down and extinguished; and, as this could not
be effected but by force of arms, the friends of government wished
they might be employed ; ' Whatever,' said they, ' may be the result
of mild counsels, they will but palliate the evil, — not effect its cure ;
it will re-appear, on the first favorable occasion, more formidable
than ever.'

Such were the prevaiUng opinions, both within and without the
parliament To these apprehensions must be attributed, principally,
the harsh reception encountered by all the propositions for an accom-
modation, which were made by the friends of the Americans. The
ministers, besides, were persuaded that the insurrection of the colo-

VOL. J. 12

178 THE AMERICAN WAtt BOOK IV.

nies proceeded rather from a popular effervescence than a concerted
plan ; and that this flame would expire, as promptly as it had been
kindled.

Propositions of arrangement, and petitions, continued, however,
still to be offered ; but perhaps they were made merely becaiiise it
was known they would be rejected, as they were in effect. Thus
were extinguished all hopes of reconcihation ; thus the last extrem-
ities were rendered inevitable ; thus was announced the precipitate
a,pproach of war ; and good citizens perceived, with horror, the
«Jamities about to fall upon their country.

Meanwhile, the horizon became every day more lowering, in
America ; and civil war seemed only waiting the signal to explode.
The congress of Massachusetts had passed a resolution for the pur-
chase of all the gunpowder that could be found, and of every sort
of arms and ammunition requisite for an army of fifteen thousand
men. This decree was executed with the utmost solicitude ; and,
as these objects abounded principally in Boston, the inhabitants
employed all their address to procure and transport them to places
of safety in the country, by deceiving the vigilance of the guard
stationed upon the isthmus. Cannon, balls, and other instruments
of war, were carried through the English posts, in carts apparently
loaded with manure ; powder, in the baskets or panniers of those
who came from the Boston market ; and cartridges were concealed
in candle boxes.

Thus the provincials succeeded in their preparations ; but, as it
was feared that general Gage might send detachments to seize the
military stores in places where they were secreted, men were chosen
to keep watch at Charlestown, Cambridge and Roxbury, and be
ready to dispatch couriers to the towns where the magazines were
kept, as often as they should see any band of soldiers issuing from
Boston. General Gage was not asleep. Having received intima-
tion that several pieces of artillery were deposited in the neighbor-
' hood of Salem, he sent a detachment of the garrison at the castle
to seize them, and return to Boston. They landed at Marblehead,
and proceeded to Salem ; but without finding the object of their
search. They had to pass a drawbridge, which formed the commu-
nication with Danvers, where the people had collected in great num-
bers. The bridge had been drawn, to impede the passage of the
royal troops ; the captain in command ordered the bridge down •
the people refused ; and a warm altercation ensued with the sol-
diers A smister event appeared inevitable. At this juncture,
came up a clergyman, named Bernard, a man of great authority
with the people, who persuaded them to let down the bridge. The

BOOK !▼. THE AMERICAN "WAR. 179

soldiers passed it ; and iiaving made a slight incursion on the other
side, in token of the liberty they had obtained to scout the country,
they returned peaceably on board. But the country people had
already concealed, in places more secure, the artillery and ammu-
nition. Accordingly, the expedition of general Gage completely
failed of success.

Thus, by the prudence of a single man, the effusion of bbod was
prevented ; of which the danger was imminent. Tiie resistance,
however, which the soldiers encountered, had greatly exasperated
their minds ; and if, before, the people of Boston lived in a state of
continual jealousy, after this event, the reciprocal irritation and
rancor had so increased, that it was feared, every moment, the sol-
diers and the citizens would come to blows.

But war being momently expected, the particular fate of the in-
habitants of Boston had become the object of general solicitude.
The garrison was formidable ; the fortifications carried to perfec-
tion ; and little hope remained that this city could be wrested from
British domination. Nor could the citizens flatter themselves more
with the iiope of escaping by sea, as the port was blockaded by a
squadron. Thus confined amidst an irritated soldiery, the Bosto-
nians found themselves exposed to endure all the outrages to be ap-
prehended from military license. Their city had become a close
prison, and themselves no better than hostages in the hands of the
British commanders. This consideration alone sufficed greatly to
impede all civil and military operations projected by the Americans.
Various expedients were suggested, in order to extricate the Bosto-
nians from this embarrassing situation ; which, if they evinced no
great prudence, certainly demonstrated no ordinary obstinacy.
Some advised, that all the inhabitants of Boston should abandon
the city, and take refuge in other places, where they should be suc-
cored at the public expense ; but this design was totally impractica-
ble ; since it depended on general Gage to prevent its execution.
Others recommended, that a valuation should be made of the houses
and furniture belonging to the inhabitants, that the city should then
be fired, and that all the losses should be reimbursed from the public
treasure. After mature dehberation, this project was also pronounced
not only very difficult, but absolutely impossible to be executed.
Many inhabitants, however, left the city privately, and withdrew into
the interior of the country ; some, from disgust at this species of
captivity; others, from fear of the approaching hostilities; and
others, finally, from apprehensions of being questioned for acts
against the government ; but a great number, also, with a firm reso-
lution, preferred to remain, and brave all consequences whatever.

ItìO THE AMERICAN WAK BOOK IV

The soldiers of the garrison, weary of their long confinement, de-
sired to sally forth, and drive away these rebels, who interrupted
their provisions, and for whom they cherished so profound a con-
tempt. The inhabitants of Massachusetts, on the other hand, were
proudly indignant at this opmion of their cowardice, entertained by
the soldiers ; and panted for an occasion to prove, by a signal ven-
geance, the falsehood of the reproach.

In the meantime, the news arrived of the king's speech at the
opening of parliament ; of the resolutions adopted by that body ;
and, finally, of the act by which the inhabitants of Massachusetts
were declared rebels. All the province flew to arms ; indignation
became fury, — obstinacy, desperation. All idea of reconciliation
had become chimerical ; necessity stimulated the most timid ; a
thirst of vengeance fired every breast. The match is lighted, — the
materials disposed, — the conflagration impends. The children are
prepared to combat against their fathers ; citizens against citizens ;
and, as the Americans declared, the friends of liberty against its
oppressors, — against the founders of tyranny.

' In these arms,' said they, ' in our right hands, are placed the hope
of safety, the existence of country, the defense of property, the
honor of our wives and daughters. With these alone can we re-
pulse a licentious soldiery, protect what man holds dearest upon earth,
and unimpaired transmit our rights to our descendants. The world
will admire our courage ; all good men will second us with their
wishes and prayers, and celebrate our names with immortal praises.
Our memory will become dear to posterity. It will be the example,
as the hope of freemen, and the dread of tyrants, to the latest ages.
It is time that old and contaminated England should be made ac-
quainted with the energies of America, in the prime and innocence
of her youth ; it is time she should know how much superior are
our soldiers, in courage and constancy, to vile mercenaries. We
must look back no more ! We must conquer or die ! We are placed
between altars smoking with the most grateful incense of glory
and gratitude, on the one part, and blocks and dungeons on the
other. Let each then rise, and gird himself for the combat. The
dearest interests of this world command it ; our most holy religion
enjoins it ; that God, who eternally rewards the virtuous, and pun-
ishes the wicked, ordains it. Let us accept these happy auguries :
for already the mercenary sateUites, sent by wicJced ministers to re-
duce this innocent people to extremity, arc imprisoned within the
walls of a single city, where hunger emaciates them, rage devours
them, death consumes them. Let us banish every fear, every alarm ;
foitune smiles upon the eflTorts of tìvì brave ' '

BOOK IV.

THE AMERICAN WAR 181

By similar discourses, they excited one another, and prepared
themselves for defense. The fatal moment is arrived ; the signal of
civil war is given.

General Gage was informed, that the provincials had amassed
large quantities of arms and ammunition, in the towns of Worcester
and Concord ; which last is eighteen miles distant from the city of
Boston. Excited by the loyalists, who had persuaded him that he
would find no resistance, considering the cowardice of the patriots,
and perhaps not imagining that the sword would be drawn so soon,
he resolved to send a few companies to Concord, in order to seize
the military stores deposited there, and transport them to Boston, or
destroy them. It was said also, that he had it in view, by this sud-
den expedition, to get possession of the persons of John Hancock
and of Samuel Adams, two of the most ardent patriot chiefs, and
the principal directors of the provincial congress, then assembled in
the town of Concord. But to avoid exciting irritation, and the-
popular tumults, which might have obstructed his designs, he resolved
to act with caution, and in the shade of mystery. Accordingly, he
ordered the grenadiers, and several companies of light infantry, to
hold themselves in readiness to march out of the city, at the first
signal ; adding, that it was in order to pass review, and execute dif-
ferent maneuvers and military evolutions. The Bostonians enter-
tained suspicions ; and sent to warn Adams and Hancock to be upon
their guard. The committee of public safety gave directions that
the arms and ammunition should be distributed about in different
places. Meanwhile, general Gage, to proceed with more secrecy.
commanded a certain number of officers, who had been made ac-
quainted with his designs, to go, as if on a party of pleasure, and
dine at Cambridge, which is situated very near Boston, and upon the
road to Concord. It was on the 18th of April, in the evening, these
officers dispersed themselves here and there upon the road and pas-
sages, to intercept the couriers that might have been dispatched to
give notice of the movement of the troops. The governor gave or-
ders that no person should be allowed to leave the city ; neverthe-
less, doctor Warren, one of the most active patriots, had timely inti-
mation of the scheme, and immediately dispatched confidential mes-
sen<Ters ; some of whom found the roads interdicted by the officers
that guarded them ; but others made their way unperceived to Lex-
ington, a town upon the road leading to Concord. The intelligence
was soon divulged ; the people flocked together, the bells, in al'
parts, were rung to give the alarm ; tlie continual firing of cannon
spread the agitation through all the neighboring country. In the

182 THE AMERICAN WAR

BOOK IV.

midst of this tumultuous scene, at eleven in the evening, a strong
detachment of grenadiers, and of light infantry, was embarked at
Boston, and went to take land at a place called Phipp's Farm,
whence they marched towards Concord. In this state of things, the
irritation had become so intense, that a spark only was wan tin"-, to
produce an explosion ; as the event soon proved.

The troops were under the command of lieutenant-colonel Smith,
and major Pitcairn, who led the vanguard. The militia of Lexing-
ton, as the intelligence of the movement of this detachment was
uncertain, had separated in the course of the night. Finally, at
five in the morning of the 19th, advice was received of the near
approach of the royal troops. The provincials that happened to
be near, assembled to the number of about seventy, certainly too
few to have had the intention to engage in combat. The English
appeared, and major Pitcairn cried in a loud voice, ' Disperse, reb-
els, lay down arms, and disperse.' The provincials did not obey,
upon which he sprung from the ranks, discharged a pistol, and,
brandishing his sword, ordered his soldiers to fire. The provincials
retreated ; the Enghsh continuing their fire, the former faced about
to return it.

Meanwhile, Hancock and Adams retired from danger ; and it is
related, that while on the march, the latter, enraptured with joy, ex-
claimed, ' Oh ! what an ever glorious morning is this ! ' considering
this first eflfusion of blood as the prelude of events which must
secure the happiness of his country. The soldiers atiVanced to-
wards Concord. The inhabitants assembled, and appeared disposed
to act upon the defensive, but seeing the numbers of the enemy,
they fell back, and posted themselves on the bridge, which is
found north of the town, intending to wait for re-inforcements
from the neighboring places ; but the light infantry assailed them
with fury, routed them, and occupied the bridge, while the others
entered Concord, and proceeded to the execution of their orders.
They spiked two pieces of twenty-four pound cannon, destroyed
their carriages, and a number of wheels for the use of the artillery ;
threw into the river, and into wells, five hundred pounds of bullets,
and wasted a quantity of flour deposited there by tlie provincials.
These were the arm.s and provisions which gave the first occasion
to a long and cruel war !

But the expedition was not yet terminated ; the minute-men ar-
rived, and the forces of the provincials were increased by continual
accessions from every quarter. The light infantry who scoured the
country above (Concord, were obliged to retreat, and on entering the

BOOK IV. THE AMERICAN WAR lS3

town a hot skirmish ensued. A great number were killed on both
sides. The light infantry having joined the main body of the de-
tachment, the English retreated precipitately towards Lexington;
already the whole country had risen in arms, and the militia, from
all parts, flew to the succor of their own. Before the British de-
tachment had arrived at Lexington, its rear guard and flanks suf-
fered great annoyance from the provincials, who, posted behind the
trees, walls, and frequent hedges, kept up a brisk fire, which the
enemy could not return. The soldiers of the king found themselves
in a most perilous situation.

General Gage, apprehensive of the event, had dispatched, in haste,
under the command of Lord Percy, a re-inforcement of sixteen com-
panies, with some marines, and two field pieces. This corps arrived
very opportunely at Lexington, at the moment when the royal troops
entered the town from the other side, pursued with fury by the pro-
vincial militia.

It appears highly probable, that, without this re-inforcement, they
would have been all cut to pieces, or made prisoners ; their strength
was exhausted, as well as their ammunition. After making a con-
siderable halt at Lexington, they renewed their march towards Bos-
ton, the number of the provincials increasing every moment, although
the rear guard of the English was less molested, on account of the
two field pieces, which repressed the impetuosity of the Americans.
But the flanks of the column remained exposed to a very destruc-
tive fire, which assailed them from all the points adapted to serve as
coverts. The royahsts were also annoyed by the heat, which was
excessive, and by a violent wind, which blew a thick dust in their
eyes. The enemy's marksmen, adding to their natural celerity a
perfect knowledge of the country, came up unexpectedly through
cross roads, and galled the English severely, taking aim especially
at the officers, who, perceiving it, kept much on their guard. Fi-
nally, after a march of incredible fatigue, and a considerable loss of
men, the English, overwhelmed with lassitude, arrived at sunset in
Charlestown. Independently of the combat they had sustained, the
ground they had measured that day was above five and thirty miles.
The day following they crossed over to Boston.

Such was the affair of Lexington, the first action which opened
the civil war. The English soldiers, and especially their officers,
were filled with indignation at the fortune of the day ; they could
not endure, that an undisciplined multitude, that a flock of Y ankees,
as they contemptuously named the Americans, should not only have
maintained their ground against them, but even forced them to show

IS'l THE AMERICAN WAR BOOK IV

their backs, and take refuge behind the walls of a city. Tlie pro
vincials. on the contrary, felt their courage immeasurably increased,
since they had obtained a proof that these famous troops were not
invincible, and had made so fortunate an essay of the goodness of
their arms.

Both parties were at great pains to prove that their adversaries
had been the aggressors. The English insisted, that the Americans
had fired first from the houses of Lexington, and that this provoca-
tion had forced the British troops to fire also, and to march thence
to Concord. The Americans denied the fact, and affirmed very
positively, that major Pitcairn had commanded his detachment to
fire, when, on their part, they continued to observe a perfect calm ;
and many judicial certificates and solemn depositions were made to
this eflfect. Certain it is, that lieutenant-colonel Smith was much
displeased that his troops had fired ; and it seems probable, that
general Gage had given orders not to fire, except in case of a real
attack on the part of the provincials. If it be true, therefore, as
there is much reason to believe, that the first firing came from the
soldiers of the king, this ought to be imputed rather to the impru-
dence of major Pitcairn than to any other order or cause.

The two parties also reciprocally accused each other, as it usually
happens in civil wars, of many and horrible cruelties. The Ameri-
cans pretended that the English had burnt and plundered several
houses, destroying what tliey were unable to carry away, and that
they had even massacred several individuals without defense. The
English, on the contrary, affirmed, that several of their comrades,
made prisoners by the rebels, had been tortured and put to death
with savage barbarity. They even related, a thing horrible to re-
peat, that one of the wounded English, being left behind, and en-
deavoring, with great effiarts, to rejoin his corps, was assailed by a
young American, who ferociously split open his skull with an axe,
and forced out the brains, for his sport. We dare not affirm the
truth of this abominable fact ; although we find it related, as not
doubtful, by authors worthy of credit ; but we can at least attest the
falsehood of a report which had at the time much currency. It
was rumored, that the inhabitants of New England, imitating, in
their fanatical rage, the barbarity of the savages, their neighbors, had
severed the scalp, torn out the eyes, and cut off the ears of many
English soldiers, both wounded and dead. It is pleasing to think,
and authorities arc not wanting to affirm, that these imputations are
excessively exaggerated, both on the one part and on the other ;
and if any excesses were committed in the heat of battle, it is cer-

KOOK IV.

TUE AMERICAN WAR. 185

tain that after the action was over, hnmanity recovered its rights.
It is known with perfect assurance, that the wounded, who fell
into the hands of the provincial militia, were treated with all the
cares and attentions in use among the most civilized nations. The
Americans even gave notice to general Gage, that he was at liberty
to send surgeons to dress and attend the wounded that were found
m their hands.

This first feat of arms had two results ; the first was to demon-
strate how false and ridiculous were the vaunts of those Gascons,
who, within parhament as well as without, had spoken in such un-
worthy terras of American courage ; from this moment the EngUsh
nation, and especially its soldiers, persuaded themselves that the
struggle would be far more severe and more sanguinary, than had
been at first believed. The second effect of this combat was, to
increase astonishingly the confidence of the colonists, and their
resolution to defend their rights. It should be added, also, that
the reports of the cruelties committed by the British troops,
which, whether true or false, the leaders never failed to propagate
and exaggerate, in every place, repeating them Vvith words of ex-
treme vehemence, and painting them in the most vivid colors, had
produced an incredible fermentation, and a frantic rage in the minds
of the inhabitants. To give, if it were possible, still greater ac-
tivity to these transports of hatred and fury, the obsequies of the
slain were celebrated with every mark of honor, their eulogies were
pronounced, they were styled the martyrs of liberty ; their famihes
were the object of universal veneration. They were continually
cited as the models to be imitated in the arduous contest which
America was forced into, by the injustice and the pride of English
supremacy.

The provincial congress of Massachusetts was then in session at
Watertown, ten miles distant from Boston. Upon the news of the
battle of Lexington, it addressed a long letter to the English peo-
ple, containing the most circumstantial details of this event ; the
congress endeavored to prove that the royal troops had been the first
to engage battle, by firing upon the peaceable militia ; and by com-
mitting at Concord, as well as at Lexington, many excesses, abso-
lutely unworthy of the British name. They entreated the English
nation to interfere, and avert the ulterior calamities which were
about to fdU upon the colonies and Great Britain ; they declared and
protested their loyalty ; at the same time they affirmed it was their
firm and irrevocable resolution not to submit to any species of tyi-
anny ; they appealed to Heaven for the justice of a cause for whicli

186 THE AMEUICAN WAR, BOOK IV.

they were prepared to sacrifice their fortunes, and, if necessary,
existence itself.

But, not content v/ith words, and desirous of giving a regular
direction to the war, and to the movements of tlie people, who as-
sembled every where in tumultuary crowds, they issigned a tixed
pay to the officers and soldiers ; they made regulations for organ-
izing and disciplining the militia. In order to be able to meet the
expenses, which wcae rendered necessary by circumstances, the
congress issued a certain quantity of bills of credit, which were to
be received as money, in all payments ; and for the guaranty of
which, they pledged the faith of the province. They declared that
general Gage, having sent armed soldiers to destroy what existed in
the public magazines in the town of Concord, a violence which had
(wcasioned the illegal and barbarous death jf a great number of the
inhabitants of the province, was no longer entitled to receive any
obedience, but ought, on the contrary, to be regarded as an enemy
to the country.

The congress also resolved, that a levy should be made in the
|)rovince, of thirteen thousand six hundred men, and chose for
their general, colonel Ward, an officer of much reputation. This
militia was designed to form the contingent of Massachusetts ; the
}>rovin.ces of New Hampshire, Connecticut, and Rhode Island, were
invited to furnish theirs, in order to com.plete an army of thirty
thousand men, to be commanded by general John Thomas, an offi-
cer of great experience. Connecticut dispatclied immediately a
considerable corps, under the command of colonel Putnam, an old
officer, who, in the two late wars, had often given proof of courage
and intelligence. The other provinces were not slow in causing
their standards to move, and, in a short time, an army of thirty
thousand men was found assembled under the walls of Boston. So
great and so universal was the ardor produced among the inhab-
itants by the battle of Lexington, that the American generals were
obliged to send back to their homes many thousand volunteers.
Putnam took his station at Cambridge, and Thomas at Roxbury,
upon the right wing of the army, to cut off entirely the communi-
cation of the garrison, by the isthmus, with the adjacent country.
Thus, a few days after the affair of Lexington, the 'capital of the
province of Massachusetts was closely besieged; thus, a multitude
assembled in haste, of men declared rebels, and mean spirited cow-
ards, held in strict confinement, not daring to sally forth even to
procure food, many thousands of veteran troops, commanded by an
able general, and combating under the royal standard. Such was

BOOK IV. THE AMERICAN WAR 187

the situation of troops which had been sent from Europe with the
firm expectation that they would only have to show themselves, in
order to drive before them all the inhabitants of a country, infinitely
more vast and more difiicult to traverse than England itself. But,
in all times, regular troops have regarded with disdain the militia
of an insurgent people ; and often has this militia bafHed all the
efforts of regular armies.

END OF UOOK FOURTH.

NOTE TO BOOK IV.

NOTE I. PAGE 138.

NAMES OF MEMBERS COMPOSING TTIE CONGRESS OF 1774.

NEW HAMPSHIRE.

John Sullivan,
Nathaniel Fulsom.

MASSACHUSETTS.

James Bowdoin,
Thomas Gushing,
Samuel Adams,
John Auams,
Robert T. Paine.

RHODE ISLAND.

Stephen Hopkins,

Samuel Ward.

CONNECTICUT.

Eliphalet Dyer,
Roger Sherman.
Silas Deane.

NEW YORK.

James Duane,
Henry Wisner,
John Jay,
Philip Livingston,
Isaac Low,
John Alsop,
William Floyd.

NEW JERSEY.

James Kinsey,
William Livingston,
John De Hart,
Stephen Crane,
Richard Smith.

PENNSYLVANIA.

Joseph Galloway,
Charles Huj'phrets,

Samuel Rhoads,
George Ross,
John Morton,
Thomas Mifflin,
Edward Biddle,
John Dickinson.

DELAWARE.

CjESar Rodney,
Thomas M'Kean,
George Read.

MARYLAND.

Robert Goldsborough,
Thomas Johnson,
William Paca,
Samuel Chase,
Matthew Tilghman.

VIRGINIA.

Peyton Randolph,
Richard Henry Lee,
George Washington,
Patrick Henry,
Richard Bland,
Benjamin Harrison,
Edmund Pendleton.

NORTH CAROLINA.

William Hooper,
Joseph Hughes,
Richard Caswell.

SOUTH CAROLINA.

Henry Middleton,
John Rutledoe,
Thomas Lynch,
Christopher Gadsden,
Edward Rutledoe.

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 189

BOOK FIFTH.

1775. Boston is situated near the middle of the province of
Massachusetts, upon a tract of land, which, connecting with the con-
tinent by an extremely narrow tongue, called the neck, afterwards
distends sufficiently to comprehend a city of very ample dimensions.
The figure of this peninsula is irregular, and forms, alternately, bays
and promontories. In one of these bays, facing towards the east, is
found the port, which is admirably adapted to receive ships of any
burthen, as well of war as of commerce. Towards the north, the
land branches into two parts, resembling horns ; one of which, point-
ing to the northeast, is called Hudson's Point ; and the other, bearing
to the northwest. Barton's Point. In front of these two points,
another peninsula is perceived, which, from the name of a consider-
able town there situated, opposite Boston, is called Charlestown, and
is joined to the main land by an exceedingly narrow neck, which also
bears the name of Charlestown. An arm of the sea, about half a
mile in breadth, enters between the points of Hudson, of Barton,
and of Charlestown ; and, then expanding, embraces all the western
part of the peninsula of Boston. A number of streams empty them-
selves into this cove ; the principal of which, are Muddy, Charles,
and Mystic, or Medford, rivers. Not far from the isthmus of Boston,
the continent stretches into the sea, and forms a long promontory,
which extends, on the right, towards the east ; from which results
another peninsula, though joined to the main land by a much wider
neck than either that of Boston or of Charlestown ; these are known
by the appellations of Dorchester Neck, and Point. The peninsulas
of Charlestown, and of Dorchester, are so near to that of Boston,
thai batteries placed upon either can reach the city with their shot.
This can be done with the greater facility, as in both there are many
hills, or eminences, peculiarly favorable for the position of artillery.
There is one, above the village of Charlestown, called Breed's Hill,
which commands the city of Boston ; and another, behind it, towards
Charlestown Neck, and consequently further from Boston, which
bears the name of Bunker's Hill. In like manner upon the penin-
sula of Dorchester are heights, which have the same name ; and
another, called Nook's Hill, which crowns the spur of land towards
Boston. The inlet of the sea, through which the port is approached,
is sprinkled with little islands ; the most considerable of which are
Noddle's, Thompson's, Governor's, Long Island, and Castle Island.
West of Boston, upon the river Charles, is situated the extensive

190 THE AMERICAN WAB. BOOK V.

village of Cambridge ; and to the south, at the entrance of the Neck,
that of Roxbury.

The American army had rested its left wing upon the river of
Medford, and thus intercepted the communication of Charlestown
IVeck ; the center occupied Cambridge ; and the right wing, posted
at Roxbury, rrpressed the garrison on the part of tlie isthmus, wliich,
being fortified, might have facilitated their sallies and excursions into
the country.

In this situation, respectively, the two armies were found ; but the
number and quality of the combatants, their opinions, their military
science, their arms, ammunition and provisions, created a great
difference in their condition. The Americans were much superior
in number ; but this number was subject to continual variations ; for
that severe discipline, without which neither order nor stability can
exist in armies, not being as yet introduced among them, the soldiers
joined or quitted their colors, as best suited their inclinations ; and
fresh bands of volunteers were daily arriving, to take the place of
those who had left the camp. They had every kind of food in great
abundance, and especially vegetables, so necessary to the health of
troops. But their arms were far from being sufficient. They had,
in all, but sixteen field pieces, six of which, at the very utmost, were
in a condition for service. Their brass pieces, which were few, were
of the smallest caliber. They had. however, some heavy iron can-
non, with three or four mortars and howitzers, and some scanty
provision of balls and bombs. But of powder they were almost
totally destitute ; for, upon visiting the magazines, only eighty-two
halfbarrelsof it were found. A certain quantity, it is true, might have
been procured in the neighboring provinces ; but this feeble resource
would soon be exhausted. Muskets were in abundance : but they
were all of different caliber, each having brought his own. They
were admirably skilled in the use of this weapon, and therefore well
adapted for the service of light troops and skirmishing parties : but
in regular battle, ihey would have made but an indifferent figure.
They had no uniforms, and no magazines stocked with provisions ;
they lived from day to day, without taking tliought for the morrow :
but, in these first moments, the zeal of the neighboring country
people suffered them to want for nothing. They had no coined
money, or very little ; but they had bills of credit, which, at this
epoch, were current at equal value with gold. The officers wanted
due instruction, excepting those few who had served in the preceding
wars. They were not even known by their soldiers; for, the or
ganization of the several corps not being yet completed, the changes
in them were continual. Orders were ill executed ; every one

BOOK V

THE AMERICAN WAR. 191

wished to command, and do according to his own fancy; few
deigned to obey. Upon the whole, with the exception of some few
regiments, which had been trained in certain provinces by experi-
CHced chiefs, ihe residue had more the appearance of a tumultuary
assemblage, than of a regular army. But all these defects were com-
pensated by the determined spirit of their minds ; by the zeal of
party ; the profound persuasion, in all, of the justice of their cause.,
the exhortations of their chiefs, and of the ministers of religion,
who neglected no means of daily exciting this people, already of
themselves inclined to the enthusiasm of religious ideas, to signalize
their firnmess and valor in an enterprise pleasing in the sight of
Heaven and all the good of the human race.

With these feeble preparations, but with this extraordinary ardor,
the Ajnericans commenced a war, which every thing announced
must prove long, arduous and sanguinary. It was, however, easy
to foresee, tliat, whatever reverses they might have to encounter in
the outset, an unshaken constancy must render them eventually (ri-
umphant ; for, by preserving all their courage, and acqulrin;; disci-
pline, and the science of war, their soldiers could not fail to beccme
equal, in all respects, to any that could be opposed to them.

As to the British troops, they were abundantly provided with all
things necessary to enter the field ; their arsenals were glutted with
artillery of various caliber, excellent muskets, powder, and arms of
every denomination. Their soldiers were all perfectly exercised,
accustomed to fatigues and dangers ; they had long been taught the
difficult art, so essential in war — to obey. Their minds were full of
the recollection of the achievements, by which they had distinguished
themselves at various times, in the service of their country, while
combating against the most warlike nations of the world. A partic-
ular motive added still greatly to the martial resolution of this army
— the reflection that they were to combat under the royal standard,
which is usually a powerful incentive to military honor. Tlie English,
moreover, considered the enemies they were about to encounter, in
the light of rebels ; a name that inflamed them with an animosity
more intense than simple courage. They panted to avenge them-
selves for the aftront of Lexington ; they could by no means admit
that these Americans were able to resist them ; they persisted in
viewing them as cowards, who were indebted for their success at
Lexington, exclusively to their numbers, and the advantage of ground.
They were persuaded that, in the first serious action, in the first
regular battle, the colonists would not dare to wait their approach.
But, until the arrival of the re-inforcements expected from England,
prudence exacted a circumspect conduct towards the Americans,

192 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V.

whose forces were m(tre than threefold in number. Meanwhile, so
strict was the siege, no provisions being permitted to enter the city
from tlic neighboring towns, tliat fresh meat and all kinds of vege-
tables began to become excessively scarce ; and, although the sea
was open to the English, and they had a great number of light ves-
sels at their disposal, they could procure no supplies from the coasts
of New England ; the inhabitants having driven their cattle into the
interior of the country. As to the other provinces, they could ob-
tain nothing from them by their consent ; and they could not
employ force, because they were not yet declared rebels. The
scarcity became therefore extreme at Boston. The garrison, as
wcW as the inhabitants, were reduced to salt provisions. The Eng-
lish, therefore, were impatient for the arrival of re-inforcements from
England, in order to make some vigorous effort to extricate them-
selves from this difficult situation.

The besieging army, aware that the inhabitants of Boston had nc
other resource but from the magazines of the king, exercised the
greater vigilance to intercept all supplies from the adjacent country;
hoping that the exhaustion of these stores would at length induce the
governor to consent that the inhabitants, or at least the women and
children, as superfluous mouths, might leave the city. This the pro-
vincials had several times recjuested, very earnestly ; but the governor,
notwithstanding the embarrassment he experienced in providing
sustenance for the troops, appeared little disposed to listen to the
proposition. He considered the inhabitants as so many hostages for
the safety of the city and garrison ; being apprehensive the Ameri-
cans might attempt to carry the place by assault ; of which however,
there was not the least danger, although they had purposely circulated
such a rumor. Their generals were too considerate not to perceive
how fatal an impression of discouragement must have been made on
the public mind, by the miscarriage of so important a stroke, at the
very commencement of the war ; and the probabilities in favor of
this assault were not great, as the fortifications of the Neck were
extremely formidable; and, on the other hand, there could have been
little hope of success, so long as the English had command of the
sea, and the movements of a numerous fleet. But, finally, general
Gage, urged by necessity, and wishing also to withdraw arms from
the hands of the citizens, on whose account he was not without
appi^hensions, after a long conference with the council of the city,
acceded to an arrangement, by which it was stipulated, that all citi-
zens, on giving up their arms, and depositing them in Faneuil Hall,
or some other public place, should be at liberty to retire wherever
they might think proper, with all their effects 3 it was, however,

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 193

understood, that their arms should, in due time, be restored them.
It was also agreed, that thirty carts should be permitted to enter
Boston, to take away the movables of the emigrants ; and that the
admiralty should furnish the transports requisite for the same pur-
j)ose. This compact was at first faithfully observed by the two
parties ; the inhabitants deposited their arms, and the general de-
livered them passports. But soon after, either unwilling to deprive
himself entirely ot hostages, or apprehensive, as it had been rumored,
that the msurgents meditated the design of setting fire to the city,
so soon as their partisans should have evacuated it, he pretended
that individuals who had gone out to look after the affairs of persons
attached to the royal cause, had been ill treated ; and began to re-
fuse passes. This refusal excited violent complaints, both among
the Bostonians and the provincials stationed without. The govern-
or, however, persisted in his resolution. If he afterwards permitted
some few citizens to depart, it was only upon condition that they
should leave their furniture and effects ; which subjected them to no
little detriment and inconvenience. Many of them, who were ac-
customed to live in a style of great elegance, found themselves re-
duced, by this extraordinary rigor, to an absolute destitution of things
of the first necessity. It was also said, and with too much appear-
ance of probability, that, from a certain cruelty, which no motive
can excuse, in granting passports, he studied to divide families,
separating wives from husbands, fathers from children, brothers from
each other ; some obtained permission to depart — others were forced
to remain.

The poor and sick might all retreat, without opposition ; but their
departure was accompanied with a circumstance, which, if it was
not the effect of a barbarous intention, ought at least to have been,
prevented with the most sedulous care ; among the sick, those were
sdff'ered to pass who were attacked with the smallpox, a very mortal
disease in America, where it excites the same horror as the plague
•tself in Europe and in Asia. The contagion spread rapidly, and
made frightful ravages among the provincials

While these things were passing within and about Boston, the
otlier provinces were making their preparations for war with extreme
activity. The city of New York itself, in which the English had
more friends than in any other on the continent, and which hitkerto
had manifested so much reserve, at the first news of the batUe of
Lexington, was seized with a violent emotion, and resolved to malce
common cause with the other colonies. The inhabitants adopted
the resolutions of the general congress, with the determination to
persist in them until the entire re-establishment of constitutional

VOL. 1. 13

]94 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V.

laws. They drew up an energetic address to the common council
of the city of London, which had shown itself favorable to the cause
of the colonies ; they declared, that all the calamities in the train
of civil war, could not constrain the Americans to bend to the will
of Great Britain ; and that such was the universal sentiment, from
IN ova Scotia to Georgia ; they conjured the city of London to exert
all its endeavors to restore peace between the two parts of the em-
pire ; but as to themselves, they protested their determination never
■.to endure ministerial tyranny.

The inhabitants were all indefatigable in training themselves to
the use of arms ; the patriots to resist England ; and the partisans
of tlie government, forming no inconsiderable number, either be-
cause they thought it prudent to go with the current, or to prevent
disorders, or to be prepared, with arms in their hands, to declare
themselves upon the first occasion. But as the city of New York is
entirely exposed towards the sea, and as the inhabitants could have
no hope of defending it against the attack of an English fleet, they
resolved to risk nothing by delay, and to seize the arms and ammu-
nition deposited in the royal magazines. The women and children
were removed from the seat of danger ; which done, they prepared
to defend themselves ; and, in case they should have lost all hope of
resisting the forces of the enemy, it was resolved, horrible as it seems,
though but too common in civil wars, to fire the city.

In South Carolina, it was hoped, universally, that perseverance in
the resolutions taken against British commerce, would suffice to dis-
pose the government to embrace milder counsels. But the intelli-
gence of the rigorous acts of parliament was received there the very
day on which was fought the battle of Lexington, the tidings of which
arrived a few days after. The inhabitants were struck with surprise,
and even with terror ; well knowing to what dangers they exposed
themselves, in undertaking to wage war with Great Britain ; as her
formidable squadrons could reach them at all the points of a coast
two hundred miles in length, and as they found themselves almost
totally destitute of arms or munitions of war ; without means to
equip their soldiers, without ships, without money, without officers of
experience, or skilled in tactics. They were even not without serious
apprehensions relative to the negro slaves, formidably numerous in
this province. They were accessible to seduction, by gifts and prom-
ises ; and might be instigated to massacre their masters, at the mo-
ment of their most unsuspecting security. The province itself had
not been comprehended in the parliamentary proscription ; and could
not, therefore, without manifest treason, spontaneously take part in
rebellion and open war. At length, however, the resolutions in-

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN \VAR.> l9o

spired by couiage prevailed ; and such measures Avere taken as were
deemed best suited to the occasion. On the night subsequent lo
the advice of the hostihties at Lexington, tlie iniiabitants rushed to
the arsenal, and seized all the arms and ammunition it contained, and
distributed them among the soldiers in the pay of the province. A
provincial congress was convoked ; a league was contracted by the
delegates, purporting, that the Carolinians considered themselves
united, by all the ties of honor and religion, for the defense of their
country against all enemies whatsoever ; that they were ready to
march, whenever and wherever the congress, whether general or
provincial, should judge necessary ; that they would sacrifice their
fortunes and their lives to maintain the public liberty and safet}' ;
that they would hold for enemies all those who should refuse to sub-
scribe tlie league ; which was to be in force, until a reconciliation
was effected between Great Britain and America, conformably to the
principles of the constitution. It was afterwards determined to
raise two regiments of infantry, and one of cavalry, called rangers.
Such was the general ardor, that more officers presented themselves
than were wanted ; the greater part from among the wealthiest and
most respectable families of the country. At the same time, an
emission was made of bills of credit, wJiich, at this epoch, were re-
ceived by all the citizens, with the greatest promptitude.

In New Jersey, at the news of the affair at Lexington, the people
took possession of the provincial treasure ; and a part of it was
destined to pay the troops which were levied at the same time in
the province.

At Baltimore, in Maryland, the inhabitants laid a strong hand upon
all the military stores that were found in the public magazines ; and,
among other arms, fifteen hundred muskets thus fell into their power.
A decree was published, interdicting all transportation of commod-
ities to the islands where fisheries were carried on, as also to the
British army and fleet stationed at Boston.

The inhabitants of Philadelphia took the same resolution, and
appeared, in all respects, equally disposed to defend the common
cause. The Quakers themselves, notwithstanding their pacific in-
stitutions, could not forbear to participate in the ardor with which
their fellow-citizens flew to meet a new order of thmgs.

When Virginia, this important colony, and particularly opposed to
the pretensions of England, received the intelligence of the first hos-
tilities, it was found in a state of extreme commotion, excited by a
cause, which, though trivial in itself, in the present conjuncture be-
came of serious importance. The provincial congress, coiivened in
the month of March, had recommended a levy of volunteers in each

106 THE A>W:ilICAN WAR. BOOK V.

county, for the better defense of tlie country. The governor, lord
Dunniore, at the name of volunteers, became highly indignant ; and
conceived suspicions of some pernicious design. Apprehending the
inhabitants intended to take possession of a public magazine, in the
city of Williamsburg, he caused all the powder it contained to be
removed, by night, and conveyed on board an armed vessel, at
anchor in the river James. The following morning, the citizens, on
being apprised of the fact, were violently exasperated ; they flew to
arms, assembled in great numbers, and demonstrated a full determi-
nation to obtain restitution of the powder, either by fair njeans oi
force. A serious affair was apprehended ; but the municipal coun
cil interposed^ and, repressing the tumult, dispatched a written
request to the governor, entreating him to comply with the public
desire. They complained, with energy, of the injury received ; and
represented the dangers to which they should be exposed, in case of
insurrection on the part of the blacks, whose dispositions, from va-
rious recent reports, they had too much reason to distrust. The
governor answered, that the powder had been removed, because he
had heard of an insurrection in a neighboring county ; that he had
removed it in the night time to prevent any alarm ; that he was
much surprised to hear the people were under arms ; and that he
should not think it prudent to put powder into their hands in such
a situation. He assured them, however, that, in case of a revolt
of the negroes, it should be returned immediately. Tranquillity
was re-established ; but in the evening, an alarm was given, that
the soldiers of the ship of war were approaching the city in arms ;
the people again also took up theirs, and passed the whole night
in expectation of an attack.

The governor, not knowing, or unwilling to yield to the temper of
the times, manifested an extreme irritation at these popular move-
ments. He suffered certain menaces to fall from his lips, which it
would have been far more prudent to suppress. He intimated, that
the royal standard Avould be erected ; the blacks emancipated, and
armed against their masters ; a thing no less imprudent than bar-
barous, and contrary to every species of civilization ; finally, he
threatened the destruction of the city, and to vindicate, in every
mode, his own honor, and that of the crown. These threats ex-
cited a general fermentation throughout the colony, and even pro-
duced an absolute abhorrence towards the government. Thus,
incidents of slight importance, assisted by the harsh and haughty
humors of the agents of England and America, contributed to ac-
celerate the course of things towards that crisis, to which they
tended already, but too strongly, of themselves.

BOOKV. THE AMERICAN WAR. 197

Meanwhile, in the popular meetings that assembled in all the
counties of the province, the seizure of the powder, and the menaces
of the governor, were condemned with asperity. But, in the coun
ty of Hanover, and the country adjacent, the inhabitants were not
content with words. They took arms ; and, under the command of
Henry, one of the delegates to the general congress, marched
against the city of Williamsburg, with the design, as they declared
openly, not only of obtaining restitution of the powder, but also of
securing the public treasury against the attempts of the governor.
An hundred and fifty of the most enterprising were already in the
suburbs of the city, when a parley was opened, which concluded in
an accommodation, and tranquillity was restored ; but it was evident
that the public mind was too much inflamed to admit of its long con-
tinuance. The people of the country, however, returned peaceably
to their habitations.

The governor fortified his palace to the utmost of his power ; he
placed a garrison of marines within, and surrounded it with artil-
lery. He issued a proclamation, by which Henry and his followers
were declared rebels. Finally, with an imprudence of conduct un-
worthy of a magistrate, who ought never, in the exercise of his func-
tions, to suffer himself to be transported with anger, in acrimonious
terms, he attributed the present connnotions to the disafifection of
the people, and their desire to excite a general revolt. These im-
putations served only to imbitter hatred, and cut off all hope of a
better futurity.

In the midst of these divisions between the people of Virginia
and the governor, an incident happened, which still added to their
violence.

In like manner as doctor Franklin had procured the letters of
Hutchinson, some other person had found means to convey from
the office of state, the official correspondence of lord Dunmore ;
which was transmitted to the Virgmian chiefs. Immediately upon
its publication, a cry of indignation arose against the governor, for
having written things false, and injurious to the province. Thus all
reciprocal confidence was destroyed ; the slightest casualty became a
serious event, and mutual enmity more and more imbittered the in-
evitable effects of this misunderstanding.

During these disputes, which, apart from the irritation they sup-
ported against the government, could have no considerable influ-
ence, of themselves, upon public affairs, the inhabitants of Con-
necticut attempted an important enterprise.

The road which leads from the English colonies to Canada, is traced
almost entirely along the river and lakes, which are fou;r! bct\ve.:i

19S THE AMERICAN WaK. BOOK V .

these two eountries, and in the direction of south to north. Those
who undertake this excursion, begin by ascending the river Hudson,
up to fort Edward, whence, keeping to the right, they arrive at
Skeenesborough, a fort situated near the sources of Wood creek ;
or, bearing to the left, they come to fort George, erected at the south-
ern extremity of the lake of that name. Both the former and the
latter afterwards embark, the first upon Wood creek, the second
upon lake George, and are landed at Ticonderoga ; at which point,
the two lakes unite to form lake Champlain, so called from the name
of a French governor, who drowned himself there. By the lake,
and thence by the river Sorel, which flows out of it, they descend
into the great river St. Lawrence, which passes to Quebec. Ticon-
deroga is then situated near the confluence of these waters, between
lake George and lake Champlain. It is therefore a place of the
highest importance, as standing upon the frontier, and at the very
entrance of Canada ; whoever occupies it can intercept all commu-
nication between this province and the colonies. Accordingly, the
French had fortified it with such diligence, that the English, in the
preceding war, were unable to carry it without extraordinary efforts,
and great eflfusion of blood on both sides.

The chiefs of this expedition, colonels Eaton and Allen, consid-
ered how essential it was to seize this key of Canada, before the
English should have thrown into the place a sufficient garrison for
its defense ; for, in the profound peace which prevailed at that time,
without apprehension of war either abroad or at home, the govern-
ors of Canada had made no preparations at Ticonderoga ; and it
was left to the charge of a feeble detachment. It was evident, that
if the British government resolved to prosecute war against its colo-
nies, it would send troops into Canada with a view of attacking the
Americans in the rear, by the way of Ticonderoga. It was known,
besides, that this fortress, and that of Crown Point, situated a little
below it, upon the same lake, Champlain, w^ere furnished with a
very numerous artillery, of which the Americans stood in the great-
est need. Finally, it was thought of no little importance, in these
first movements, to strike some capital blow, in order to stimulate
the ardor of the insurgent people. Accordingly, this enterprise,
havmg been maturely considered in the plan, and directed with
great prudence in the execution, had the result which might have
been expected.

It was deemed an essential point, to attack the enemy by sur-
prise ; they resolved, therefore, to proceed with profound secrecy ;
for if the commanders of Ticonderoga and of Crown Point had
ary suspicion of the project, they could draw re-inforcements from

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN AVAR. 199

the neighboring fortress of St. John. The general congress itself,
then in session at Philadelphia, had no intimation of their design ;
its authors being apprehensive, lest, in so great a number of mem-
bers, there might be found some individual deficient in discretion.

To defray the expenses of the enterprise, the assembly of Con-
necticut appropriated the sum of eighteen hundred dollars. Pow-
der, bullets, and all the utensils requisite for a siege, were secretly
provided. The troops were promptly assembled at Castleton, a
place situated upon the banks of Wood creek, and the great road
to Ticonderoga. The greater part were inhabitants of the Green
Mountains, and ihence, in their own style, they were called Green
Mountain Boys ; a race of men accustomed to fatigue and danger.
Among the superior officers, besides Allen and Eaton, were colonels
Brown and Warner, and captain Dickinson. They were joined at
Castleton by colonel Arnold, who came from the army of Boston.
Possessed by nature of an extraordinary force of genius, a restless
character, and an intrepidity bordering upon prodigy, this officer had
of himself conceived the same plan ; so manifest was the utility of
the enterprise, and so bold the spirit of these American chiefs.
Arnold had conferred, to this end, with the committee of safety of
Massachusetts, who had appointed him colonel, with authority to levy
soldiers, in order to attempt the capture of Ticonderoga ; in pursu-
ance whereof, he arrived at Castleton ; and his surprise was extreme,
at finding himself anticipated. But, as he was not a man to be baf-
fled by trifles, and as nothing could delight him more than the occa-
sion for combat, he concerted with the other leaders, and consented,
however hard he must have thought the sacrifice, to put himself un-
der the command of colonel Allen.

They posted sentinels upon all the roads, to prevent the least ru-
mor of their approach from reaching the menaced point ; and they
arrived, in tlie night, upon the bank of lake Champlain, opposite
Ticonderoga. The chief hope of success depending on dispatch,
x\llen and Arnold rapidly surmounted the difficulties of crossing ;
and landed upon the other bank, in the environs of the fortress.
They continued their march, and at day break, entering by the cov-
ered way, arrived upon the esplanade ; here they raised the shouts
of victory, and made a deafening uproar. The soldiers of the gar-
rison roused from sleep at this tumult, and soon commenced firing.
A hot scuffle ensued, with gun-breeches and bayonets. The com-
mander of the fort at length appeared ; colonel Eaton having in-
formed him that he was prisoner of America, he was much confused,
and repeated, several times, ' IVhat does this mean?' The English
threw down arms, and all was surrendered to the victors.

800 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V.

They found, at Ticonderoga, about one hundred and twenty
pieces of twenty-four pound brass cannon, several howitzers and
mortars, balls, bombs, and ammunition of every denomination.
The detachment that was left upon the other bank, having rejoined
the first, a party was sent against Crown Point, where the garrison
consisted of only a few soldiers. This expedition succeeded with-
out difficulty ; more than a hundred pieces of artillery were found
m the fort.

But the plan of the Americans would not have been completely
accomplished, except they secured to themselves the exclusive con-
trol of the lake ; which they could not hope to obtain, however
without seizing a corvette of war, which the English kept at anchor
near fort St. John. They resolved, therefore, to arm a vessel of the
species they call schooners, the command of which was to be given
to Arnold ; while Allen should bring on his men upon the flat boats
employed in the navigation of these lakes. The wind blowing fresh
from the south, the vessel of Arnold left the boats far in the rear.
He came unexpectedly alongside of the corvette, the captain of
which was far from suspecting the danger that menaced him, and
took possession of it without resistance ; and, as if Heaven was
pleased to distinguish with evident tokens of its favor these first
achievements of the Americans, the wind suddenly changed from
south to north, so that, in a few hours' time, colonel Arnold re-
turned, sound and safe, with his prize, to Ticonderoga.

Things passed no less propitiously for the Americans at Skeenes-
borouffh. The fortress fell into their hands, with its garrison ; and
thus placed at their disposal a great quantity of light artillery.
Colonel Allen put sufficient garrisons in the conquered fortresses,
and deputed Arnold to command them in chief. As to himself, he
returned directly to Connecticut.

Such was the fortunate issue of the expedition of the Americans
upon tlie northern frontiers. It was no doubt of high importance ;
but it would have had a much greater influence upon the course of
the whole war, if these fortresses, which are the shield and bulwark
of the colonies, had been defended, in times following, with the
same prudence and valor with which they had been acquired

But about Boston, the course of events was far less rapid. The
Americans exerted their utmost industry, to intercept from the Eng-
lish all supplies of provisions ; and they, all their endeavors to pro-
cure them. This gave occasion to frequent skirmishes between the
detachments of the two armies. One of the most severe took place
about Noddle's and Hog Island, both situated in the harbor of Bos-
ton northeast of the ^ity ; the first opposite Winnesimick, and the

COOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 201

second in front of Chelsea, and very near it. These two islands,
abounding in forage and cattle, were a great resource for the Eng-
lish, who went there often in quest of provisions. This the provin-
cials resolved to put a stop to, by removing the cattle, and destroy-
ing all the provender they could find. They carried their purpose
into effect ; not, however, without a vigorous opposition on the part
of the royalists. The provincials landed a second time upon Nod
die's Island, and took off a great number of cuttle, o*" various de-
nominations. They effected the same purpose, a few days after, in
Pettick's and Deer Island. In all these actions, they demonstrated
the most intrepid courage, and acquired greater confidence in them-
selves. The garrison of Boston, already suffering greatly from the
scarcity of food, experienced, from these operations, a prejudice dif
ficult to describe.

These feats were tne prelude to an action of far greater moment
which followed a few days after. The succors expected from
England, had arrived at Boston ; which, with the garrison, formed
an army of from ten to twelve thousand men ; all excellent troops.
Three distinguished generals, Howe, Clinton, and Burgoyne, were
at the head of these re-inforcements. Great events were looked
for on both sides. The English were inflamed with desire to wash
out the stain of Lexington ; they could not endure the idea that the
Americans had seen them fly ; it galled them to think, that the sol-
diers of the British king, renowned for their brilliant exploits, were
now closely imprisoned within the walls of a city. They were de-
sirous, at any price, of proving that their superiority over the Iierds
of American militia, was not a vain chimera. Above all, they ar-
dently aspired to terminate, by some decisive stroke, this ignominious
war ; and thus satisfy, at once, their own glory, the expectations of
their country, the orders, the desires, and the promises of the
ministers. But victory was exacted of them still more imperiously
by the scarcity of food, which every day became more alarming ;
for, if they must sacrifice their lives, they chose rather to perish
by the sword than by famine. The Americans, on their part, were
not less eager for the hour of combat to arrive ; their preceding
successes had stimulated their courage, and promised them new
triumphs.

In this state of things, the English generals deliberated maturely
upon the most expedient mode of extricating themselves from thi?
difficult position, and placing themselves more at large in the country.
Two ways were suggested of issuing from the city ; one, to sally out
from the Neck, and attack the American intrenchments at Roxbu-
ry ; and, having forced them, to scour the country on the part of the

202 THE AMERICAN WAR.

BOOK V.

county of Suffolk ; the other was, to pass the feriy of Charlestown,
traverse the peninsula of this name, issue by the isthmus, and dis-
lodge the enemy, who occupied the heights between Willis creek
and Mystic river ; and then dilate in the direction of Worcester.

General Gage had for some time been decided to attempt the
first of these alternatives. He calculated, that in case of a repulse,
the fortifications of Boston Neck would secure his retreat. The
Americans, having been apprised of it, on the very day appointed
for the attack, stood much upon their guard. Whether from this
motive, or some other more probable, the English general altered
his resolution, and neither marched out on that day nor the following
The provincials took advantage of the delay, and strengthened their
intrenchments with parapets and palisades. They also concentrated
their artillery, and re-inforced this part of the army w^ith all the
militia of the adjacent country. All these dispositions were made
with so much intelligence, that the English could no longer attempt
an attack upon this quarter, without exposing themselves to manifest
peril. Accordingly, they abandoned ail thoughts of it, and directed
their views towards the peninsula and Neck of Charlestown. The
Ameiican generals had immediate notice of it ; and resolved to exert
their most strenuous endeavors to defeat this new project of the
enemy. Nothing was better suited to such a purpose, than to fortify
diligently the heights of Bunker's Hill, which commanded the en-
trance and the issue of the peninsula of Charlestown. Orders were
therefore given to colonel William Prescott, to occupy them with a
detachment of a thousand men, and to intrench himself there by the
rules of art. But here an error was committed, which placed the
garrison of Boston in very imminent danger, and reduced the two
parties to the necessity of coming to action immediately. Whether
he was deceived by the resemblance of name, or from some other
motive unknown, colonel Prescott, instead of repairing to the heights
of Bunker's Hill, to fortify himself there, advanced further on in the
peninsula, and immediately commenced his intrenchments upon the
heights of Breed's Hill, another eminence, which overlooks Charles-
town, and is situated towards the extremity of the peninsula, nearer
to Boston. The works were pushed with so much ardor, that the
following morning, by day-break, the Americans had already con-
structed a square redoubt, capable of affording them some shelter
from the enemy's fire. The labor had been conducted with such
silence, that the English had no suspicion of what was passing. It
was about four in the morning, when the captain of a ship of war
first perceived it, and began to play his artillery. The report of the
cannon attracted a multitude of spectators to the shoie.

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 203

The English generals doubted the testimony of their senses.
Meanwhile, the thing appeared too important not to endeavor to
dislodge the provincials, or at least to prevent them from completing
the fortifications commenced ; for, as the height of Breed's Hill ab-
solutely commands Boston, the city was no longer tenable, if the
Americans erected a battery upon this eminence. The English
therefore opened a general fire of the artillery of the city, of the
fleet, and of the floating batteries stationed around the peninsula of
Boston. It hailed a tempest of bombs and balls upon the works of
the Americans ; they were especially incommoded by the fire of a
battery planted upon an eminence named Copp's Hill, which, situ-
ated within the city, forms a species of tower, in front of Breed's
Hill. But all this was without effect. The Americans continued
to work the whole day, with unshaken constancy ; and, towards
night, they had already much advanced a trench, which descended
from the redoubt to the foot of the hill, and almost to the bank of
Mystic river. The fury of the enemy's artillery, it is true, had pre-
vented them from carrying it to perfection.

In tliis conjuncture, there remained no other hope for the English
generals, but in attempting an assault, to drive the Americans, by
dint of force, from this formidable position. This resolution was
taken without hesitation ; and it was followed, the 17th of June, by
the action of Breed's Hill, known also by the name of Bunker's Hill ;
much renowned for the intrepidity, not to say the temerity, of the
two parties ; for Ifhe number of the dead and wounded ; and for the
eflfect it produced upon the opinions of men, in regard to the valor
of the Americans, and the probable issue of the whole war.

The right wing of the Americans was flanked by the houses of
Charlestown, which they occupied ; and the part of this wing which
connected with the main body, was defended by the redoubt erected
upon the heights of Breed's Hill. The center, and the left wing,
formed themselves behind the trench, which, following the declivity
of the hill, extended towards, but without reaching, Mystic river.
The American oflicers having reflected that the most feeble part of
their defensive was precisely this extremity of the left wing, for the
trench not extending to the river, and the land in this place being
smooth and easy, there was danger of being turned, and attacked in
the rear, they determine*!!, therefore, to obstruct this passage by two
parallel palisades, and to fill up with herbage the interval between
tlie one and the other. The troops of Massachusetts occupied
Charlestown, the redoubt, and a part of the trench ; those of Con-
necticut, commanded by captain Nolten, and those of New Hamp-
shire, under colonel Stark, the re^t of the trench. A few moments

204 THE AMERICAJJ WA». BOOK V

before the action commenced, doctor Warr^^n, who had been ap-
poinied general, a personage of great authority, and a zealous patriot,
arrived with some re-inforccments. General Pomeroy made his
appearance at the same time. The first joined the troops of his
own province, of Massachusetts ; the second took command of those
from Conned'cut. General Putnam directed in chief; and held
himself ready to repair to any point, where his presence should be
most wanted. The Americans hcd no cavalry ; that which was
expected from the southern provinces was not yet arrived. The
artillery, without being very numerous, was nevertheless competent.
They wanted not for muskets ; but the greater part were without
bayonets. Their sharp shooters, for want of rifles, were obliged to
use common firelocks ; but as jiiarksmen they had no equals. Such
were the means of the Americans ; but their hope was great ; and
they were all impatient for the signal of combat.

Between mid-day and oi.e o'clock, the heat being intense, all was
in motion in the British camp. A multitude of sloops and boats,
filled with soldiers, left the shore of Boston, and stood for Charles-
town ; they landed at Moreton's Point, without meeting resistance ;
as the ships of war and armed vessels effectually protected the
debarkation with the fire of their artillery, which forced the enemy
to keep within his intrenchments. This corps consisted of ten com-
panies of grenadiers, as many of light infantry, and a proportionate
artillery ; the whole under the command of major-general Howe,
and brigadier-general Pigot. The troops, on landing, began to
display, the light infantry upon the right, the grenadiers upon the
left ; but, having observed the strength of the position, and the good
countenance of the Americans, general Howe made a halt, and sent
to call a re-inforcement.

The English formed themselves in two columns. Their plan was,
that the left wing, under general Pigot, should attack the rebels in
Charlestown ; while the center assaulted the redoubt ; and the right
wing, consisting of light infantry, should force the passage near the
river Mystic, and thus assail the Americans in flank and rear ; which
would have given the English a complete victory. It appears, also,
that general Gage had formed the design of setting fire to Charles-
town, when evacuated by the enemy, in order that the corps destined
to assail the redoubt, thus protected by the flame and smoke, might
be less exposed to the fire of the provincials.

The dispositions inaving all been completed, the English put them-
selves in motion. The provincials that were stationed to defend
(.'harlestown, fearing lest the assailants should penetrate between
this town and the redoubt ; and thus to find themselves cut off from

BOOK V THE AMERICAN WAR. 205

the rest of the army, retreated. The English immediately entered
the town, and fired the buildings ; as they were of wood in a mo-
ment the combustion became general.

They continued a slow march against the redoubt and trench ;
halting, from time to time, for the artillery to come up, and act with
some effect, previous to the assault. The flames and smoke of
Charlestown were of no use to them, as the wind turned them in a
contrary direction. Their gradual advance, and the extreme clear-
ness of the air, permitted the Americans to level their muskets.
They, however, suffered the enemy to approach, before they com-
menced their fire ; and waited for t'hè assault, in profound tranquil-
lity. It would he difficult to paint the scene of terror presented by
these circumstances. A large town, all enveloped in flames, which,
excited by a violent wind, rose to an immense height, and spread
every moment more and more ; an innumerable multitude, rushing
from all parts, to witness so unusual a spectacle, and see the issue of
the sanguinary conflict that was about to commence. The Bosto-
nians, and soldiers of the garrison not in actual service, were mounted
upon the spires, upon the roofs, and upon the heights. The hills,
and circumjacent fields, from which the dread arena could be viewed
in safety, were covered with swarms of spectators, of every rank, and
age, and sex ; each agitated by fear or hope, according to the party
he espoused.

The English having advanced within reach of musketry, the
Americans showered upon them a volley of bullets. This terrible
fire was so well supported, and so well directed, that the ranks of
the assailants were soon thinned and broken ; they retired in disor-
der to the place of their landing ; some threw themselves precipi-
tately into the boats. The field of battle was covered with the slain.
The officers were seen running hither and thither, with promises,
with exhortations, and with menaces, attempting to rally the soldiers,
and inspirit them for a second attack. Finally, after the most pain-
ful efforts, they resumed their ranks, and marched up to the enemy.
The x'\mericans reserved their fire, as before, until their approach,
and received them with the same deluge of balls. The English,
overwhelmed and routed, again fled to the shore. In this perilous
moment, general Howe renaained for some time alone upon the
field of battle ; all the oflicers who surrounded him were killed or
wounded. It is related, that at this critical conjuncture, upon which
depended the issue of the day, general Clinton, who, from Copp|s
Hill, examined all the movements, on seeing the destruction of his
troops, immediately resolved to fly to their succor.

This experienc» d commander, by an able movement, re-estabhshed

206 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V.

order ; and seconded by the officers, who felt all the importance of
success, to English honor and the course of events, he led the troops
to a third attack. It was directed against the redoubt, at three
several points. The artillery of the ships not only prevented all
re-inforcements from coming to the Americans, by the isthmus of
Charlestown, but even uncovered, and swept the interior of the
trench, which was battered in front at the same time. The ammu-
nition of the Americans was nearly exhausted, and they could have
no hopes of a recruit. Their fire must, of necessity, languish.
Meanwhile, the English had advanced to the foot of the redoubt-
The provincials, destitute of bayonets, defended themselves valiantly
with the but-end of their muskets. But the redoubt being already
full of enemies, the American general gave the signal of retreat, and
drew off his men.

While the left wing and center of the English army were thus
engaged, the light infantry had impetuously attacked the palisades,
which the provincials had erected in haste upon the bank of the
river Mystic. On the one side, and on the other, the combat was
obstinate ; and if the assault was furious, the resistance was not
feeble. In spite '.of all the efforts of the royal troops, the provincials
still maintained the battle in this part ; and had no thoughts of retir-
ing, until they saw the redoubt and upper part of the trench were
in the power of the enemy. Tlieir retreat was executed with an or-
der not to have been expected from new levied soldiers. This strenu
ous resistance of the left wing of the American army, was, in effect,
the salvation of the rest ; for if it had given ground but a few in-
stants sooner, the enemy's light infantry would have taken the main
body and right wing in the rear, and their situation would have been
hopeless. But the Americans had not yet reached the term of their
toils and dangers. The only way that remained of retreat, was by
the isthmus of Charlestown, and the English had placed there a ship
of war and two floating batteries, the balls of which raked every
part of it. The Americans, however, issued from the peninsula,
without any considerable loss. It was during the retreat, that doc-
tor Warren received his death. Finding the corps he commanded
hotiv pursued by the enemy, despising all danger, he stood alone be-
fore the ranks, endeavoring to rally his troops, and to encourage them
bv his own example. He reminded them of the mottos inscribed on
their ensio^ns ; on one side of which were these words, * An appeal
to Heaven ;' and on the other, ' Qi/i transtulit, sustinet ;' meaning,
tliat the same Providence which brought their ancestors through so
many perils, to a place of refuge, would also deign to support their
descendants.

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR 207

An EngliGh officer perceived doctor Warren, and knew him ; he
borrowed the musket of one of his soldiers, and hit him with a ball,
either in the head or in the breast. He fell dead upon the spot.
The Americans were apprehensive lest the English, availing them-
selves of victory, should sally out of the peninsula, and attack their
head-quarters at Cambridge. But they contented themselves with
taking possession of Bunker's Hill, where they intrenched them-
selves, in order to guard the entrance of the Neck against any new
enterprise on the part of the enemy. The provincials, having the
same suspicion, fortified Prospect Hill, which is situated at the mouth
of the isthmus, on the side of the main land. But neither the one
nor the other were disposed to hazard any new movement ; the first,
discouraged by the loss of so many men, and the second, by that of
the field of battle and the peninsula. The provincials had to regret
five pieces of cannon, with a great number of utensils employed in
fortifications, and no little camp equipage.

General Howe was greatly blamed by some, for having chosen to
attack the Americans, by directing his battery in front against the
fortifications upon Breed's Hill, and the trench that descended
towards the sea, on the part of Mystic river. It was thought, that if
he had landed a respectable detachment upon the isthmus of Charles-
town, an operation which the assistance of the ships of war and float-
ing batteries would have rendered perfectly easy to him, it would
have compelled the Americans to evacuate the peninsula, without
the necessity of coming to a sanguinary engagement. They would
thus, in eflect, have been deprived of all communication with their
camp situated without the peninsula; and, on the part of the sea,
they could have hoped for no retreat, as it was commanded by the
English. In this mode, the desired object would, therefore, have
been obtained wit^jout the sacrifice of men. Such, it is said, was
the plan of general Clinton ; but it was rejected, so great was the
confidence reposed in the bravery and discipline of the English
soldiers, and in the cowardice of the Americans. The first of these
opinions was not, in truth, without foundation ; but the second was
absolutely chimerical, and evinced more of intellectual darkness in
the English, than of prudence, and just notions upon the state of
things. By this fatal error, the bravery of the Americans was con-
firmed, the English army debilitated, the spirit of the soldiers abated,
and, perhaps, the final event of the whole contest decided.

The possession of the peninsula of Charlestown was much less
useful than prejuaicial to the royalists. Their army was not suffi-
ciently numerous to guard, conveniently, all the posts of the city and
of the peninsula. The fatigues of the soldiers multiplied in an ex-

ii08 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V

cessive manner ; added to the heat of the season, which was extreme,
they generated numerous and severe maladies, which paralyzed the
movements of the army, and enfeebled it from day to day. The
greater part of the wounds became mortal, from the influence ol the
climate, and defect of proper food. Thus, besidf-s the honor of
having conquered the field of battle, the victors gathered no real
fruit from this action ; and, if its effects be considered, upon the
opinion of other nations, and even of their own, as also upon the
force of the army, it was even of serious detriment. In the Ameri-
can camp, on the contrary, provisions of every sort were in al^un-
dance, and the troops being accustomed to the climate, the greater
part of the wounded were eventually cured ; their minds were
animated with the new ardor of vengeance, and the blood they had
lost exacted a plenary expiation. Tliese dispositions were fortified,
not a little, by the firing of Charlestown, which, from a flourishing
town, of signal commercial importance, was thus reduced to a heap
of ashes and of ruins. The Americans could never turn their eyes
in this direction, without a tlirill of indignation, and without exe-
crating the European soldiers. But the loss they felt the most
sensibly, was that of general Warren. He was one of those men
who are more attached to liberty than to existence, but not more
ardently the friend of freedom, than foe to avarice and ambition.
He was endowed with a solid judgment, a happy genius, and a bril-
liant eloquence. In all private affairs, his opinion was reputed
authority, and in all public councils, a decision. Friends and ene-
mies, equally knowing his fidelity and rectitude in all things, reposed
in him a confidence without limits. Opposed to the wicked, without
hatred, propitious to the good, without adulation, affable, courteous
and humane towards each, he was beloved, with reverence, by all,
and respected by envy itself. Though in his pers^on somewhat spare,
his figure was peculiarly agreeable. He mourned, at this epoch, the
recent loss of a wife, by whom he was tenderly beloved, and whom
he cherished with reciprocal affection. In dying so gloriously for
liis country, on this memorable day, he left several orphans, still in
childhood ; but a grateful country assumed the care of their educa-
tion. Thus was lost to the state, and to his family, in so important
a crisis, and in the vigor of his days, a man equally qualified to ex-
cel in council or in the field. As for ourselves, faithful to the pur-
pose of history, which dispenses praise to the good and blame to the
perverse, we have not been willing that this virtuous and valiant
American should be deprived, among posterity, of that honorable
remembrance so rightfully due to his eminent qualities.

The expedition of the English against the peninsula of Charles-

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 209

town, inspired the Americans with a suspicion that tliey miglit per
haps also attack Roxbury, in order to open a communication with
the country. In consequence of this apprehension, they strength-
ened their fortifications with incessant apphcation, adding new bas-
tions to their Unes, and furnishing them copiously with artillery, of
which they had obtained a fresh supply. The garrison of Boston,
which abounded in munitions of war, kept up a continual fire of its
artillery, and particularly of its mortars, to impede the works of the
Americans. The latter had a certain number of dead and wound-
ed, and several houses were burnt in Roxbury. The works were
nevertheless continued with incredible constancy, and the fortifi-
cations were carried to the degree of perfection desired, and ad-
equate to serve for a sufficient defense against the assaults of the
enemy.

The Bostonians having seen their countrymen driven not only from
Breed's Hill, but also from the entire peninsula, and dreading the
horrors of a siege, which every thing presaged must be long and
rigorous, experienced anew a strong desire to abandon the city and
seek refuge in the interior of the province. Accordingly, the se-
lectmen of the city waited on general Gage, entreating him to de-
liver the requisite passports; and protesting that, according to
the accord previously made., all the citizens had deposited their arms
in the Town Hall. But the general, desirous of a pretext for his
refusal, issued a proclamation, two days subsequent to the affair of
Breed's Hill, declaring, that, by various certain ways, it had come to
his knowledge, that great quantities of arms were concealed in the
interior of houses, and that the inhabitants meditated hostile designs.
This, at least, was what the loyalists reported, who, terrified at the
valor and animosity the patriots had manifested in this battle, were
apprehensive of some fatal accident, and were unwilling to release
their hostages. But the truth is, that the greater part had delivered
up their arms, though some had concealed the best and the most pre-
cious. However, the English general, who kept his word with no-
body, would have others to observe the most scrupulous faith. He
refused, therefore, for a long time, all permission to depart. But,
finally, the scarcity increasing more and more, and all hope of be-
■no- able to raise the siege becoming illusory, he found himself con-
strained to grant passes, in order to disburthen himself of useless
mouths. He strenuously still persisted in refusing to permit the in-
habitants who retired, to remove their furniture and effects. Thus,
when compelled by necessity to consent to that which he had no
power to prevent, he annexed to it a riuorous condition, the irroro
Inexcusable, as it was altogether without utility, and even could
-OL. 1. 14

210 THE AMERICAN WAR HOOK V.

have none but prejudicial results. In this manner, men who re-
nounce all moderation of mind, and abandon themselves to the vio-
lence of their irritated passions, often take resolutions, which, far
from approaciiing them to the end proposed, powerfully tend to ren-
der its attainment hopeless.

The dearth of provisions to which the garrison of Boston found
themselves reduced, caused them to endeavor to procure supplies,
by falling suddenly upon the different islands of the environs. Hence
frequent encounters ensued between the English and the Americans,
in which the latter acquired greater courage, and greater experience;
Avhile the former became but the more surprised, and the more irri-
tated, at these demonstrations of prowess. The provincials, per-
fectly conversant with the places, and knowing how to avail them-
selves of occasions, generally had all the advantage, in these collis-
ions. Sometimes they bore off the stock which remained ; some-
times they burnt the forage, or the houses which might serve as a
covert for the enemy. In vain did the English appear every where
v/ith their numerous marine ; the provincials slid themselves sometimes
into one island, and sometimes into another, and cut off the royal-
ists, thus taken by surprise. In like manner upon the coast fre-
quent skirmishes took place ; the one party coming for booty, and
the other flying to repulse them. This predatory warfare could
liave no effect to incline the balance more to one side than to the
other ; it served only to envenom the minds of men, and convert
them from partisans, as they were, into viperous and irreconcilable
enemies.

While these events were passing within Boston and its environs,
the new congress had convened at Philadelphia, in the month of May.
If the first had commenced a diflicult work, this had it to continue;
and the difficulties were even increased. At the epoch of the for-
mer, war was apprehended ; now it had commenced ; and it was
requisite to push it with vigor. Then, as it usually happens in all
new enterprises, minds were full of ardor, and tended, by a certain
natural proclivity, towards the object ; at present, though greatly
inflamed by the same sentiments, it was to be feared they might cool,
in consequence of those vicissitudes so common in popular move-
ments, always more easy to excite than to maintain. A great number
of loyalists, believing that things would not come to the last extremi-
ties, and that either the petitions sent to England would dispose the
government to condescend to the desires of the Americans, or that,
in time, the latter would become tranquil, had hitherto kept them-
selves quiet ; but it was to be feared, that at present, seeing all hope
of reconciliation vanished, and war, no longer probable, but already

BOOK V.

THE AMERICAN WAR. 211

waged against that king towards whom they wished to remain faith-
ful, they would break out, and join themselves to the royal forces,
against the authors of the revolution. It was even to be doubted,
lest many of the partisans of liberty, vv'ho had placed great hope in
the petitions, should falter at the aspect of impending losses and
inevitable dangers. All announced that the contest would prove
long and sanguinary. It was little to be expected, that a popula-
tion, until then pacific, and engaged in the arts of agriculture, and
of commerce, could all at once learn that of war, and devote them-
selves to it with constancy, and without reserve. It was much more
natural to imagine, that, upon the abating of this first fervor, the
softer image of their former life recurring to their minds, they would
abandon their colors, to go and implore the clemency of the conquer-
or. It was, therefore, an enterprise of no little difficulty for the
congress to form regulations and take measures, capable of main-
taining the zeal of the people, and to impart lo its laws the influence
which at first had been exercised by public opinion. What obsta-
cles had they not to surmount, in order to reduce a multitude, col-
lected in haste and in tumult, to that state of rigorous discipline^
without which it was not permitted to hope for success ! Nor was
it an easy task to prevent, in the conduct of the war, the revival of
those jealousies which had heretofore existed between the different
colonies ; and which might serve as a motive, or a pretext, for some
of them to consent to an accommodation, and thus desert the com-
mon cause. The money requisite to defray the expenses of the
war, was almost totally wanting; and there was no prospect of
being able to remedy, for the future, the defect of this principal
sinew. It was, on the contrary, more rationally to be expected, that
the penury of the finances would progressively increase, in conse-
quence of the interruption, or rather total cessation, of commerce,
produced by the acts of the British parliament. The want of arms
and munitions of war, was no less afflicting ; not that there was ab-
solutely no provision of military stores, but it was very far from be-
ing adequato to the exigency. And further, it may be considered
as a thing very doubtful, whether even the American chiefs sincerely
expected to be able, of themselves, to resist the forces of England,
and to attain the object of so arduous an enterprise. Nay, it is al-
lowable to believe they placed great dependence upon foreign suc-
cors ; and these were only to be looked for on the part of the princes
of Europe ; who, if they beheld with satisfaction the effects of the
American disturbances, must at least have detested their causes, and
the principles for which the colonies combated. It was no less evi-
dent, that these sovereigns would not declare themselves in la\ur of

21-2 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK T.

the Americans, and would not lend them assistance, until the latter
should have signalized their arms by some brilliant achievement, of
decisive importance for the eventual success of the war. The Amer-
icans themselves were perfectly aware, that it would be vain to at-
tempt, at first, to draw the European states into their quarrel ; that
the first brunt of the war must be borne by themselves alone ; and
that, if they proved unfortunate, all hope of foreign aid must be aban-
doned. The prosperity of the enterprise was therefore precisely so
much the less probable, as it was the more necessary ; since the means
did not e.vist for providing, in so short a time, the necessary prep-
arations of war. So many obstacles demonstrated the little foun-
dation there was for expecting the support of foreign nations. This
consideration was calculated to damp the ardor of the American
chiefs, and to introduce a certain vacillation into all their measures.
Finally, there was an object of primary interest, which demanded
the attention of congress ; that of ascertaining what line of conduct
the Indian nations were likely to observe in the present contest.
Their neutrality, or their adhesion to this party or to that, was of
essential importance to the issue of the whole enterprise. The
Americans had reason to fear the influence of the English over these
nations ; as they are only to be swayed by gifts, and the hope of
plunder ; and the English, in the control of these means, had greatly
the advantage of their adversaries. The Indians, with much greater
assurance, could promise themselves pillage in combating for Eng-
land ; since her arms, at this epoch, appeared secure of victory, and
since the American territory was to be the theatre of the war. Can-
ada, also, presented to the English a way of communication with the
Indian tribes, who mostly inhabit the banks of the lakes situated
behind the colonies, and in front of this English province. It was.
besides, of the last importance to those who conducted the affairs of
America, to avoid exposing themselves to the least reproach on the
part of the people of Great Britain, and even of such of their fel-
low-citizens as, being either adverse, wavering, or torpid, could not
have witnessed the breaking out of hostilities, without a severe
shock. Now, though it was little difficult to undertake the justifica-
tion of the affairs of Lexington and of Breed's Hill, in which the
colonists had combated in their own defense against an enemy who
assailed them, could the same motives have been alledged in favor of
the expeditions upon the frontiers of Canada, directed against the
fortresses of Ticonderoga, and of Crown Point, in which the Amer-
icans had been the aggressors ? Not that these hostilities would
stand in need of excuse, with men conversant in affairs of state ;
for, the war once kindled, it was natural that the Americans should

BOOK V.

THE AMERICAN WAR 213

endeavor to do the enemy all the harm in their power, and to pre-
ser^^e himself from his assaults. But the m.ass of people could not
see things in the same light ; and still it was essentially the interest
of the patriot leaders, to demonstrate, even to evidence, the justice
of the cause they defended. All their force consisted in opinion j
and arms themselves depended on this ; so dissimilar was their
situation to that of governments confirmed by the lapse of ages, in
which, by virtue of established laws, whether the war be just or not,
the regular troops hurry to battle, the people pay the cost ; arms,
ammunition, provisions, all, in a word, are forthcoming, at the first
signal ! But the greatest obstacle which the congress had to sur-
mount, was the jealousy of the provincial assemblies. As all the
provinces had joined the league, and taken part in the war, it was
requisite that each should concur in the general counsels, which di-
rected the administration ; and that all the movements of the body
politic should tend towards the same object. Such had been the
origin of the American congress. But this body could not take the
government of all parts of the confederacy, without assuming a por-
tion of the authority which belonged to the provincial assemblies ;
as, for example, that of levying troops, of disciplining the army, of
appointing the generals who were to command it in the name of
America, and finally, that of imposing taxes, and of creating a pa-
per currency. It was to be feared, if too much authority was pre-
served to the provincial assemblies, they might administer the affairs
of the Union with private views, whicii would have become a source
of the most serious inconveniences. On the other hand, it was sus-
pected that these assemblies w^ere extremely unwilling to invest the
congress with the necessary authority, by divesting themselves of
a part of their own ; and, therefore, that either they would oppose
its deliberations, or not exercise in their execution that exactness
and promptitude so desirable to secure the success of military op-
erations.

From this outline of the circumstances under which the congress
assembled, it is seen how difficult was their situation. Others, per-
l;aps, endowed with less force of character, though with equal pru-
aence, would have been daunted by its aspect. But these minds, in-
spired by the novelty and ardor of their opinions, either did not per-
ceive, or despised, their own dangers and the chances of the public
fortune. It is certain, that few enterprises were ever commenced
with greater intrepidity ; for few have presented greater uncertainty
and peril. But the die was cast ; and the necessity itself in which
they were, or beUeved themselves placed, did not permit them to
recede. To prevent accidents, not willing to wait for the times to

214 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V.

become their law, they resolved to have recourse, the first moment,
to the most prompt and the most efficacious means.

The first thoughts of congress were necessarily turned towards
the army that blockaded Boston, to see that there should be want-
ing neither arms, nor ammunition, nor re-inforcements, nor able and
valiant generals. As for those who were then employed, it was to
be remarked, that having received their authority from the colonial
assemblies, they could not pretend to command the army in the
name of the whole Union. If they had all consented to serve .m-
der general Putnam, it was on account of his seniority ; and the
power he enjoyed was rather a sort of temporary dictature. confer-
red by the free will of the army, than an office delegated by the gen-
eral government. The new state of things required a new military
system, and the confederate troops ought, necessarily, to have a
chief appointed by the government, which represented the entire
confederation. The election of a generalissimo was an act of su-
preme importance ; on this alone might depend the good or ill suc-
cess of the whole series :f operations. Among the military men
that were then found in America, and had shown themselves not
only well disposed, but even ardent for the cause of liberty, those
who enjoyed the greatest esteem were Gates and Lee ; the first for
his experience ; the secoRd, because, to much experience, he joined
a very active genius. But the one, and the other, were born in
England ; and whatever were their opinions, and the warmth with
which they had espoused the cause of America ; w!)atever even was
the confidence the congress had placed in them, they would have
deemed it a temerity to commit themselves to the good faith of two
Englishmen, in a circumstance upon which depended the safety of
all. In case of misfortune, it would have been impossible to per-
suade the multitude they had not been guilty of treason, or, at least,
of negligence, in the accomplishment of their duties ; suspicions
which would have acted in the most fatal manner upon an army
whose entire basis reposed on opinion. Besides, Lee was a man of
impetuous character, and, perhaps, rather hated tyranny than loved
liberty. These searching and distrustful spirits were apprehen-
sive that such a man, after having released them from the tyr-
anny of England, might attempt, himself, to usurp their liberty.
And further, the supreme direction of the war, once committed to the
hands of an individual, English born, the latter would be restricted
to the alternative of abandoning the colonies, by a horrible treason,
to the absolute power of England, or of conducting them to a state
of perfect independence. And the American chiefs, though they
detested the first of these conditions, were not willing to deprive

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 2l5

themselves of the shelter afforded by a discretion, with regard to
the second. It was the same consideration which determined the
congress against appointing one of the generals of the provinces of
New England, such as Putnam or Ward, who then commanded the
army of the siege, and who had recently demonstrated such signal
valor and ability, in all the actions which had taken place in the
vicinity of Boston. Both had declared themselves too openly in
favor of independence ; the congress desired, indeed, to procure it,
but withal, in a propitious time. Nor should it escape mention, that
the colonists of Massachusetts were reproached with a too partial
oatriotism ; showing themselves rather the men of their province
jnan Americans. The provinces of the middle and of the south be-
trayed suspicions ; they would have seen with evil eye, the cause of
America confided to the hands of an individual who migiit allow
himself to be influenced by certain local prepossessions, at a time in
which all desires and all interests ought to be common. There oc-
curred also another reflection, no less just; that the oflice of gene-
ralissimo ought only to be conferred upon a personage, who, in the
value of his estate, should offer a sufficient guaranty of his fidelity,
as well in conforming himself to the instructions of congress, as in
abstaining from all violation of private property.

It was too well known that military chiefs, when they are not
softened and restrained by the principles of a liberal education, make
no scruples to glut their greedy passions, and lay their hands very
freely, not only upon the effects of the enemy, but even upon those
of their allies and of their own fellow citizens ; a disorder which has
always l>een the scourge, and often the ruin of armies.

Accordingly, after having maturely weighed these various consid-
erations, the congress proceeded, on the 15th of June, to the election
of a generalissimo, by the way of ballot ; the votes, upon scrutiny,
were found all in favor of George Washington, one of the repre-
sentatives of Virginia. The delegates of Massachusetts would have
wished to vote for one of theirs ; but seeing their votes would be
lost, they adhered to the others, and rendered the choice unanimous.
Washington was present ; he rose, and said, that he returned his
most cordial thanks to the congress, for the honor they had conferred
upon him ; but that he much doubted his abilities were not equal to
so extensive and important a trust ; that, however, he would not
shrink from the task imposed for the service of the country, since,
contrary to his expectation, and without regard for the inferiority of
his merit, it had placed in him so great confidence ; he prayed only,
that in case any unlucky event should happen, unfavorable to his
reputation, it might be remembered, that he had declared on that

216 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V.

day, with the utmost sincerity, he did not think himself equal to the
command he was honored with. He assured the congress, that as
no pecuniary consideration had induced him to abandon his domestic
ease and happiness, to enter this arduous career, he did not wish any
profit from it ; that pay he would not accept of any sort.

Colonel Washington, for such was his rank before his election, had
acquired the reputation of a brave and prudent commander, in the
late wars against the Indians, and against the French ; but at the
peace of 1763, he had retired to private life, and no longer exercised
the military profession. It is not, therefore, extraordinary, that many
should have thought him unable to sustain the burthen of so fierce a
war. But, however, the greater part of the nation having full confi-
dence in his talents and his courage, the Americans had no hesitation
in raising him to this high dignity. He was not only born in Amer-
ica, but he there had also received his education, and there had made
a continual residence. He was modest, reserved, and naturally an
enemy to all ambition ; a quality most of all esteemed by this dis-
trustful and jealous people. He enjoyed a considerable fortune, and
the general esteem due to his worth and virtue. He was especially
considered for his prudence, and a character of singular energy and
firmness. It was generally thought, that he did not aim at indepen-
dence, but merely desired an honorable arrangement with England.
This opinion of his well corresponded with the intentions of the
principal representatives, who had no objection to advancing tow^ards
independence, but were not yet prepared to discover themselves.
They expected to be able so to manage affairs that one day this
great measure would become a necessity, and that Washington him-
self, when he should have got warm in the career, would easily allow
himself to be induced, by the honor of rank, the force of things, or
the voice of glory, to proceed with a firm step, even though, instead
of the revocation of the oppressive laws, the object of his efforts
should become total independence. Thus in the person of this
general, who was then in his forty-fourth year, and already far from
the illusions of youth, were found united all the qualifications wished
for by those who had the direction of aflfairs. Wherefore, it is not
surprising that his election gave displeasure to none, and was even
extremely agreeable to the greater number.

Having given a chief to the Union, the congress, to demonstrate
how much they promised themselves from his fidelity and virtues,
resolved unanimously, that they would adhere to, maintain, and assisi
him. with their lives and fortunes, to preserve and uphold American
liberty. Then, wishing to place at the head of the army, otlier
experienced officers, who might second Washington, they appointed

BOOK V THE AMERICAN WAR. 217

Artemas Ward, first major-general ; Charles Lee. second major-
general ; and Philip Schuyler, third major-general ; Horatio Gates
was named adjutant-general. A few days after, they created the
eight brigadier-generals following: Seth Pomeroy, William Heath.'
and John Thomas, of Massachusetts ; Richard Montgomery, of New
York ; David Wooster and John Spencer, of Connecticut ; John
Sullivan, of New Hampshire ; and Nathaniel Greene, of Rhode
Island. If any thing demonstrated the excellent discernment of
congress, it was, doubtless, the choice of the first generals ; all con-
ducted themselves, in the course of the war, as intrepid soldiers, and
faithful guardians of American liberty.

Immediately on being invested with the supreme command, Wash-
ington repaired to the camp, at Boston ; he was accompanied by
general Lee. He was received, wherever he passed, with the great-
est honors ; the most distinguished inhabitants formed themselves in
company to serve him as an escort. The congresses of New York,
and of Massachusetts, went to compliment him, and testify the joy
his election had given them. He answered them with suavity and
modesty ; they might be assured that all his thoughts, all his efforts,
as well as those of his companions, would be directed towards the
re-establishment of an honorable intelligence between the colonies
and the parent state ; that as to the exercise of the fatal hostilities,
m assuming the character of warriors, they had not laid aside that of
citizens ; and nothing could afford them a gratification so sincere, as
for the moment to arrive, when, the rights of America secured, they
should be at liberty to return to a private condition, in the midst of
a free, peaceful, and happy country.

The general, having made the review of the army, found, exclu-
sively of an almost useless multitude, only fourteen thousand five
hundred men in a condition for service ; and these had to defend a
Ime of more than twelve miles. The new generals arrived at the
camp most opportunely ; for the discipline of the army, having fallen,
as it were, into desuetude, it was urgently necessary to introduce a
reform. The officers had no emulation ; the soldiers scarcely ol>-
served the regulations, and neglected all care of cleanliness. And,
being mostly drawn from New England, they manifested a refractory
spirit, impatient of all subordinancy.

The generals of congress, but not without the most painful efforts,
succeeded in repairing these disorders. General Gates, who was
profoundly versed in all the details of military organization, contrib-
uted more than any other to this salutary work. The soldiers
became gradually accustomed to obedience; the regulations were
observed ; each began to know his duty ; and, at length, instead of

H8 THE AMERICAN WAR.

BOOK V«

a mass of irregular militia, the camp presented the spectacle of a

properly discipimed army. It was divided into three corps ; the
right, under the command of Ward, occupied Roxbury ; the left,
conducted by Lee, defended Prospect Hill ; and the center, which
comprehended a select corps, destined for reserve, was stationed at
Cambridge, where Washington himself had established his head-
quarters. The circumvallation was fortified by so great a number of
redoubts, and supplied with so formidable an artillery, that it had
become impossible for the besieged to assault Cambridge, and spread
themselves in the open country. It was believed, also, that they had
lost a great many men, as well upon the field of battle, as in conse-
quence of wounds and disease.

But the American army was near wanting a most essential article;
the inventory of powder deposited at Roxbury, Cambridge, and other
places of the vicinity, represented a public stock of only ninety bar-
rels. It was known also, that there existed but thirty-six in the
magazines of Massachusetts. Though to this quantity had been
added all that New Hampshire, Rhode Island, and Connecticut could
furnish, the whole would have fallen short of ten thousand pounds ;
which allowed but nine charges a man. In this scarcity and danger,
the army remained more than fifteen days ; and, if the English had
attacked during the time, they might easily have forced the lines,
and raised the siege. At length, by the exertions of the committee
of New Jersey, a few tons of powder arrived at the camp, which
supplied, for the moment, the necessities of the army, and averted
the evils that were feared.

There remained, also, an important part to be organized in the
American army ; it had, as yet, no special corps of riflemen, which,
however, were extremely essential for sudden and desultory opera-
tions ; for maintaining discipline in the camp ; and for protecting the
arrival of recruits, of ammunition, and of provisions. It was neces-
sary, withal, to consider, that if the war, as it was probable, after the
arrival of re-inforcements from England, should be established in the
open country, light troops became absolutely indispensable, in such
a country as America, broken incessantly by ravines and waters, and
obstructed by forests, hedges, mountains, and almost impracticable
defiles. Accordingly, the congress resolved that there should be
raised in Pennsylvania and Virginia, a sufficient number of riflemen ;
who, the moment the companies should be formed, were to com-
mence their march towards the camp of Boston, where they were
destined for the service of light infantry. At the news of the battle
of Breed's Hill, the congress decreed that two companies more
should be levied in Pennsylvania, and that they should all be united

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 219

in a single battalion, to be commanded by such officers as the pro-
vincial assembly or congress might appoint. These companies of
riflemen arrived at the camp about the commencement of August ;
they formed a corps of not far from fourteen hundred men, Hght
clothed, and armed, for the most part, with rifles of great projectile
power.

While the American army that besieged Boston was thus daily
re-inforced, and furnished with all articles of immediate necessity,
the congress employed themselves with extreme activity in taking
such measures as they thought best calculated to keep on foot the
troops already assembled ; and even to augment and equip them more
completely in case of need. Accordingly, it was recommended by
a resolution of congress, that all the colonies should put themselves
in a state of defense, and provide themselves with the greatest pos-
sible number of men, of arms, and of munitions ; and, especially,
that they should make diligent search for saltpeter and sulphur, and
collect all they could find of these articles, without delay. An exact
scrutiny was therefore commenced, in the cellars and in the stables,
in pursuit of materials so essential to modern war. In every part,
manufactures of gunpowder, and founderies of cannon, were seen
rising ; every place resounded with the preparations of war. The
provincial assemblies and conventions seconded admirably the oper-
. ations of the congress ; and the people obeyed, with incredible
promptitude, the orders of these various authorities.

The congress having perceived that zeal for the liberty of Amer-
ica at length prevailed over local partialities, and over the jealousy
of power, in the provincial assemblies, took greater courage, and re-
solved to introduce a general system, which might serve to regulate
all the levies that were about making in each province. They were
not ignorant of the extreme utility of uniformity, in whatever relates
to war, as the means of directing all minds towards the same object,
and of preventing dissensions. They passed, therefore, a resolution,
by which it was recommended — and their recommendations at this
opoch were received and executed as laws — that all men fit to bear
arms, in each colony, from sixteen years to fifty, should form them-
selves into regular companies ; that they should furnish themselves
with arms, and should exercise in wielding them ; that the compa-
nies should organize themselves into battalions, upon the footing of
habitual defense ; and, finally, that a, fourth part of the militia, in
every colony, should be selected to serve as minute men, always
ready lo march wherever their presence might be necessary. Tiiose
who, from their religious opinions, could not bear arms, were invited
to come to the succor of their country, at least with all the otner

THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V.

means in their power. The military pay was regulated after tlie rale
of twenty dollars a month to captains, thirteen to lieutenants and
ensigns, eight to sergeants and corporals, six to mere soldiers. The
congress also recommended, that each province should appoint a
committee of safety, to superintend and direct all those things that
might concern the public security during the recess of the assem-
blies or conventions ; also, that they should make such provision
as they might judge expedient, by armed vessels or otherwise, foi
the protection of their coasts and navigation against all insults from
the enemy's ships.

The intentions of congress were fulfilled, in all parts of the Union,
with the utmost cheerfulness ; but no where with more ardor than
in Pennsylvania, and particularly in the city of Philadelphia. The
militia of this city were divided into three battalions of fifteen hun-
dred men each, with an artillery company of one hundred and fifty,
and six pieces of cannon. It comprehended, besides, a troop of
light horse, and a few companies of light infantry, riflemen, and
pioneers. This corps assembled often ; and, exhibiting the sem-
blance of battle, maneuvered in the presence of congress, and of the
inhabitants, who thronged to the spectacle from all parts. The
dexterity and precision of the movements excited a general surprise
and joy. There were, at least, eight thousand men, of these excel-
lent troops, and in their ranks were seen a great number of persons
distinguished for their education and condition. The same thing
was done in the country towns of Pennsylvania. It appeared that
the number of all the men who had taken arms therein, and exercisea
themselves in handling them, amounted to upwards of sixty thousand.
So active, this year, was the zeal of the colonists for their cause,
that even a great number of Quakers, however their religious opin-
ions forbid them to take arms, and to shed human blood, and not-
withstanding their discipline is all of patience and of submission,
allowing themselves to be transported by the general ardor, also
joined the companies of the Philadelphians. They said, that
although their religion prohibited them from bearing arms in favor
of a cause the object of which should be either ambition, cupidity, or
revenge, they might, nevertheless, undertake the defense of national
rights and hberty. Thus there exist no opinions, however rigorous,
but what find evasions — no minds, however pacific, but kindle in
great political convulsions.

A spectacle, no less extraordinary, attracted the eyes of all the
inhabitants of Philadelphia ; whether it was reality, or merely an
artifice, with a view of exciting others. The German emigrants
who mhabited the city, were almost all very aged, and had seen

BOOK T.

THE AMERICAN WAR. 221

service in E-jrope At the name of liberty, they also were fired ;
aiid, what was little to have been expected from their years and
decrepitude, formed themselves into a body, which was called the
Old Men's Company ; resuming the profession of arms, which they
had already relinquished so long, they resolved to bear a part in the
common defense. The oldest of all was elected captain, and his
age wanted not much of a century of years. Instead of a cockade
in their hats, they wore a black crape, to denote their concern at
those unfortunate causes that compelled them, in the decline of life,
to take up arms, in order to defend the liberty of a country which
had afforded them a retreat from the oppression which had forced
them to abandon their own.

Even the women became desirous to signalize their zeal in de-
fense of country. In the county of Bristol,* they resolved to raise
a regiment, at their own cost ; to equip it entirely, and even to arm
such as were unable to afford that expense of themselves. With
their own hands they embroidered the colors with mottos appropriate
to the circumstances. The gentlewoman who presented them to
the regiment, made an eloquent discourse upon public affairs. She
earnestly exhorted the soldiers to be faithful, and never to desert
the banners of the American ladies.

All these things, though of little importance in themselves, served,
however, admirably to inflame the minds, and render them invincibly
resolute. The public papers contributed incessantly to the same
end, by a multitude of harangues, of examples, and of news. The
battles of Lexington and of Breed's Hill were the subjects upon
which the American writers chiefly delighted to exercise their
talents. Every circumstance, all the minutest details of these en-
gagements, were accurately described ; and those who had lost life in
them, were commemorated with exalted praises. But doctor War-
ren, especially, was the object of the most touching regrets, of the
most unaffected homage. They called him the Hampden of their
age ; they proposed him as a model of imitation, to all who, Uke
him, were ready to devote themselves for the public. The eulogium
pulilished in the papers of Philadelphia, was particularly pathetic,
and calculated to act powerfully upon the minds of the m.ultitude.

' What spectacle more noble,' said the encomium, 'than this, of a
hero who has given his life for the safety of country ! Approach,
cruel ministers, and contemplate the fruits of your sanguinary edicts.
What reparation can you offer to his children for the loss of such a
father, to the king for that of so good a subject, to the country for
that of so devoted a citizen? Send hither your satellites ; come,

* Pennsylvania

222 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V.

feast your vindictive rage ; the most implacable enemy to tyrants is
no nwre. We conjure you, respect these his honored remains
Have compassion on the fate of a mother overwhelmed with despair
and with age. Of him, nothing is left that you can still fear. His
eloquence is mute ; his arms are fallen from his hand ; then lay
down yours ; what more have you to perpetrate, barbarians that
you are ? But, vvhile the name of American liberty shall live, that
of Warren will fire our breasts, and animate our arms, against the
pest of standing armies.

* Approach, senators of America ! Come, and deliberate here,
upon the interests of the united colonies. Listen to the voice jf this
illustrious citizen ; he entreats, he exhorts, he implores you not to
disturb his present felicity with the doubt that he perhaps has sacri-
ficed his life for a people of slaves.

' Come hither, ye soldiers, ye champions of American liberty, and
contemplate a spectacle which should inflame your generous hearts
with even a new motive to glory. Remember, his shade still hovers
unexpiated among us. Ten thousand ministerial soldiers would not
suffice to compensate his death. Let ancient ties be no restraint ,
foes of liberty are no longer the brethren of freemen. Give edge to
your arms, and lay them not down till tyranny be expelled from
the British empire ; or America, at least, become the real seat of
liberty and happiness.

' Approach ye also, American fathers and American m.others ;
come hither, and contemplate the first fruits of tyranny ; behold your
friend, the defender of your liberty, the honor, the hope of your
country ; see this illustrious hero, pierced with wounds, and bathed
in his own blood. But let not your grief, let not your tears be sterii.
Go, hasten to your homes, and there teach your children to detest
the deeds of tyranny ; lay before them the horrid scene you have
beheld ; let their hair stand on end ; let their eyes sparkle with
fire ; let resentment kindle every feature ; let their lips vent threats
and indignation ; then — then — put arms into their hands, send them
to battle, and let your last injunction be, to return victorious, or to
die, like Warren, in the arms of liberty and of glory 1

' And ye generations of the future, you will often look back to this
memorable epoch. You will transfer the names of traitors and of
rebels from the faithful people of America, to those who have merited
them. Your eyes will penetrate all the iniquity of this scheme
of despotism, recently plotted by the British government. You will
see good kings misled by perfidious ministers, and virtuous ministers
by perfidious kings. You will perceive that if at first the sovereigns
of Great Britain shed tears in commanding their subjects to accept

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 223

atrocious laws, they soon gave themselves up to joy in the midyt of
murder, expecting to see a whole continent drenched in tlie blood
of freemen. O, save the human race from the last outrages, and
render a noble justice to the American colonies. Recall to life the
ancient Roman and British eloquence ; and be not niggardly of
merited praises towards those who have bequeathed you liberty. It
costs us floods of gold and of blood ; it costs us, alas ! the life of
Warren.'

The congress, wishing to uphold this disposition of minds, and to
render it, if possible, still more ardent and pertinacious, had recourse
to the power of religious opinions over the human affections. At
their instigation, the synods of Philadelphia and of New York pub-
lished a pastoral letter, which was read, to crowded congregations,
in all the churches. They affirmed, that unwilling to be the instru-
ments of discord and of war between men and brethren, they had
hitherto observed a scrupulous silence ; but things were now come
to such a height, that they were resolved to manifest their senti-
ments ; that they exhorted the people, therefore, to go forth as
champions in their country's cause ; and to be persuaded, that in so
doing, they would march in the ways of the Master of the kings of
the earth, and find, in battle, either victory or inevitable death. The
letter concluded with certain moral considerations and precepts,
well adapted to stimulate the zeal of these religious minds, and to
satisfy them that the cause of America was the cause of God. It
was recommended to the soldiers to approve themselves humane and
merciful ; and to all classes of citizens, to humble themselves, to
fast, to pray, and to implore the divine assistance, in this day of
trouble and of peril. The congress recommended that the 20th of
July should be kept as a day of fasting, in all the colonies ; which
was religiously observed, but more solemnly at Philadelphia than
elsewhere. The congress attended the divine services in a body ;
and discourses adapted to the occasion were pronounced in the
church.

On the same day, as the congress were about to enter the temple,
the most agreeable dispatches were received from Georgia. They
announced that this province had joined the confederation, and ap-
pointed five delegates for its representation in congress. This nev/s
was accepted by all as a happy augury ; and the joy which its im-
portance excited, was heightened in consideration of the moment at
which the government and people were apprised of it. The loyal-
ists had long prevailed in this colony ; and thus it had hitherto con-
tinued in a state of immobihty, and apparent neutrahty. But the
extremity to which affairs were come, the battles of Lexington and

224

Ti'IE AyiEJSIC/\N W.li;. Il(.it;K. V.

of Breed's Hill, llie cruellies, real or sii;j,)OSCfl, commitled by iLe
royal troops, the probabilities ol the success oi me war m lavor of
the Americans, the union and concord of the other colonies, and the
efficacious movements of the friends of liberty, among whom Dr.
Zubly distinguished himself especially, were at length the cause that
a provincial convention adhered to all the resolutions of the general
congress, and took severa.- very energetic measures against England ;
either as a compensation for their former coldness, or that the patri-
ots, heretofore repressed, were thus animated v.ith greater fury.
They declared, that the exception made of Georgia, in the acts of
pariian:or.l against America, ought rather to be considered as an
injury than a favor, since this exemption was only an artifice to sep-
arate them from their brethren. They resolved, also, that they
would admit no merchandise which should have been shipped in
England, after the 1st of July; and that, dating from the 10th of
September, none should be exported from Georgia for England ; and,
besides, that all commerce should cease with the English islands of
the West Indies, and with those parts of the American continent
which had not accepted the resolutions of congress. These decis-
ions were of great importance ; Georgia being, though not one of
the most considerable provinces, extremely fertile in grain, and prin-
cipally in rice. It was determined also to abstain from all superfluity,
and to banish luxury ; to give encouragement to the farmers who
should rear the most numerous flocks. Nor was it forgotten to
address a petition to the king, very eloquent, and full of the accus-
tomed protestations of loyalty ; which were lavished, perhaps, the
more prodigally, as they were intended no pledges of the reality.

The general congress cast an anxious eye upon the province of
New York, as well because tiie loyalists abounded there, as because
it is naturally much exposed to the attacks of an enemy strong in
naval forces. To obviate these dangers, it was ordained, that five
thousand infantry should be stationed in the environs of New York ;
and, in order to secure the soldiers the succors they might need, in
case of wounds and sickness, that a hospital should be established,
with accommodations for the invalids of an army of twenty thou-
sand men. It was placed under the direction of Dr. Benjamin
Church, principal physician of the army.

Considering, also, of how great importance was the prompt
transmission of letters, and desirous that the service of the post
should be confided to zealous and faithful men, the congress ap-
pomted Dr. Benjamin Franklin director-general of this estabiish-
ment. He had filled the same office in England, for the letters of
\merlca ; and had lost it, for having shown too much attachment to

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 225

the privileges ol tlie colonies. Regular mails were established upon
the route from Falmouth, in New En^Jand, to the city of Savannah,
in Georgia.

But, as the congress could not forget that the principal sinew of
war is money, they soon turned their attention to this object, no less
important than men and arms themselves, especially in a defensive
war, as from the very nature of things, this, w'hich had broken out
in America, was to be. In offensive wars, where the enemy is as-
sailed in his own country, by ravaging his territory, men and arms
can .obtain money with victory ; whereas, in a war of defense, it is
money that must procure men and arms. In the present circum-
stances, however, it could not be obtained, but with the greatest dif-
ficulties ; since the only resources were loans or taxes. Both pre-
sented not only many obstacles, but almost an absolute impossibility.
For several years, the misunderstanding which had arisen with Eng-
land had greatly diminished the quantity of specie that circulated
iii the colonies. The provinces of New England had always been
rather sparingly supplied with it ; and the prohibitory acts of par-
liament, of the last ten years, had excessively attenuated this slender
mass. In the southern provinces, though, from the fertility of their
lands, the most opulent, this scarcity of coin was still increased,
not only by the above mentioned causes, but also by a numerous im-
portation of negroes, which had taken place within the last few years.
To draw money from these provinces, by way of loans or taxes,
would have been an imprudent and dangerous operation, or rather
a thing impracticable, at least in the quantity exacted by the wants
of the state. It should be added, as to loans, that w^hether the rich
should furnish the money or not, they could always, however, lend,
their credit ; and the employment of the second means offered more
advantages than the first ; for, if the wealthy could aid the state
with their funds and their credit at the same time, men of moderate
or narrow fortune had not the same faculty ; thus partial loans of
money could not have been effected ; while, on the contrary, a par-
tial loan of credit might be used, which, though made collectively,
m the name of all, would in fact be supported partially, in general
opinion, by the powerful means of the rich. In respect to taxes,
this way offered only inconveniences ; the people of the colonies
being little accustomed to assessments, this sudden stroke at their
property, in the outset, w'ould infallibly have produced the most per-
nicious effects. The people inflamed for a common cause more
willingly niake the sacrifice of their existence than of their proper-
ty ; because to the first of these sacrifices is annexed a glory which
is foreign to the other, and that honor is more frequently found
VOL. 1. 15

226 THE AMERICAN WAR BOOK V

among the brave than among the rich. Hence the congress found
themselves placed, with respect to this business, in a situation of
emgular difficulty. This will easily be conceived, when it is con-
sidered that they could indeed recommend, but not command ; and
that the obedience of the people was more voluntary than constrain-
ed. It was much to be feared they would refuse it, if it were at-
tempted to subject them to contributions.

It was also greatly to be apprehended, that the provincial a'iscm-
blies, extremely jealous of the right of establishing public burthens,
would consent with repugnance, if not absolutely refuse, that the
congress should assume the power of taxation. How, besides, could
the latter hope to assess the tax in a just proportion, with respect to
each colony, when their means, founded, in great part, upon com-
merce, and consequently subject to all the variations resulting from
the disturbances, could not be appreciated upon any certain prin-
ciple ? It would have been necessary to undertake this operation,
without basis, and without rule ; and even the semblance of partial-
ity, however imaginary, would have sufficed to excite general clamors,
and the most prejudicial dissensions.

Such were the shoals the congress had to encounter, in their ef-
forts to obtain the money necessary to the wants of the state and of
war. They resolved, therefore, to avoid them, in resorting to loans
of credit, by an emission of bills which should have for guaranty
the faith of the united colonies. It was hoped that the abundance
of provisions, the ardor and unanimity of the people, and particu-
larly of the rich, for the most part favorable to the new order of
things, would support the public credit, and prevent a depreciation
of the bills. It seem-s, however, that what had happened in the
northern provinces, where the paper money had fallen very serious-
ly, should have served as an example and a warning. Besides, pru-
dent men plainly foresaw that the facility of the thing, and the al-
ways increasing multiplicity of wants, would lead to the emission of
so great a quantity of this paper, that even its superabundance must
deprive it of much of its value. Indeed, could this have been
doubted, considering the congress would not have an exclusive
authority to emit bills of credit, and that the provii>cial assemblies
might as freely exercise the same right ? The cause of the evil was
too evident for the most prejudicial consequences not to have been
anticipated. It was also to be considered, that the chances of war,
always uncertain, might prove favorable to the English, and open
them a passage into the interior of the provinces \ the inevitable re-
sult of which would be, the total ruin of credit, and the annihilation
of the bills. It is known by experience, tint in similar cases, the

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 227

distrust of the people admits of no remedy. Such were the mo-
tives of hesitation and of fear, which perplexed the minds of the
thoughtful, relative to the emission of bills of credit. But there was
no room for option ; and the congress found themselves reduced to
an extremity so imperious, that any resource became desirable. Ac-
cordingly, they had no scruple in adopting the present, wiiich, if not
good, was at least necessary. They decreed, in the month of June,
that the sum of two millions of Spanish dollars should be issued, in
bills of credit ; and that the faith of the united colonies should be
the guaranty of their redemption. Some time after, they made
another emission of bills, to the value of one million of dollars, in
bills of thirty dollars each. They were received, in this first ardor,
with universal promptitude.

Having provided men, arms, and money, the congress took into
consideration the means of gaining the Indian nations, respecting
whose dispositions they were not without a certain anxiety. It was
known that general Gage had dispatched from Boston one of his
emissaries, named John Stuart, to the nation of the Cherokees, who
inhabit the countries bordering upon South Carolina; and that gene-
ral Carleton, governor of Canada, had sent colonel Johnson to the
Indians of St. Francis, and others belonging to the Six Tribes, that
were nearer to this province. Their object was, to induce these
nations with promises, with money, and with presents, to take arms
against the colonies ; an expedient which could barely have been
tolerated, if every other hope had been lost, and England had been
reduced to the necessity either of employing the Indians, or of re-
ceiving conditions from the Americans. But how is it possible not
to condemn it, not to view it with abhorrence, when other soldiers,
and other arms, offered themselves from all parts in abimdance, to
prosecute the war successfully against the colonies ? Posterity can-
not fail to execrate the counsels of those who, without the least ne-
cessity, were capable of preferring the barbarous Indians to the dis-
ciplined troops of England. This act of detestable ferocity, more-
over, turned at length to the confusion of its own authors ; but the
mind of man is blind, his character often cruel, and civil fury im-
placable. The congress, consequently, thought of opposing, by the
most efficacious means, these English attempts. In order to pro-
ceed with more method, they made an ideal division of the Indian
tribes into as many districts as there were tribes, and stationed with
each an a^ent. who, knowing the language, customs, and country of
these ravages, should observe their motions, satisfy their reasonable
desire? , and provide for their wants ; in a word, these emissaries
were to neglect no means of conciliating the benevolence of the In-

228 THE AMERICAN AVAR. BOOK V.

dian$, in order that they might give no aid to tlic royal arms, and
observe a strict neutrality. It has been attempted to insinuate, on
the contrary, that the congress had instructed its agents to use all
their endeavors to engage the Indians on the American side. But
this accusation appears to want probability ; for it was evident that
the war was to be carried on upon the American territory, and it
was well known that the Indians plunder and massacre friends as
well as enemies. Besides, it is not to be supposed that the Ameri-
cans could have had the design to sully with a stain of barbarity, in
the very outset, a cause which they wished might be reputed by
the universe both just and holy.

We will not, however, omit to relate, that in Philadelphia it was
believed, and was aimounced as a happy event, that the IMohawk
Indians, having sent the belt to those of Stockbridge, which, with
these nfticns, was the token of alliance, were ready to march with
the colonists against the English. It was in like manner published
in Massachusetts, that the Senecas, another Indian nation, were
prepared to take arms in favor of America. In addition to this, an
Indian chief, named Swashan, accompanied by four other chiefs of
the tribe of St. Francis, was conducted, in the month of August, to
the camp at Cambridge, by a certain Reuben Colburn. They came
to offer themselves as ready to undertake the defense of American
liberty ; they were well received, and pay was assigned them.
Swashan boasted that he would, if required, produce a good band
of his people. He added, that the Indians of Canada, and the
French themselves, were disposed in favor of the Americans, and
were ready to join them. These reports were circulated, and gene-
rally believed. But, whatever were the wishes of the people, the
congress desired merely to maintain the savages in neutrality. This
moderation did not prevent the English from availing themselves
of these first demonstrations ; affirming, that they had employed
the Indians in their army, because the Americans had first endeav-
ored to gain them for auxiliaries. ,

The congress having arranged the business of the Indians, which
had caused them great perplexity, and imboldened by the affairs of
Lexington and Breed's Hill, they resolved to manifest the dignity of
their cause, and justify their appeal to arms, in the sight of all the
nations of the world ; in doing which, they employed the style of
independent nations. They pubfished a declaration, wherein they
recited, in a strain of singular energy, the toils, the hardships, the
perils, which had been the portion of the first colonists, when they
went to seek refuge in these foreign and distant regions ; their cares
to promote the increase and prosperity of their establishments; their

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 229

compacts made with the crown ; the advantages and wealth which
England had derived from them. After having mentioned the long
fidelity and uniform promptitude of the Americans, in coming to the
succor of tne mother country, they proceeded to speak of the new
measures taken by the ministers upon the conclusion of the last war ;
and made an exact enumeration of the laws which had been the
subject of complaints, so often, and always so fruitlessly, repeated.
They glanced at the iniquitous conditions of accommodation pro-
posed in parliament by lord North, insidiously calculated to divide
them, to establish an auction of taxations, where colony should bid
against colony, all uninformed what ransom would redeem their lives.
They described the hostile occupation of the city of Boston, by the
(troops under the command of general Gage ; the hostilities of Lexing-
ton, commenced by the royal soldiers, and the cruelties committed in
this expedition ; the violation of faith on the part of this general, in
the refusal of permissions to pass out, and by permissions more cruel
than refusal, in having, with barbarous inhumanity, separated wives
from their husbands, children from their parents, the aged and sick
from their relations and friends, who wished to attend and comfort
them ; the proprietors from their furniture and most valuable effects.
They related the butchery of Breed's Hill, the burning of Charles-
town, the seizure of their vessels, the ravage of provisions, and the
menaced ruin and destruction of all things. The attempts of the
governor of Canada to excite the ferocious savages of that province
against the colonists, were not omitted ; and they accused the min-
isters of a determination to inflict upon an innocent and unhappy
country, the cemplicated calamities of fire, sword, and famine.

' We are reduced,' they exclaimed, ' to the alternative of choosing
an unconditional submission to the tyranny of irritated ministers, or
resistance by force. We have counted the cost of this contest, and
find nothing so dreadful as voluntary slavery. Honor, justice, and
humanity, forbid us tamely to surrender that freedom which we re
ceived from our gallant ancestors, and which our innocent posterity
have a right to receive from us. We cannot endure the infamy of
resigning succeedins: generations to that wretchedness which inevi-
tably awaits them, if we basely entail hereditary bondage upon them.
Our cause is just. Our union is perfect. Our resources are great ;
and, if necessary, foreign assistance is undoubtedly attainable. We
gratefully acknowledge, as signal instances of the divine favor to-
wards us, that his providence would not permit us to be called into
this severe controversy, until we were grown up to our present
strength, had been previously exercised in warlike operati(»ns, and
possessed of the means of defending ourselves. With hearts fortified

THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V.

with these animating reflections, we most solemnly, before God and
the world, declare, that, exerting the utmost energy of those powers
which our beneficent Creator hath graciously bestowed upon us, the
arms we have been compelled by our enemies to assume, we will, in
defiance of every hazard, with unabating firnmess and perseverance,
employ for the preservation of our liberties ; being, with one mind,
resolved to die freemen rather than to live slaves. Lest this decla-
ration should disquiet the minds of our friends and fellow subjects
in any part of the empire, we assure them that we mean not to
dissolve that union which has so long and so iiappily subsisted be-
tween us, and which we sincerely wish to see restored. Necessity
has not yet driven us into that desperate measure, or induced us to
excite any other nation to war against them. We have not raised
armies, with ambitious designs of separating from Great Britain, and
establishing independent states. We fight not for glory or for con-
quest. We exhibit to mankind the remarkable spectacle of a people
attacked by unprovoked enemies, without any imjiutation or even sus-
picion of offense. They boast of their privileges and civilization, and
yet proffer no milder conditions than servitude or death.

' In our native land, in defense of the freedom that is our birth-
right, and which we ever enjoyed till the late violation of it, — for
the protection of our property, acquired solely by the honest indus-
try of our forefathers and ourselves, against violence actually offered,
we have taken up arms. We shall lay them down, wiien hostilities
shall cease on the part of the aggressors, and all danger of their
being renewed shall be removed, — and not before.

' With an humble confidence in the mercies of the supreme and
impartial Judge and Ruler of the universe, we most devoutly implore
his divine goodness to protect us happily through this great conflict,
to dispose our adversaries to reconciliation on reasonable terms, and
thereby to relieve the empire from the calamities of civil war.'

This manifesto, which was generally received with great eulogium,
was subscribed by John Hancock, who had been elected president
of congress in place of Rutledge, and countersigned by the secretary,
Charles Thomson.

The congress, in this occurrence also, omitted not to employ the
means of religion. The declaration was sent into every part of the
continent, and read from the pulpits by the ministers of religion,
with suitable exhortations. In the camp of Boston it was read with
particular solemnity. Major-general Putnam assembled his division
upon the heights of Prospect Hill, to hear it. It was followed by a
prayer analogous to the occasion ; the general having given the signal,
all the troops cried three times. Amen; and, at the same instant, the

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 231

artillery of the fort fired a general salute ; the colors, recently sent
to general Putnam, were seen waving, with the usual motto, * An
appeal to Heaven;^ and this other, 'Q^ui transtuUt sustinct.' The
same ceremony was observed in the other divisions. The joy and
enthusiasm were universal. At Cambridge, the manifesto was read
in the presence of the most distinguished citizens of Massachusetts,
and of an immense multitude that were assembled upon this occasion
There resulted from it, in all minds, no little increase of constancy,
fortified by religious zeal. All this was done in imitation of what
had been practiced by the patriots in the time of Charles I. It
seemed as if this same war was renewed, in which the Protestant
religion served as a motive or a pretext to the defenders of liberty,
or to the promoters of anarchy ; and the Catholic religion, as a title,
or a veil, to the partisans of limited monarchy, or to the supporters
of despotism — so powerful is the voice of religion over human hearts !
And such has always been the propensity of those who govern nations,
to profit by it ! Hence religion itself sustains an incalculable injury ;
hence that coldness towards it, which, to the regret of prudent men,
has been observed at certain periods. The generality of people have
discovered that politic men make use of religion as an instrument to
arrive at their worldly ends. Man, being naturally a foe to restraint,
and inordinate in his desires, instead of restricting himself within the
limits of good, is too often precipitated into its contrary. Thus re-
ligion, which should always be holy and spotless, too often has fa-
vored culpable enterprises, to the great scandal of the people, and
manifest diminution of its own authority, and of good habits. Be thif
as it may, it is quite certain, that if the semblance of religion, with
which the Americans endeavored to color their enterprise, produced
greater unanimity and ardor among themselves, it engendered also
n:iore obstinacy and rigor on the part of the English government, in
the conduct of the war. In their contemplation, state policy was
coupled with the remembrance of the obstacles which the ancient
British monarchs were forced to contend with ; which, mingled with
a certain terror, excited them to greater bitterness and fury.

The congress having thus attempted to justify their conduct be-
fore the tribunal of the world, they employed their thoughts in pro-
testing to the English people, that the intention of the Americans
was to maintain those ancient relations which had been, and still
were their glory, their happiness, and the first of their desires. They
admonished them, in a grave and pathetic style, to remember the
ancient friendships, the glorious and common achievements of their
ancestors, and the affection towards the heirs of their virtues, which
had hitherto preserved their mutual connection ' But when,' they

THE AMERICAN WAR BOOK V.

jiddcd, ' that friendship is violated by the grossest injuries ; when
the pride of ancestry becomes our reproach, and we are no other-
.vise alHed than as tyrants and slaves ; when reduced to the melan-
choly alternative of renouncing your favor or our freedom ; our
choice cannot be doubtful.' After some lines upon their merits to-
wards the mother country, and expatiating upon the pernicious
laws, they concluded, by saying, that victory would prove eq.ially
fatal to England and to America ; that soldiers who had sheathed
their swords in the bowels of the Americans, would have as little re-
luctance to draw them against Britons ; tliat they entreated Heaven
to avert from their friends, brethren and countrymen, for by these
names they would still address them, before the remembrance of
former kindness was obliterated, the destruction and ruin that threat-
ened them.

They also drew up an address to the king, which commenced
with a recital of the services rendered by the colonists, of their fidel-
ity towards the crown, and of the calamities that now oppressed
them. They supplicated his majest}', t!iat he Vv'ould deign to inter-
pose his authority, to procure them relief from their present con-
dition ; that he would be pleased to direct some mode, by Avhich the
united applications of the colonists to the throne, might be imj)rov-
ed into a happy and permanent reconciliation. They implored also,
that arms, in the mean time, might cease ; and that such statutes as
more immediately distressed them, might be repealed ; affirming,
that, having done them this justice, the king would receive such
proofs of the good disposition of the colonists, as would soon restore
them to his royal favor ; while, on their part, they sliould neglect
nothing to testify their devotion to their sovereign, and affection
towards the parent state.

The congress had motives for vvishing to render the Irish nation
favorable to their cause ; a great number of useful citizens annually
emigrated from Ireland to America \ and thus, among the soldiers,
and even among the American generals, were found some Irish.
They were apprehensive that the people of Ireland might receive
impressions unfavorable to the colonists, i i consequence of the as-
sociations against commerce, which were seriously prejudicial to that
country. They were not ignorant, besides, that the Irish nere, for
many reasons, dissatisfied with the English government, and that,
notwithstanding the concessions which had recently been made
them, no little animosity still rankled in their minds. The congress
purposed to avail themselves of this misunderstanding, and to irri-
tate ihe wounds already festering in the breast of the Irish. It
would bo difficult to prove this conduct strictly consistent with loy-

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. ^^3

alty. But the war was now commenced, and the Americans were
disposed to use all means to carry it on with advantage ; and none
are more sanctioned by usage, than those of feigning to desire peace,
and of exciting and exasperating the minds of the enemy's subjects,
against lawful authority. To this intent, the congress addressed a
very eloquent letter to the Irish people. ' They were desirous,' they
affirmed, ' as injured and innocent, of possessing the good opinion
of the virtuous and humane ; however incredible it might appear,
that, in so enlightened a period, the leaders of a nation, which in
every age had sacrificed hecatombs of her bravest patriots on the
altar of liberty, should attempt to establish an arbitrary sway over
the lives, liberties, and property of their fellow subjects in America ;
it was, nevertheless, a most deplorable and indisputable truth.' The
battles of Lexington and Breed's Hill, the burning of Charlestown,
and the imprisonments of Boston, were mentioned in suitable terms.
' Who can blame us,' they added, ' for endeavoring to restrain the
progress of so much desolation ? for repelling the attacks of such a
barbarous band ? We have no doubt, with the divine assistance, of
rising superior to the usurpations of evil and abandoned ministers.
We already anticipate the golden period, when liberty, with all the
gentle arts of peace and humanity, shall establish her mild dominion
in this western world, and erect eternal monuments to the memory
of those virtuous patriots and martyrs, who shall have fought, and
bled, t.nd suffered, in her cause.

' Accept our most grateful acknowledgments for the friendly dis-
position you have always shown towards us. We know that you
are not without your grievances. We sympathize with you in your
distress, and are pleased to find, that the design of subjugating us,
has persuaded administration to dispense to Ireland some vagrant
rays of ministerial sunshine. Even the tender mercies of govern-
ment have long been cruel towards you. In the rich pastures of
Ireland, many hungry parricides have fed and grown strong, to la
bor in its destruction. We hope the patient abiding of the meek
may not always be forgotten ; and God grant that the iniquitous
schemes of extirpating liberty from the British empire may be soon
defeated. We have taken up arms to defend it; and with it, our
property, our honor, our existence ; all, in a word, that is dearest to
man upon earth. For the success of our efforts, we confide in the
good offices of our fellow subjects beyond the Atlantic, aware, as
they nmst be, that they have no other favor to expect from the
same common enemy, than that of being last devoured.

With the same view, the congress wrote a letter to the city of
London, to return thanks for the part it had taken in favor of Amer-

234 THE AMERICAN WAR.

BOOK V.

ica ; a conduct, they said, which well became the first city in the
world, that, in all ages, had approved itself the defender of liberty
and just government, against lawless tyranny and oppression.

In the midst of these cares, the congress had not forgotten how
important it was to the success of their enterprises, to conciliate the
friendship of the Canadians, in order that they might either make
common cause with the Americans, or, at least, stand neutral. They
knew that the first letter had not been without effect, and they re-
solved to confirm it with a second. The situation of affairs was
favorable to their hopes ; the act of Quebec had, in this province^
produced effects altogether contrary to those its authors had antici-
pated. The greater part of the inhabitants had received it with evi-
dent marks of displeasure, and, by all except the nobles, it was con-
sidered tyrannical, and tending to oppression. And although it
could not be expected that the Canadians, long accustomed, under
the French, to a more rigid rein, should be as much inclined to resist-
ance as the English colonists, habituated to live under the laws of
a milder government, yet there was ground to hope, that from aver-
sion to the English domination, they might be induced to take part
in the quarrel, and unite their arms to those of their neighbors. It
was known, however, that a part of the Canadians, and especially
those of JMontreal, and other places nearer to the colonies, had
manifested great displeasure at the occupation by the colonists of
Ticonderoga, Crown Point, and the lakes which lead fio., the colo'
nies to Canada. The congress wished to dissipate entirely these
suspicions and jealousies ; but, what was more worthy of their con-
sideration, is, that they had positive intelligence of the exertions
which the English governor was continually making, to dispose the
Canadians to take arms, and march under the British banners. The
agents of the king spared neither gold nor promises, to attain their
object. General Carleton, who was then governor, though of a char-
acter naturally severe, derived great facility in this point from the
extensive influence he enjoyed with the inhabitants, and the reputa-
tion he had deservedly acquired, of a good chieftain, a humane man.
and an ui)right citizen. It was known, that he was arriveJ in the
province with very ample powers. He could appoint or dismiss, at
will, all the members of the council; compel as many Canadian
subjects as he should see fit, to march against whatever enemy he
might deem it expedient to combat ; construct forts and dismantle
them ; in a word, take all the measures he might think necessary for
tiie security of the province. He was, besides, not a man to hesi-
tate how lo exercise the authority which had been confided to him.
He had already made use of it, in proclaiming that the Canadians

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAK. 235

who should present themselves, should be received as volunteers,
into the king's pay, and formed into a regiment. The Americans
had learned, besides, that the government had resolved to expedite,
for Canada, fifteen thousand muskets, in order to arm the Roman
Catholics of that country. All announced, that it was intended to
assemble a strong force, with a view of attacking the colonies in the
rear, and of co-operating with general Gage. Lord North himself,
in his discourse to parliament, had intimated that such was the design
of the government. The moment was critical ; and, without a
prompt remedy, it was to be feared the Canadians would take their
resolution to act against the colonies. The congress, therefore, de-
cided to address them a letter, entithng it, ' To the oppressed Inhah-
itnnts of Canada.' It was strong in thoughts, expressed in a
style as elegant as it was spirited. They reminded the Canadians,
that, by their late address, they had already apprised them of the
designs in agitation to extirpate the rights and liberties of all Ameri-
ca ; they had now to condole with them most sincerely, that these
schemes were about to be carried into execution ; or rather, that, by
ihe new form of government given to the province of Canada, were
already introduced ; that thus its inhabitants, their wives, and theii
children, were made slaves ; that thus they had nothing they could
any longer call their own ; that all the fruits of their labor and in-
dustry might be taken from them, whenever an avaricious governor
and a rapacious council migiit inclino to demand them ; that they
were liable to be transported into foreig»'. countries, to fight battles
in which they had no interest ; that tlie enjoyment of their very re-
ligion depended on a legislature in which they had no share ; that
their priests were exposed to expulsion, banishment, and ruin, when-
ever their wealth and possessions should furnish suflicient teinpta
tions ; that they could not be sure that a virtuous prince would
always fill the throne ; and, should a wicked or a careless king con-
cur witii a wicked ministry, in extracting the treasure and strength
of their country, it was impossible to conceive to what variety, and
to what extremes of wretchedness they might, under the present
establishment, be reduced ; that the Americans knew full well that
every exertion was made, that every artifice was employed, to arm
their brethren of Canada against them ; but should they, by com-
plying in this instance, assent to their new establishment, and a war
break out with France, let them recollect their wealth and their sons
might be sent to perish in expeditions against the French islands in
the' West Indies ; that as to the colonists, they were determined to
live free or not at aU ; that they were the friends, and not the ene-
mies, of the Canadians ; that the taking of the fortresses and armed

236 THE ABIERICAN WAR. BOOK V.

vessels on the lake, was dictated by necessity ; but that they might
place full trust in the assurance that the colonics would pursue no
measures whatever, but such as friendship, and a regard for the
mutual interests of the two people, might suggest; and, finally,
that they still hoped the Canadians would unite with the colonists
in defense of their common liberty.

This address had the effect its authors desired, at least in that it
produced the neutrality of the Canadians. In answer to the in-
stances of the governor, they said, that without regret they found
themselves under the English government, and that they should al-
ways deport themselves peaceably and loyally; but that being en-
tirely strangers to the controversy arisen between the goveinment
and the colonies, it was not for them to undertake to be the judges of
it ; that consequently it would in no shape become them to take any
part in the quarrel ; that if the government thought proper to arm
the militia of the province, in order to defend it in case of attack,
they should give it their cordial assent ; but that to march beyond
the frontiers, and attack tlie neighboring people, they could not con-
sent. These favorable dispositions of the Canadians were a guar-
anty to the congress of their security on the part of the north.

Genera^ Carlcton, finding the Canadians so decided in their oppo-
sition, h d recourse to the authority of religion. He therefore so-
licited Bi-and, the bishop of Quebec, to publish a mandament, to be
read from the pulpit, by the curates, in time of divine service. He
desired the prelate should exhort the people to take arms, and second
the soldiers of the king, in their enterprises against the colonies
But the bishop, by a memorable example of piety and religious
moderation, refused to lend his ministry in this work; saying, thai
such conduct would be too unworthy the character of the pastor,
and too contrary to tlie canons of the Roman church. However,
as in all professions there are individuals who prefer their interest to
their duty, and the useful to the honest, a few ecclesiastics employed
thems» Ives with great zeal in this affair ; but all their efforts were
vain ; the Canadians persisted in their principles of neutrality. The
nobility, so well treated in the act of Quebec, felt obligated in grati-
tude to promote in this occurrence the views of the government,
and very strenuously exerted themselves with that intention, but
without any better success. The exhortations of congress did not
contribute alone to confirm the inhabitants in these sentiments ; they
flattered themselves, also, that their pacific conduct in so urgent a cri-
sis, and when their junction with the colonies might have been so
prejudicial to the interests of England, would determine the gov-
ernment to exercise greater mildness towards them, and grant them

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR.

favors which otherwise they could have had no expectation of
obtaining.

General Carleton, perceiving that he could make no calculation
upon being able to form Canadian regiments, and knowing, withal,
tiiat there existed in the province certain loyalists, who would have
no repugnance to taking arms, and other individuals whom interest
might easily induce to enlist as volunteers, resolved to employ a new
expedient. He caused the drums to beat up, in Quebec, in order
to excite the people to enroll themselves in a corps to which he gave
the name of the Royal Highland Einigrants. He offered the most
favorable conditions. The term of service was limited to the con-
tinuance of the disturbances ; each soldier was to receive two hun-
dred acres of land, in any province of North America he might
choose ; the king paid himself the customary duties upon the acqui-
sition of lands ; for twenty years, the new proprietors were to be ex-
empted from all contribution for the benefit of the crown ; every
married soldier obtained other fifty acr&s, in consideration of his wife,
and fifty more for account of oach of his children, with the same
privileges and exemptions, besides the bounty of a guinea at the
time of enlistment. In this manner, Carleton succeeded in glean-
ing up some few soldiers ; but he was reduced to attach much more
importance to the movements of the Indians. The governor, and
the agents of the king with these savage nations, had pushed their
negotiations with so much zeal, that they had at length accomplished
a part of their wishes ; having persuaded some of them to take arms
in favor of the English party, notwithstanding they had so many
times sworn to observe an absolute neutrality ; but savage nations
are not more scrupulous in keeping faith than the civilized ; and gold,
the love of rapine, and thirst of blood, are with them omnipotent.
Towards the last of July, arrived, however, in Montreal, colonel
Guy Johnson, intendant-general of the king for Indian affairs, ac-
companied by a great number of chiefs and warriors of the Six
Tribes. A solemn assembly was formed, where they appeared as
the chiefs and warriors of the confederate Indians ; their troop was
considerable. They swore, according to their custom, and in the
presence of general Carleton, to support the cause of the king.
Such was the first origin of the Indian war. These were the bar-
barians, who, having joined the troops of general Burgoyne, exer-
cised, two years after, such ravages, and perpetrated such cruelties,
as we shall be constrained to relate, in the sequel of this history.

Meanwhile, the congress could not overlook in silence the act of
conciliation of lord North, without manifesting too great an inflexi-
bility, and avowing that the Americans would listen to no accomnio-

238 THE AMERICAN WAR.

BOOR y.

dation. They, nevertheless, wore not disposed to take a precipitate
resohjtion on this point, and reflected upon it for the space of full two
months. By this delay, they intended to show either a great matu-
rity of judgment, or perhaps their indifference towards the act.
But what appears more certain, is that the war being commenced,
they desired to wait the event of the first actions. The answer
could not, in effect, be the same, if victory had crowned their efforts,
as in case fortune had favored the English arms. When tlic concil-
iatory act arrived in America, the .30th of May, it is true the affair
of Lexington had taken place, and the Americans had acquired in it
a reputation for incontestable courage : but it was no more, in fact,
than a warm brush between militia collected in haste, and a detach-
ment of regular troops ; not a set battle, from which any prognostic
could be drawn relative to the final issue of the war. The congress
saw perfectly well, that it would always be time to enter into a nego-
tiation of arrangement; and, in case of any disastrous event, they
wished to reserve a way open to accept the conditions which Eng-
land herself had oflfered. Victory % 'ould become of no utility to the
Americans, if they had commenced by submitting to the terms pro-
posed ; and ill fortune would have made the conditions of accord no
worse. No risk, therefore, was incurred by temporizing ; and there
might result from it great advantages. But the battle of Breed's
Hill entirely changed the state of things. The ardor with which
the Americans pressed the siege of Boston, their activity in procur-
ing themselves arms and ammunition, the constancy and even alac-
rity they discovered in supporting the hardships of war, and evils
produced by the late acts of parliament, rendered their situation
much less desperate. If the event might still appear dubious to in-
different men, minds strongly excited must have conceived more hope
than fear. Accordingly, the members of congress, encouraged by
the favorable asnect of afl^airs, delayed their answer under pretext of
dignity. But at length they proceeded to the examination of tlìe
conditions of accord, with a full determination to reject them. This
resolution, however, was not without inconvenience ; for, at the very
moment they refused all arrangement, they wished to retain the ap-
jiearanm of a desire for the return of concord. It was requisite to
color this refusal, and to demonstrate to the eyes of the world, that
they rejected not all conditions, but only such as u'eie offered them
They declared themselves of opinion, that the colonies of America
were entitled to the sole and exclusive privilege of giving and grant-
ing their own money ; that this involved the right of deliberating
^x'hether they would make any gift, for what purpose it should be
made, and what should be its amount; which privileges weie taken

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 239

from the colonists altogether, by the resolution of lord North : that,
as the colonies possessed the right of appropriating their own gifts,
so were they entitled to inquire into their application, to see that they
were not wasted among the venal and corrupt, for the purpose of
undermining the civil rights of the givers, nor diverted to the sup-
port of standing armies, inconsistent with their freedom, and sub-
versive of their quiet ; which right was violated by the resolution in
question, since it placed the money voted at the disposal of parlia-
ment ; that this proposition was unreasonable, because it could not
be known what sum the parliament would exact ; and insidious, be-
cause the parliament itself might accept the trivial grants of one
colony, and refuse the considerable offers of another, thus maintain-
ing a good intelligence with some, and reducing the others to a state
of enmity, in order to compel their compliance with harder condi-
tions, and by the division of the colonies, thus prepare, at its pleas-
ure, the slavery of all ; that the suspension of the right of taxing
the colonies, being expressly made commensurate with the continu-
ance of the gifts, these, at the will of parliament, might become per-
petual ; a thing that would aim a fatal blow at pubhc liberty ; that
the parliament itself was m the established practice of granting their
supplies from year to year only ; that even upon the supposition
that the proffered terms had been as fair and reasonable as they were
unjust and insidious, the din of arms resounding from all parts, the
armies, the fleets that infested and surrounded America, were alone
suflicient to render them odious and inadmissible ; that they thought
the attempt unnecessary to draw from their hands by force their pro-
portional contributions to the common defense, since they had al-
ways contributed freely ; that they only were competent judges of
the measures proper to be taken in regard to tliis point, and that
they did not mean the people of America should be burthened to
furnish sinecures for the idle or the wicked, under color of providing
for a civil list ; that while the parliament pursued its plan of civil
government within the limits of its own jurisdiction, they hoped also
to pursue theirs without molestation ; that the proposition was al-
together unsatisfactory, because it imported only the suspension,
and not a renunciation, of the pretended right of taxation, and be-
cause it did not propose to repeal the odious acts of parliament ;
that the minister wished to have it believed there was nothmg in
dispute but the mode of levying taxes, whereas, in truth, their ad-
versaries still claimed the right of demanding arbitrarily, and of tax-
ing the colonies for the full amount of their demand, if not com-
plied with ; that the English government even claimed a right to
alter their charters and fundamental laws .

240 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V.

•' But when the world reflects,' they added, ' how inadequate to
justice are these vaunted terms ; when it attends to the rapid and
bold succession of injuries, which, during a course of eleven years,
have been aimed at lliese colonics ; when it reviews the pacific and
respectful expostulations, which, during that whole time, were the
sole arms we opposed to them ; when it observes that our com-
plaints were either not heard at all, or were answered with new
and accumulated injuries; when it recollects that the minister him-
self, on an early occasion, declared, that ' he Vtould never treat
with America till he had brought her to his feet,' and that an avow-
ed partisan of ministry has more lately denounced against us the
dreadful sentence, ' Dtltnda est Carthago,^ that this was done in
presence of a British senate, and being unreproved by them, must
be taken to be their own sentiment ; when it considers the great ar-
maments with which they have invaded us, and the circumstances
of cruelty with which they have commenced and prosecuted hostili-
ties ; when these things, we say, are laid together, and attentively
considered, can the world be deceived into an opinion that we are
unreasonable ? or can it hesitate to believe, with us, that nothing but
our own exertions may defeat the ministerial sentence of death, or
abject submission ? '

Such were the conclusions of the congress, relative to the resolu-
tion of adjustment of lord North ; they caused them to be pubhshed,
and distributed in all places. No one can observe the acrimonious
stvle, and the new pretensions of the Americans, witliout perceivhig
how little they were inclined to concord. Wishing, however, to
remove the prejudice resulting to their cause, from the opinion,
wliich began to be general, that they already aimed at independence,
they resolved to clear themselves of the blame of not having deigned,
from the commencement of the controversy, to bring forward any
conciliatory proposition ; and intending, perliaps, to reserve a free
access with the conqueror, in case of disaster, or perhaps also to
preclude the propositions of lord North, which they were determined
not to accept, the congress had it in contemplation to offer the
following conditions ; the colonies should not only continue to grant
extraordinary subsidies in time of war, but, besides, if allowed a free
commerce, they were to pay into the sinking fund, such sum annu-
ally, for tiie space of an hundred years, as at that period would, if
faithfully appropriated, suffice to extinguish the present debt of Great
Britain. In case this condition was not accepted, they proposed to
stipulate with Great Britain, a compact, by virtue of which, that
kingdom should be authoriz.ed, for the same term of an hundred
years, to make such laws cis it might judge necessary, to regulate

BtìOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 241

commerce, and direct it towards the general utility of the empire •
but in such case, no other pecuniary contribution could be required
of them. This proposition, as is seen, implied no new concession ;
smce, on the contrary, this was precisely the subject in controversy.
Some believed, also, that they would have proposed that the par-
hament should impose a general tax upon all the empire, meanino-
upon England, Scotland, and the American colonies, of which tax
each of these countries should bear its proportion, according to its
faculties. They imagined that this mode of imposition would render
the parliament extremely circumspect upon this point, since it could
no longer charge America, without charging England at the same
time, and in the same proportion. But the action of Breed's Hill,
the rigorous siege of Boston, the ardor of the people, and perhaps
the hope, already more probable, of foreign succors, so wrought,
that these propositions were soon consigned to oblivion, and the
whole mind was given to thoughts of war.

Hitherto the congress had made all the dispositions which related
either to the support of the war, to the negotiations of alliance with
the neighboring nations, or to the justification of their cause with the
inhabitants of Great Britain and of Ireland ; they now applied them-
selves to the business of establishing the bases of their authority ; of
ascertaining how far its limits ought to extend ; and what were its
relations with the authority of the provincial assemblies. This fixa-
tion of powers was, with good reason, considered as an operation of
the first necessity. For, until then, the transactions of the congress
were supported rather upon the opinion of the people, than upon
statutes approved by them, or by the assemblies of their representa
tives. They were obeyed, because such was the general inclinatioii
but not because the constitutional laws required it. It was even
because it was intended to conduct America to the state of an inde-
pendent nation, having its own government, and a supreme magis-
trate, that it was desired to direct things gradually towards this
object, and to withdraw, little by little, the management of affairs
from the local administrations, in order to concentrate it in one only
and common point. It was also an efficacious means of providing
that no province, individually, should ever think of detaching itself
from the Union, as, in such case, it would become not only unfaith-
ful to the others, but also rebellious towards the general government
of America. Notwithstanding considerations of such moment, this
affair could not be managed without extreme difficulty, on account
of the reciprocal jealousies of the provincial assemblies, which were
not likely to renounce, but with the utmost repugnance, a part of
their ancient authority, to be vested in anew and unusual adminis-

YOL. I. 16

242 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V.

tration. If the impulsion of the people had been less general, it the
necessity of pursuing the career in which they were already so far
advanced, had been less imperious, perhaps the total plan of the en-
terprise would have been marred by these partial ambitions. But
the die was cast, and it was requisite either to move onward farther
than would have been wished, or to return back, much farther than
would have been apprehended. It was therefore in the midst of
these hopes, and of this necessity, that the congress drew up and
published the articles of confederation ; thus establishing invariably
their authority, no longer upon the momentary impetus of popular
feeling, but upon laws approved and sanctioned by the general will.
In the first place, the colonists bound themselves and their pos-
terity, for the common defense against enemies, for the protection of
their liberty and property, as also of their persons, and of the pros-
perity of America. Each colony retained its jurisdiction entire
within its own limits, the right of regulating its internal administra-
tion, and an independent sovereignty in respect to all its domestic
affairs. But, for the more convenient direction of public transac-
tions, each colony was to elect deputies, who should convene in con-
gress at the time and place which should be appointed by the pre-
ceding congress. In ordinary circumstances, the congress should
hold their session successively in each colony, observing a regular
rotation. This body should have power to make war and peace, to

• contract alliances, to adjust controversies between the different
provinces, and to establish colonies wherever it should be thought
necessary. The congress should be authorized to make laws ol

, general utility, and for which the provincial assemblies should not be

' competent, as, for example, all those concerning the forces of the
Union, and the affairs relating to commerce and the mint ; the con-

. gress should appoint all the officers, civil and military, of the Union,
such as generals, admirals, ambassadors, and others ; the charges of
the war, and other expenses of the Union, should be supported by
the public treasure, which should be replenished by each colony, in
proportion to the number of male inhabitants, from the age of sixteen
to sixty years ; the number of delegates per colony, should, in like
manner, be determined by that of the male citizens, so that there
should be one representative for every five thousand individu-
als ; the deliberations of congress should be enacted with half the
suffrages, and it should be allowable to vote by proxy ; there should
be an executive council, composed of twelve persons, elected without
conorress, four of whom should be succeeded every year ; the coun-
cil, during the recess of congress, should superintend the execution
of its laws ; the executive decisions being always to be taken by two

BOOK V. TUE AMERICAN WAR. 243

thirds of the votes ; the same 'council should be charged with tiie
direction of general affairs, both internal and external ; it should
receive all dispatches coming from prmces and foreign governments ;
should prepare matters to be submitted to the consideration of the
next congress ; should fill, during the mterval of its sessions, all the
offices which should have become vacant ; and should, besides, have
power to draw money from the public treasury. It was also regulated,
that no colony should make war upon the Indian tribes, without the
consent of congress ; that, consequently, the frontiers and territory
of every Indian nation should be acknowledged theirs and respected ;
that agents should be established on the part of congress among the
Indian nations, in suitable places, with instructions to prevent frauds
and impositions in the traffic with them. It was established as a
principle, that the Union should subsist until the terms of arrange-
ment proposed to the king, by the preceding congress, should be
accepted by England, the acts prohibitory of American commerce
repealed, an indemnity granted for tiie shutting of the port of Boston,
for the burning of Charlestown, and for the expenses of the war ;
finally, until the British troops should have entirely evacuated the
territory of America. It was added, that when the British govern-
ment should have accomplished the foregoing conditions, the colonies
would resume their ancient relations of friendship with Great Britain;
but that otherwise the confederation should be perpetual. Space
was left to accede to the league for the provinces of Quebec, of
St. Johns, of Nova Scotia, of the two Floridas, and the Bermudas.
Thus the congress laid the foundations of American greatness.

Meanwhile, the colonies hesitated to accept the articles of confed-
eration. North Carolina absolutely refused. Things were not yet
arrived at the point of maturity, desirable for the establishment of a
perfect union. The people suffer themselves too often to be guided
by vain fears, or by vain hopes ; and, at this epoch, the greater part
of the colonists still flattered themselves with the possibihty of return-
ing, some day or other, upon honorable terms, to their ancient footing
with Great Britain. It was, indeed, quite evident, to what object
the congress was tending. They considered reconciliation, if not
as absolutely impossible, at least as extremely improbable. And,
besides, if there had existed any hope of arrangement, the articles
of union would have enfeebled it greaily, not to say totally extin-
guished ; and therefore, perhaps, the congress had proposed them.
For, omitting the offensive declarations, the menaces, and the laws
contrary alike to the English constitution and to the tenor of char-
ters, this new pretension of indemnities would alone have sufficed
to interrupt all approach to reconciliation ; for it could not be pre-

244 THE AMERICAN WAU. BOOK V.

sumed tiiat the British government would stoop to such ignominious
conditions. It was tlierefore manifest, that while tiie two parties
Drotested their desire to meet each other, they were both exerting
all their efforts to render it impossible. It was no less evident, that
when in parliament the adversaries of the ministers proposed con-
cessions and terms of arrangement, it was with reason the latter
rejected them, saying, that all these conciliatory measures would not
only be useless, but even detrimental, because they would encourage
the colonists to new demands, less admissible still. If the ministers
themselves proposed, afterwards, and carried an act of conciliation,
it was only a pretext to divide, and not to re-unite. They were
therefore in the right, when they resolved to continue the war, at all
hazards ; but they were in the wrong, not to carry it on with suffi-
cient means.

I have no doubt, but in reading this history, it will be observed
with extreme surprise, that while the people in all the colonies flew
to arms, subverted all public order, and exercised every species of
hostile demonstrations against the authority of the king, the govern-
ors, who represented him, preserving the calm of immobility, took
no resolutions proper to re-establish obedience. But if no one of
these governors is seen acting in a manner conformable to the impor-
tance of circumstances, it should be considered that none of them
had regular troops at his disposal, to constrain the inhabitants to
submission. Tlie only force to which they could have recourse, to
maintain the public tranquillity, and carry the laws into execution,
was composed of the militia of the country, themselves a part of the
insurgent people, and consequently favorable to their cause. It was
not in America as in Europe, where a militia, which no longer makes
part of the people, but which controls tl.em, and with arms contin-
jally in hand,' is always ready to execute the orders of the prince.
In the English colonies, on the contrary, the militia was not distinct
from the people themselves ; and if this support was wanting to
the government, it found itself, of necessity, to have none. The
governors, however, did what was in their power to defend the au-
thority of the king, each according to his character, and the circum-
stances in which he was placed. Their efforts had memorable
effects, as will be seen by what follows ; they produced the absolute
extinction of the royal government.

We have already spoken of the misunderstanding which prevail-
ed between the governor, lord Dunmore, and the assembly, and,
generally, all the inhabitants of the province of Virginia. New dis-
gusts broke out, upon the arrival of the news from England, of lord
North's resolution of accord. It may be said, that an instrument

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 245

invested with the nan:es of peace and concord, was the occasion, on
the contrary, not only of discord, but of open war. The governor,
having convoked the assembly, placed this act before their eyes, en-
larging greatly upon the goodness of parliament. He also hinted,
that the fruit of their compliance would be the abrogation of the
laws complained of. But soft words had little influence over the
jealous and exasperated minds of the Virginians. The assembly,
wishing to broach the quarrel, instead of entering into the discus-
sion of the matter proposed, immediately took up the affair of the
arsenal, and demanded its restitution ; but the intervention of the
governor being here necessary, they sent him a message, importing
that he would be pleased to permit the entrance of this magazine.
The altercation now became vehement ; and during the wordy con-
flict, the people forced the gates of the arsenal, and bore oflf the
arms. The state in which they found them, carried their fury to
extremity. The powder was spoiled, the muskets without locks, the
cannon without carriages ; every thing had been plundered or de-
stroyed, in the late disturbances.

The governor, on seeing the revolt, retired, with his wife and
children, on board a ship of war,* anchored near Yorktown, in the
river of this name. Previous to his departure, he addressed a mes-
sage to the assembly, by which he announced, that in order to with-
draw from the danger to which himself and his family were exposed
on the part of a furious multitude, he had thought prudent to take
refuge in a place of security ; he invited them to continue their
business, while, on his part, he should continue his functions ; and
to send him a deputation on board his vessel, whenever they should
think it necessary to confer with him upon the affairs of the time.
The assembly answered, that they did not believe there existed,
among the Virginians, any individual capable of perpetrating the
excesses the governor apprehended ; they expressed their regrets
that he had not made them acquainted with his fears, before aban-
doning the seat of government ; assuring him, that they would have
taken all the measures he might himself have proposed, for his own
security and that of his family. Finally, considering the little facility
afforded, in such a place, for the transaction of affairs with the
requisite convenience and promptitude, they earnestly request-
ed him to return ; to yield to the impatience of the inhabitants,
nnd dispose them, by this proof of confidence, to order and tran-
quillity.

The governor replied with much bitterness, as the popular move-
ments had agitated his mind beyond all reason. He concluded his

* The Fowey man of waj .

246 TUE AMERICAN WAR BOOK V.

letter, however, by glancing afresh at the conciliatory resolution, and
with the assurance that he should esteem it his felicity to be the
instrument of concord between the jarring parts of the British
empire.

This bland conclusion was not sufficient to mitigate the irritation
created by the menacing commencement of the letter. Accordingly,
the answer of the assembly was more acrimonious still ; as to the
act of accord, they replied, it was a vain and insidious measure,
which only changed the mode of oppression, without tending to
relieve it ; that, consequently, they would not accept it.

Such a temper of mind, in both tlie parties, precluded every
glimpse of a better understanding. The assembly, having finally
matured the bills and resolves before them, invited the governor to
repair to Williamsburgh, in order to pass them. Lord Dunmore
replied, that he would not expose his person in the midst of a mad
populace ; that they might send him the bills for examination ; that
he should be ready to receive the house, at his present residence, for
the purpose of giving his assent to such acts as he should approve
of. Here ended all correspondence between the governor and the
colony of Virginia. If he would not trust himself with the Virgin-
ians, they were as little disposed to trust themselves with him. It
might, besides, appear strange enough, that, in the midst of so many
suspicions, the chief citizens of an entire province should go to im-
mure themselves on board a ship of war, completely in the power
of a person they looked upon as their enemy, and w^ho might have
retained them as hostages for the execution of his ulterior designs.

The assembly, when informed of the sentiments of the governor,
declared publicly, that they suspected the existence of a sinister con-
spiracy against the people of the colony ; they consequently warned
the inhabitants to stand prepared to defend their property, and their
rights, still more precious ; they renewed their protestations of fidel-
ity towards the king, of affection for the mother country ; and, ad-
journing themselves to the month of October, separated. Thus
ceased to exist, about the middle of July, the royal government in
Virginia, after having lasted during more than two hundred years,
with the tranquillity and happiness of all.

But arduous toils, and numerous dangers, still aw^aited the
province.

The inroads of an enemy so superior in naval force, were to be
feared upon the coasts, and upon the borders of all the great rivers
which bathe it. Nor were the inhabitants without disquietude, in
regard to the slaves, who were extremely numerous, and whom, lord
Dunmore had given out, he should instigate to revolt against their

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. S47

masters. If this cruel race, and cruelly treated, had joined the
loyalists in these first moments, when the Virginian government
was still so recent, the most terrible consequences might have re-
sulted, and perhaps the total extermination of the province. This
consideration decided the Virginians to form a convention, in
which they placed great confidence. They proceeded immediately
to levy troops, provide munitions, and raise money ; in a word, to
take all the measures they believed proper to secure the success of
their cause.

Lord Dunmore, finding himself thus expelled from his own
government, as well by his personal obstinacy as by the force of
things, would not, however, being versed in arms, abandon the hope
of recovering his authority. Independent of his character, (perti-
nacious, and capable of the greatest resolutions) he was also ani-
mated by a desire to perform some brilliant achievement for the ser-
vice of his king, and encouraged by the idea that some violent move-
ment would inevitably discover itself among the slaves. He hke-
wise believed, that the number of the loyalists was considerable ;
and that their party would not fail to put themselves in motion, when
he should make his appearance upon the coasts, and even in the
heart of the province, with a formidable squadron. This hope, if
not absolutely chimerical, was at least very slightly founded ; but it
is an error common to all times, and to all generals, to build ex-
travagantly upon the intestine divisions of revolted subjects. All
the auxiliaries that joined the governor, consisted in those individ-
uals, who, having incurred the suspicion of the people, could no
longer reside with safety in the province, and a certain number of
slaves, of a profligate stamp.

With this troop, and with the frigates upon that station, he flat-
tered himself he should be able to make some impression of impor-
tance in the adjacent country. He omitted no exertion to increase
the strength of his squadron, and the number of his men ; and es-
pecially to approach nearer to the land. Having accomplished this
purpose, by joining to his frigates a great number of light vessels, he
began to move, at one time showing himself in this part, at another,
in that ; but of himself he was not able to produce any conside-
rable effect. He expected, but in vain, that the people would rise,
and take arms in favor of the king. Reduced to his own forces, he
commenced hostilities, which more resembled the attacks of pirates,
than a fair and regular war. It was, in truth, a shocking spectacle,
to see the governor of a piovince rushing upon all points to lay it
waste, and to wrest by violence the provisions of which he had need ;
while the people, who recently had obeyed his orders, endeavored

248 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V.

to repulse him. But tlie Virginians alledged, that their conduct was
sufficiently authorized by that of the royal troops, who, under pre-
text of self-preservation, meditated the destruction of the whole
province. They complained, that persons obnoxious to the gov-
ernor were seized, and confined on board ships ; that their planta-
tions were ravaged, their houses fired, their negroes carried off;
devastations that were never executed without effusion of blood.
The Virginians marched, for the protection of the rivers and coasts,
a few corps of militia, recently taken into pay by the provincial
convention. The war that ensued was the more cruel, as it was
useless, and could have no other effect but that of still more in-
flaming and exasperating the minds on both sides.

The governor, having surprised the town of Hampton, situated
upon the bay of the same name, devoted it to the flames. His
wish had been to take up his quarters, and assemble a considerable
force at that point ; but the Virginians came up in multitude, and
forced him to re-embark.

Lord Dunmore proclaimed martial law ; the effect of which would
have been to suspend all civil authority in the province. He exhorted
the loyalists to repair to the royal standard ; to retain in their hands
the contributions due to the crown, as well as other taxes, until the
re-establishment of peace. Moreover, he declared free all slaves or
servants, black or white, belonging to rebels, provided they should
take arms and join the royal troops.

This proclamation, and especially the clause concerning slaves,
proved that lord Dunmore was a man extremely deficient in prudence
and moderation, but produced none of the effects he had expected.
In the colonies, and even in all other countries, an universal cry
arose against a measure which tended to disturb society in its very
foundations, to destroy domestic security, to engender mortal sus-
picions, and to excite a race, naturally ferocious, to vengeance and
to murder. In fact, this step of the governor was not merely use-
less,— it was pernicious ; it irritated the minds of the greater number,
and gained over none.

Meanwhile, lord Dunmore again came on shore, and occupi'>d
Norfolk, an important city, situated upon the banks of Elizabeth
river. In this place and its vicinity, a great number of loyahsts
resided. Some hundreds of these, and of the negroes, joined the
governor, and gave him, in this part, the superiority over the ene-
my. Some of the provincial mihtia, having made a show of resist-
ance, were routed without difliculty. He had already conceived
the hope of reconquering the province, and of replacing it under
the authority of the king

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 249

The administration of the state of Virginia directed all their at-
tention upon this point, where they perceived, with reason, the germ
of a war more formidable ; and resolved to avert the evil, by a prompt
remedy. They dispatched, therefore, with all speed, for Norfolk, a
regiment of militia, and a detachment of minute-men, under the
command of colonel Woodford. The governor, apprised of this
movement, very prudently occupied a strong position upon the north
bank of Elizabeth river, called Great Bridge, a fe^v miles from Nor-
folk. This point was situated upon the direct route of the provin-
cial troops. Here he promptly threw up works on the Norfolk side,
and furnished them with a numerous artillery The intrenchments
were surrounded on every part with water and marshes, and were
only accessible by a long dike. As to the forces of the governor,
they were little formidable ; he had only two hundred regulars, and
a corps of Norfolk volunteers ; the residue consisted in a shapeless
mass of varlets of every color. The Virginians took post over
against the English, in a small village, at cannon shot distance.
Before them they had a long narrow dike, the extremity of which
they also fortified. In this state, the two parties remained for sev-
eral days, without making any movement. Lord Dunmore, having al
length perceived that this, delay was prejudicial to him, as well as
beneficial to the Americans, who abounded in provisions, and re-
ceived every day new re-inforcements, found a motive in his per-
sonal courage, and perhaps in his contempt for the enemy, sufficient
to order the attack. He hoped to be able thus to open himself a
passage into the heart of the country. Accordingly, the 9th of De-
cember, before day, he directed captain Fordyce to assault the
enemy, at the head of a company of grenaaiers.

They marched boldly towards the x\merican works, captain For-
dyce leading the vanguard, and lieutenant Bathurst the forlorn hope.
Captain Leslie followed, with a detachment of three hundred blacks
and whites, and two hundred soldiers of the line. All tlic American
camp mstantly flew to arms, and prepared to defend themselves.
The action continued for a good space of time, with incredible ob-
stinacy. At length, captain Fordyce having been killed, at a few
paces from the intrenchments, after exhibiting prodigies of valor, and
a great part of his troop being either wounded or slain, the British
fell back upon the bridge. The artillery of the redoubt prevented
the Americans from pursuing. The negroes behaved very shabbily,
and saved themselves by flight. The Americans treated the Eng-
lish fallen into their power with humanity, but the loyalists with
rigor. This feat, on the part of lord Dunmore, savored more of thn
rash general, than the soldier of courage.

250 THE AMERICAN WAR.

BOOK T.

Experience having convinced the governor that he could not hope
to make progress in this part, he abandoned Great Bridge, and re-
tired to Norfolk, leaving a few pieces of cannon in the power of the
enemy. Finally, not thinking himself secure in this city and tlie
adjacent country, he took the resolution to repair to his ships again,
the number of which was increased by the junction of all those that
were found in the port of Norfolk. He could not, in fact, have too
many ; for many of the loyahsts, forced to quit their country, sought
refuge on board the fleet, bringing with them their furniture and
most valuable efl^ects. The provincials occupied Norfolk, which
they found almost deserted ; the greater part of the inhabitants
having departed in the squadron of the governor.

While these events were passing upon the coasts of Virginia, a
project of great importance was planned ; this was to raise in arms
the inhabitants of the parts situated in the west of the colonies, but
particularly of Virginia and of the two Carolinas, which were known
to be well affected towa: ds the royal cause. It was also hoped that
the Indians would take the field, and not only harass the rear of the
provincials, but even that, increasing in number and force, they would
be able to traverse the provinces, and coalesce with lord Dunmore
upon the coasts. A certain John Connelly, an enterprising, audacious
man, born in the county of Lancaster, in Pennsylvania, was consid-
ered a fit instrument for the execution of this project. Having con-
ferred with lord Dunmore, he received from him the most brilliant
promises, and the most ample authority, to enable him to accomplish
the objects of the mission which was confided to him. In pursuance
whereof, he repaired to the banks of the Ohio, in order to sound the
dispositions of the Indians, and of the loyalists who inhabited this
part of the frontiers. Having succeeded beyond his hopes, he
returned to make report to the governor. It was arranged, that the
garrisons of the vicinity, and principally those of Detroit and fort
Gage, in the country of the Illinois, should lend him assistance; and
it was expected, also, that the officers of the garrisons of Canada
would secooid him. It was understood, that whenever his troops
should have made their preparations, they were to assemble at Pitts-
burgh, and thence, passing the Alleganies, scour Virginia, and effect
their junction with lord Dunmore at the city of Alexandria, situated
upon the banks of the Potomac. Fortune had shown herself propi-
tious to these first essays. Connelly had passed several times without
accfdent from one place to anotiicr, and kept his correspondence with
the loyalists and Indians a profound secret. On his way to Detroit,
he had already reached the extreme frontier of Maryland, near the
town of Tamar, rejoicing within himself at having escaped so many

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 251

perils, w^en he was dietected, and arrested- The papers of which
he was the bearer were published by order of congress. Thus this
mysterious plot, which lord Dunmore, for want of open arms, had
been reduced to concert, proved like several others completely abor-
tive ; its sole results were greater animosity on the part of the colo-
nists, and the annihilation of his own influence.

IMeanwhile, Norfolk was menaced with a disastrous event. Al-
though the greater part of the loyalists of this city and its environs,
had sought refuge in the governor's fleet, there had, nevertheless,
remained a considerable number of them ; either on account of their
reluctance to leave their properties, or their dread of the sea and of
famine, or perhaps because they hoped to find more lenity on the
part of tlieir fellow citizens, who made profession of liberty, than
they had shown towards them, when they had been superior in this
country.

But it is certain that the patriots, on acquiring the ascendancy,
made them feel it cruelly, and overwhelmed them with all those vex-
ations of Which there are so many examples in civil wars, between
men of diflerent parties. The governor, transported with rage, and
touched by the piteous cries of the loyalists, panted to avenge them.
This reciprocal hatred was daily exasperated by the rencounters
which took place very frequently between the two parties ; the pro-
vincials watching at all points of the shore to prevent the royal
troops from landing, in order to forage in the country, and the lat-
ter, on the contrary, eagerly spying every means to plunder provis-
ions upon the American territory. The multitude of mouths to be
fed, kept them continually in a famishing state. A ship of war ar-
rived, in the meantime, in the bay of Norfolk. Lord Dunmore sent
a flag on shore to apprise the inhabitants, that they must furnish
provisions, and cease firing, otherwise he should bombard the town.
The provincials answered only by a refusal. The governor then
resolved to drive them out of the city with artillery, and to burn the
houses situated upon the river. He sent in the morning to give no-
tice of his design, in order that the women, children, and all except
combatants might retreat to a place of safety. The first of January,
1776, the frigate Liverpool, two corvettes,, and the governor's armed
sloop, opened a terrible fire upon the city, and at tlie same time a
detachment of marines landed and set fire to the houses. The
flames spread with rapidity, the conflagration became genera!, all
was consumed. Finally, the provincials themselves fired all the ad-
jacent country, that nothing might fall into the hands of the enemy,
and to deprive the royal troops of this position

Such are the eflfects of civil fury ; such the results of human dis-

252 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V.

cords. But man is too often ambitious or deceived ; and if all ages
are lertile in the authors of tumults and wars, these artisans of mis-
chief are no less fertile in expedients to clothe their projects with
plausible pretexts ; and thus the unfortunate people, victims of every
calamity, are frequently ignorant of the real origin of the woes that
overwhelm them. In this manner was destroyed one of the most
opulent and flourishing cities of Virginia.

Having described the state of the province of Virginia, after the
royal government had ceased, the order of history requires that we
should relate what took place at this epoch in the other provinces.
We have already mentioned the ardor manifested by the inhabitants
of South Carolina, on their receiving intelligence of the affair Df Lex-
ington, that a provincial convention was formed, that its members
entered into a confederation, and organized corps of infantry and
cavalry lor the defense of the colony.

In the mld.Jl of this general movement, governor Campbell arrived
m the pr.)vince, who, notwithstanding the public agitation, was re-
ceived with the attentions due to his rank. He conceived the idea
of ernploymg the militia, as a counterpoise to the regiments on pay
which had been levied by the convention or congress of the prov-
ince, Mid to oppose against the convention itself, the provincial as-
sembly. He hoped by this management to divide the patriots, and
overturn ♦heir projects. Accordingly, of his own authority, he is-
sued comn^issions to the officers of the militia, and convoked the as-
sembly according to ancient forms. But in both these measures he
failed of success ; the militia continued firm in the cause of the
people, and the assembly refused all his propositions so rigidly, that
he was necessitated to dissolve it. He appeared disposed to remain
peaceable for some time ; but it was known that he maintained a
secret intelligence with the loyalists, who were very numerous, and
principally upon the frontiers, towards the mountains and lakes.
To unmask him, the patriots resorted to the agency of a certair
Adam Macdonald, captain in a provincial regiment, a man entirely
devoted to their interests. He presented himself to the governor
under the name of Dick Williams, and in the character of an emis-
sary of the loyalists, commissioned to protest their fidelity, and re-
ceive his orders.

The governor, delighted at this overture, answered with unrestrict-
ed confidence. Macdonald came to make full report before the
general council ; the agitation was vehement. The council deputed
t») the orovernor some of its members, and with them Macdonald him-
self, to request that he would show them the dispatches he had re-
ceived from England. Campbell firmly refused. A motion was

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 253

made to arrest him, bnt it was not adopted. The goxjrnor became
intimidated, and retired on board a corvette at anchor in the port.
He took with him the seal of the province. The council sent a mes-
sage, entreating him to return ; he would not. Thus ceased the
royal government in South Carolina ; all public authority was trans-
ferred from the ancient administrations to the provincial convention,
the committee of safety, and other popular establishments, to whose
Power the people fixed no other limits, except that they should pro
tect the republic from all detriment.

But in the meantime, governor Campbell was not inactive. He
knew the royalists were numerous in certain parts of the province,
and he hoped that by exciting them, and erecting a standard, round
which they could rally, he should be able to profit essentially by
their succors. In the interior of the country, there existed a set of
men called regulators. They had arrogated, in 1770, the right of
executing the laws against malefactors ; and they exercised their
functions so openly, that of their own authority they inflicted corpo-
ral punishments upon such as incurred their animadversion. Lord
Montague was sent to repress so odious an enormity, and his severity
efiectually re-established the authority of the laws among this un-
ruly generation. But the regulators had not forgotten the chastise-
ments their unlawful combination had drawn upon them, nor would
they ever consent to adhere to the congress and other popular ad-
ministrations, which they deemed equally as irregular and illegal.
In the same places were found many Dutch and Irish, who held
their lands from the bounty and liberality of the king. Either out
of gratitude, or the fear of losing their estates, if they should join
the patriots, they stood firm in their loyalty, and were strenuously
opposed to the new government. Their number was increased by
certain other Irish, who had retired from the disturbances in the
northern provinces, into this.

Governor Campbell had it in mind, to employ these individuals
for the accomplishment of his designs. He circulated among them
that the American colonies were altogether too feeble to resist the
power of Great Britain ; that the whole question turned upon a
trivial duty on tea, which they were not accustomed to use ; that the
inhabitants ^f the coast opposed this impost, in order to have tea at
a low price, without regarding that their obstinacy deprived the in-
habitants of the upper country of a multitude of articles the most
necessary to life ; that the single expense of maintaining the provin-
cial regiments, greatly exceeded the amount of all the taxes imposed
by the parliament. The ill humor of these foreigners was still in-
creased by the violences of the patriots, who insisted, whether willing

254 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V.

or not, that they should accede to the confederation. And thus a
great number that would have remained neutral, were constrained
to throw themselves into the opposite party. In no part of the prov-
ince were the lojalists so numerous, as in the space comprehended
between the Broad and Saluda rivers. They refused to execute the
resolutions of congress, to subscribe the league, and to make levies
of soldiers. The patriots, desiring to proceed peaceably, sent into
those places two men of the greatest authority, William Henry Dray-
ton and William Tennent. All their efforts and arguments, to dissi-
pate the suspicions which had arisen among these people, produced
little effect, if any. The rivalship between the two parties became
every day more rancorous. At length, they flew to arms ; and they
were soon encamped, the one in front of the other. The wiser citi-
zens interposed, to prevent the effusion of blood ; and, after some
days of negotiation, a compact was concluded, by which the loyal-
ists pledged themselves to remain neuter. But these hopes of tran-
quillity were soon destroyed, by a certain Robert Cunningham, a tur-
bulent spirit, and one of the most influential leaders of the loyahsts ;
he industriously scattered the elements of discord. From all parts
they rushed to arms anew. The congress, wishing to smother these
first sparks, ordered major Williamson, commanding the militia, to
march against the seditious ; but the latter were superior in number.
The moment was critical ; the Carolinian congress, having in front
a British fleet and army, and a party of disaftected citizens in the
rear, could have no hope of victory. Nevertheless, to disconcert the
plan of their adversaries, they marched towards the suspected places
detachments of militia and of troops, under the command of colo-
nels Richardson and Thompson ; who were joined by colonels
Rutherford and Polk, at the head of the .militia of North Carolina.
The loyalists, scattered, without a rallying point, and without 'eaders
of reputation, transacting every thing with fear and hesitation, were
forced to receive the terms of their conquerors.

This first expedition kept them quiet for a long time ; they made
no further movement until the English arms acquired the superior-
ity in Georgia and South Carolina.

The inhabitants of the latter province being totally decided for
war, all their attention was given to making the preparations that
might enable them to carry it on with success. They resolved, in
the first place, to provide themselves with powder, of v.'hich they
were almost entir-ely destitute. They knew that an English vessel,
laden Avith a great quantity of it, was then at anchor upon the bank,
called the bar of St. Augustine, upon the coast of East Florida.
Some fearless patriots, accustomed to the sea, made for the ship with

BOOK T. ^ THE AMERICAN WAR. 255

extreme celerity, boarded her, and became possessed of fifteen thou-
sand pounds of powder ; which, with equal good fortune, they trans-
ported safe into Charleston. This acquisition was of singular utility
in their gieat need. They supplied, from it, the militia of Massa-
chusetts, as well as the army which soon after undertook the expe-
dition of Canada.

But there was still in the power of the king, fort Johnson, erected
upon James' Island, whicii is situated in front of Charleston ; this
fortress, therefore, commanded the city. Colonel Motte having land-
ed upon the island in the night with a strong detachment of new
levies, occupied the fort without obstacle ; the garrison, as too feeble
to resist, had retired on board the ships of war.

The chiefs of the people prohibited all persons whatsoever from
supplying water or provision to the ships of the king, otherwise than
from day to day. The English blockaded the port, and made a
great number of prizes, to the infinite prejudice of the city. This
induced colonel ^Moultrie to occupy Point Huddrel, with a detach-
ment of provincial troops. He planted there a battery of heavy
cannon, which constrained the English to retire from this position
and gain the open sea. Thus the city was liberated, for the pres-
ent, from the blockade of the British squadron. But to prevent its
renewal, it was resolved to erect fortifications upon Point Huddrel,
which defends the entrance to Charleston, by the channel of Hog
Island ; and to strengthen the work of fort Johnson, which secures
the port on the side of James' Island. A new fort was also con-
structed in this island, west of fort Johnson ; then another upon
Sullivan's Island, which received the name of Moultrie.

The provincial militia exercised, and the regiments upon pay
increased their numbers every day. In all parts of the province
preparations were made to repulse the attacks of the enemy.

However sincere was the zeal of the inhabitants to defend theii
country, it was stimulated, also, by the resolutions of the general
congress. They had resolved, that if Charleston was attacked by the
English, three regiments of infantry should be maintained in the
province at the expense of the Union ; that if the convention or
committee of safety should judge it necessary to seize or destroy
any vessel whatsoever, it might do so, and rely upon the approbation
of congress. They recommended also the erection of forts and
batteries, in such places as should be thought most suitable.

Some agitation also began to manifest itself about this time m
North Carolma, a province in which the loyalists were perhaps more
numerous than in any other, with the exception, however, of New
York. The governor, Martin, was an active man, who studied con-

"OO THE A.ìlElUCAN WAU. BOOK V.

tinually to devise new expedients to increase the party of tlie king
The patriots were especially solicitous with respect to the inhabitants
of the upper countries of the colony, all Scotch and Highland emi-
grants, with whom it was ascertained that the governor held con-
tinual correspondence. The congress had not neglected to take all
proper measures to disconcert these projects. They had exhorted
the partisans of liberty to form themselves into corps of militia, which,
in case the provincial convention sliould see fit to order levies, shouhl
be considered as making part of the general army, and received into
the pay of the Union.

The desires of the congress were accomplished, if not with unani-
mous consent, at least with all requisite promptitude. A provincial
convention was formed, which assumed the authority of the ordinary
assembly of representatives. The committees of safety, and other
popular institutions, were created as usual. The governor took
umbrage at these measures, although he was not intimidated by
them ; and, in order to be able to sustain a first attack, and to give
time, in case of emergency, for the loyalists of tiie uj^per parts to
come to his assistance, he fortified, and furnished with artillery, his
residence at Newbern. The people rose and seized six pieces of
these cannon ; the governor then fled precipitately for refuge to fort
Johnson, upon Cape Fear river. The provincials, fearing he might
fortify himself, and rally his forces at this point, in order to keep an
open communication for the troops which should be sent against the
colony, resolved to dislodge him. It also appears that they were
apprehensive, lest the governor should proclaim the liberty of the
negroes, in order to employ them for the re-establishment of the royal
authority. Time was precious. They assembled their forces at
Wilmington, an important city of the province, and gave the com-
mand of the expedition to colonel Ashe, who had passed from the
service of the king, into that of the people. They marched imme-
diately to fort Johnson ; but the governor, not choosing to await so
formidable an attack, had retired on board a sliip of war. The fol-
lowing nigiit^ colonel Ashe entered the fort and reduced it to ashes.
He afterwards ravaged the country, that it might furnish nothing to
his adversary. The governor was declared an enemy to America,
and accused of a design to raise the blacks against their masters.
This imputation was not without foundation. He answered with a
writing of excessive length, which he caused to be circulated in the
province. But the provincial congress pronounced this proclama-
tion an infamous libel, and caused it to be publicly burnt by tlie
hand of the executioner.

They drew up, about the same time, a long address to the people

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAU. 257

of Great Britain, full of the usual protestations. All these events
singularly agitated the people ; but a new incident soon carried their
fury to extremity. In the garden and cellars of the governor, it was
discovered that he had secreted arms, powder, balls, and other mu-
nitions. The provincial congress decreed a levy of one thousand
regular troops, and another of three thousand minute-men. They
created bills of credit for their support. The general congress,
wishing to give more stability to their authority, and knowing of what
importance it was to propitiate the regulators and mountaineers that
inhabited the upper countries, sent them two ministers of the gospel,
to expound the nature of the present controversy between Great
Britain and the colonies. The chiefs of the people neglected no
means proper to forward their cause. Arms and money were pro-
vided, soldiers were exercised, the militia were organized, the torpid
or lukewarm were stimulated and encouraged. The popular leaders
in this province, surrounded by enemies, manifested an activity
always increasing with the obstacles they had to surmount.

In Pennsylvania, affairs were transacted with greater moderation ;.
either because the character of the inhabitants was more pacific, or
that the governor was endowed with greater prudence. However,
the provincial assembly, which continued to sit in Philadelphia, and;
all the inhabitants generally, appeared not to want activity, in their
preparations for defense ; the miUtia were exercised with great dili-
gence and success. It was perceived that the breadth and depth of
the Delaware, which bathes the walls of Philadelphia, exposed the
city to imminent danger. The English ships might come thus far up
the river, and cause infinite mischief not only to the city and prov-
ince, but even to the entire confederation. It was therefore resolv-
ed to obstruct the passage, by sinking in the channel a construction
of heavy timber, called a chevaux-de-frise. It consisted in two
immense beams, laid across the bed of the river, parallel-wise, and
at a suitable distance apart ; they were locked with traverse timbers ;
and upon their upper surface rose, with a certain inclination towards
the current of water, two other heavy beams, armed on the top v/ith
tusks of iron, to pierce the vessels that should attempt to ascend.
All these frames, ponderous of themselves, and charged besides
with enormous stones, could no! be easily broken, subverted, or dis-
placed. Ingeniously contrived, as well as skilfully executed, they
were of no little utility, in the course of the war. The Pennsylva-
nians were also very diligent in providing themselves with arms and
ammunition. The provincial assembly had appointed a committee
of superintendence, to see that the arms were made with a desirable
promptitude, and the requisite perfection. The gunsmiths, and
vol » 17

258 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK T,

other armorers, were continually watched and stimulated. The
assembly also decided, that several battalions should be levied and
completely equipped. A great quantity of powder was manufactured
in the environs of Philadelphia ; a single mill supplied five huntlred
pounds a week. Every thing, in brief, tended towards war. The
governor was unable to resist an inclination so universal ; he had no
royal troops at his disposal.

The province, and particularly the city of New York, found
themselves in a painful situation. They were exposed, on all parts,
to the insults of the British fleet ; the city had even still a garrison,
though feeble, of royal troops. New re-inforcements were expected
from England ; and it was known that all the corps that arrived in
America, landed at New York, as their destined place of arms
The delegates of the province were therefore instructed to move
the congress to prescribe the course to be pursued, in case of the
arrival of the troops that were already embarked from Ireland for
America. The congress answered, they should stand upon the
defensive, allow the English to land, and permit them to occupy the
barracks, provided they snould behave themselves peaceably; not.
however, to suffer that they should erect fortifications, to interrupt
the communication between the city and country ; if they should
employ force, to resist them with force ; to transport the munitions
of war into the interior of the province ; to designate places of
refuge for the women and children ; finally, the congress exhorted
all the inhabitants to arm, and hold themselves in preparation for
every event.

But it was not long before they were relieved from these anxious
apprehensions. The royal troops arrived ; but, instead of landing
at New York, they went on shore at Sandy Hook, whence, by the
orders of general Gage, they re-embarked for Boston. The battle
of Breed's Hill had enfeebled the garrison of that city, and new
soldiers were needed to fui up the companies. At length, the
detachment itself, which for so long a time had been stationed at
New York, retired on board a ship of war which was anchored in
the port. The city, thus delivered entirely from the presence of
the royal troops, was replaced absolutely at its own discretion.

At this epoch, governor Tryon arrived from London at New York.
He was a man of an active genius, an ardent character, and possess-
ed of great influence in the province. He was received with mark-
ed respect. His continual efforts in favor of the royal cause, were
generallv crowned with success. Tranquillity, for a certain time,
remained undisturbed. Then followed a quarrel, in which a royal
ship fired upon the city with balls and grape-shot, because the inhab-

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 259

itants had seen fit to transport artillery from one place to another.
A great number took refuge in the country. The governor demand-
ed a conference with the convention, the committee of safety, and
the officers of the miUtia. It was granted. He expressed the deep-
est concern at the present discord ; he begged they would use pru-
dently the power which they had entire ; he observed, that violent
measures would only widen the breach, and hazard the destruction
of the city. This example shows clearly to what terms was reduced,
and upon how frail a basis reposed, the royal authority at that time in
America ; since even in the province of New York, that of all which
numbered the most loyalists, the governor was driven to such ex-
tremity, that, instead of commanding, he was constrained to pray.
Hence also it is manifest, that Tryon had been sent, not to govern a
province that would no longer obey him, but to intrigue clandes-
tinely, to sow division, to corrupt the good, and dispense to the
wicked their hire.

How opposite such conduct was to the dignity of a powerful
nation, and how proper to render it contemptible in the estimation
of the universe, every one can imagine for himself. It would have
been a much more seemly resolution, if the governor, upon ascer-
taining the situation of affairs, should have withdrawn from the prov-
ince, and left it altogether ni the power of the patriots; for to
govern without commanding, and to command without being obeyed,
was a degradation of his rank, and of the royal authority itself.

The general congress had become greatly alarmed at the artifices
of governor Tryon. They feared he would at length succeed in
exciting such malignant humors, as might issue in fatal results. They
thought it expedient to prevent the evil ; and accordingly recom-
mended, that, in all the colonies, every person, of whatever name or
condition, whose opinions afforded motives of suspicion, should be
arrested, and detained under a sufficient guard ; this was the law of
suspected persons. The deputies of New York sent copies of it
into their province. At this news governor Tryon, having doubts of
some strange resolution, promptly took refuge on board an English
vessel moored in the port ; he carried off" the seal of the province.
But, towards the close of the year, with the approbation of the king,
he addressed a proclamation to the inhabitants of New York, to
apprise them of the dispositions of the prince, and the earnest desire
he entertained that some honorable way of reconciliation between the
two parties might be devised. Thus vanished even the shadow of
royal authoritv in this colony, after its action had in reality ceased
long since. Such was the success of the hopes the ministers had
placed in the maneuvers and intrigues of governor Tryon, whom

260 TEE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V.

they had considered as the most proper instrument to act upon a
province of such principal importance.

It had recently been divided by the provincial convention into a
certain number of districts, each destined to furnish a company. The
organization of these companies was the object of a special regula-
tion. But this appearance of ardor was in many far from being sin-
cere. Even members of the provincial congress presumed to say,
openly, that they would not receive the bills of credit ; and that,
when the English troops should have arrived, they would join the
royal standard. The provincial soldiers themselves were emulous
in deserting. So efficacious had been the whispers of Tryon ; or,
perhaps, so great w^ere the avarice, the fear, or the loyalty, of the in-
habitants. Admitting only the latter reason, it would be impossible
for the colonists of New York to clear themselves of the reproach
of hypocrisy and of cowardice, for not having dared openly to fol-
low the royal banners, and for having, on the contrary, pretended a
flaming zeal for the cause which the greater part of the Americans
had espoused. But simulation and perfidy are never more frequent
than in the political revolutions of empires. Those who lately served
kings, afterwards serve republics ; and ardent republicans become all
at once royalists, according to the dictates of their ambition or their
avarice. Such is the miserable condition of human nature, that it
is never consistent with itself; and when a man abandons one party
to coalesce with another, he is often more actuated by a culpable
motive than a virtuous conviction.

Maryland followed the example of the other provinces. The
authority of the ordinary assembly was here also transferred to a
convention which assembled in the city of Annapolis. It proposed
the articles of a league, to be composed of its own members, and all
the freemen of the province. They pledged their faith reciprocally,
and all towards America, to persist, according to their power, in
opposition, whether with arms or with commercial restrictions. They
decreed, that forty companies of minute-men should be levied ; and
that all the inhabitants of the province, freemen, from sixteen to fifty
years, except only the ministers of religion, and physicians exercising
their profession, individuals in the service of the governor, minute-
men, artillery-men, and those prevented by their religious opinions
from bearing arms, should attach themselves to some one com-
pany of militia. Hence it appears how calm, how remote from all
blind transport, was this peonie ; since, in such a crisis, individuals,
reputed most essential to the general utility, were exempted from
military service ; and since religious opinions were also perfectly re-
spected. The regular organization of the militia ascertained the pay

BOOK V.

THE AMERICAN WAR. 261

of the officers and that of the soldiers. A committee of safety was
invested with the direction of affairs relating to the militia and min-
ute-men ; and even with the power of taking, during the recess of
the convention, the measures deemed necessary for the good of the
province. Subaltern committees were established, for local super-
intendence upon every point, and for the reciprocal transmission of
useful intelligence. Finally, the convention created two hundred
and sixty-six thousand six hundred and sixty-six dollars, in bills of
credit, in order to defray the charges of the militia. Meanwhile, the
people had already forced the gates of the provincial arsenal, and
seized the arms and ammunition, which were found there in consid-
erable quantity.

In New Jersey, the royal authority still subsisted in its ancient
forms ; but it was without power, since it was without arms. Accord-
ingly, the real directing authority was that of the people ; which had,
for its support, both arms and the general opinion. The mihtia
organized and exercised themselves, according to the regulations
published by the provincial congress. The people had taken pos-
session of the public chest ; a sum of twenty to thirty thousand
pounds sterling it contained, was appropriated to pay the mili4;ia.
Besides the provincial militia, the general congress invited the con-
vention of New Jersey to levy, without delay, two battalions, at the
expense of the public treasure ; the oflicers were to have the same
pay as those of the confederate army, and the soldiers to be engaged
but for one year. Ip. i'ae meantime, governor Franklin convoked the
provincial ass^iiioly. In the speech he addressed them, he express-
ed his j?»':el at the present troubles ; and announced, that the com-
manders of the British fleets upon all the American coasts had or-
ders to act offensively against every port or place whatsoever, in
which the officers of the king should be insulted, or in which troop»
should be levied, forts erected, or the public magazines plundered.
He spoke also of the desire of independence ; and added, that, as to
the safety of his own person, he would refer it to their good faith.
The assembly, in their answer, expressly denied any thought of in-
dependence ; they assured the governor, that he might be tranquil
with respect to his safety ; and, finally, that as to the disturbances,
they deplored them sincerely, but could do nothing to remedy them,
since their cause was in the acts of parliament.

The two provinces of Connecticut and Rhode Island were in-
habited by men naturally the zealots of liberty ; and, not having the
restraint of a royal governor, as by their charters they had the priv-
ilege of electing their own, they had long since provided themselves
with men, arms, and munitions. These measures of safety were the

262 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V

more essential, as the vicinity of the Enghsh troops of Boston alarm-
ed their suspicions ; and they saw enemy vessels continually upon
the coasts, employed in carrying off provisions^ iiot only for their
own use, but also for that of the garrison besieged in that city. Be-
sides this, captain Wallace, command -iig a ship of the king, with
some other armed vessels, greatly harassed their commerce, captur-
ing daily merchant vessels belonging to one or other of these prcn-
inces. At length, he made a furious attack upon the town ol
Bristol. The houses, the stores, the churches, suffered excessively
from the fire of iiis artillery ; which continued till the inhabitants, at
evening, consented to supply with fresh meat this man without pity.
But these hostiUties committed by the vessels of the king against a
defenseless town, did but increase the already too violent disgusts
of the Americans, who complained of them with much asperity, in
a multitude of writings, both public and private.

But Wallace was not of a character to allow himself lightly to be
diverted from his resolutions ; and perhaps he was also spurred on
by necessity. The blame should not be mputed to him, but to those
ministers who by their rigorous counsels had provoked the war, with-
out having prepared the requisite means to sustain it ; consequently,
as it was impossible to fight in the open field, to conquer, it became
necessary to pillage, in order to live. Captain Wallace, therefore,
employed himself with great activity, in ravaging, by his piracies,
the coasts of Connecticut and Rhode Island. The army of Massa-
chusetts sent to the succor of the Rhode Islanders a detachment of
soldiers, under tiie command of general Lee. This man, of a violent
character, and little accustomed to respect the laws and public order,
when it was in question to favor the American revolution, immediate-
ly compelled tlie people he came to defend, to bind themselves, by
the most terrible oaths, to break off all communication with the in-
struments of ministerial tyranny, vulgarly called, said the words of
the oath, the troops and fleets of the king ; not to lend them any
assistance whatever ; to denounce traitors before the public authori-
ties ; and to take arms for the defense of American liberty, as often
as it should be required of them by the general congress, or the
provmcial magistrates. The congress disapproved this conduct of
general Lee ; at which he gave himself little concern. He declared
it pusillanimous to respect the civil laws, in the midst of arms ; and,
in times of revolution, he considered all means legitimate, by which
he might attain his ends ; a manner of acting, which, if it conducts
one revolution to its object, leaves, and even prepares, as experience
demonstrates, all the elements of another to follow it

The assembly of Rhode Island decreed, that those of the mhaiv

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 263

itants of the colony who should hold intelligence with the British
ministers or with their agents, or should supply the armies or fleets
with arms or military or naval stores, or should serve as pilots to the
English ships, should incur the pain of death, and the confiscation
of their lands and effects. They pronounced the confiscation of the
estates of some individuals, whom they declared enemies to the
liberties of America. They emitted the sum of twenty thousand
pounds sterling, in bills of credit. These measures, and the pres-
ence of general Lee, secured the tranquillity of Rhode Island.

Governor Wentworth still continued in New Hampshire ; but,
little by little, the patriots acquired the superiority, and his authority
declined in proportion . Fearing, at length, some vexatious accident,
he withdrew into the castle denominated William and Mary.

The popular administrations had also succeeded the ancient au-
thorities, in Georgia. The partisans of the king were, however, the
prevailing number ; and the general congress had sent thither, by
w-ay of precaution, a battalion armed at the expense of the Union.
But, before it had reached its destination, a very sanguinary action
had happened in the city of Savannah, between the patriots, who
occupied the fort, and the royal troops, who assaulted and retook it.
The capitulation was observed, and the vanquished had not to com-
plain of any cruelty. The patriots were, however, predominant in
the rest of the province ; and gallantly prepared themselves to re-
capture, by storm, the citadel of Savannah. They were better
armed, and more united, than their enemies, who were unprovided
with munitions, and found themselves dispersed in different places.

Thus ceased, as we have related, the royal authority in the differ-
ent provinces. It was replaced, progressively, by that of the peo-
ple ; that is, by the congresses or conventions extraordinary, that
were formed in each colony. But this was deemed insufficient, by
those who directed the affairs of America. Their real object being
independence, and the present state of things, as irregular and pre-
carious by its very nature, leaving a way open of arrangement with
EnofJand, and of return to the ancient connection and dependence,
they desired that such a system should be established in each prov-
ince as should have the appearance of a permanent constitution,
in order to satisfy the world that the Americans were capable of
governing themselves by their own laws. But the chiefs of the pop-
ular party had m.any difficulties to surmount in the execution of
this design, notwithstanding the ardor whicn manifested itself in all
parts to second their operations. The greater number approved
resistance, but were opposed to independence, or at least shuddered
at the idea of openly asserting it For this reason, those who had

264 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK T.

the supreme direction of affairs, fearful of injuring their cnuse by
too much precipitation, resolved to proceed with extreme circum-
spection ; and marched up to their object, always protesting that
their efforts were aimed in quite another direction.

It was highly important to commence the execution of this plan,
with the provinces which discovered the greatest aversion towards
England. It was hoped, that when it should be accomplished in
one or more, the others would soon imitate the example. No prov-
ince appeared more suitable to give it than that of Massachusetts.
The provincial congress of this colony issued circulars, for the elec-
tion of representatives, authorized to constitute the form of govern-
ment. Two hundred delegates assembled at Watertown, and adopt-
ing the sncient forms of the British constitution, resolved themselves
into an ordinary assembly, or house of representatives, and assumed
all the authority attributed by the ancient statutes to these assemblies.
They afterwards established a permanent council, to assist the gov-
ernor in his deliberations. Thus the royal a\ithority was converted
at first into tumultuary popular authority, and at length into regular
popular authority. All these operations were performed, as they
said, not with any view to independence, but in order to induce the
English to consent to a just and honorable aiTangement. One of
the first acts of this house was to raise the sum of thirty thousand
pounds sterhng, by meems of a tax ; w^hich excited a dudgeon the
more intense, as the people had persuaded themselves that since
they were in insurrection to avoid paying taxes to England, they
ought at least to be excused from paying any to their own govern-
ment. But the other colonies discovered gi-oat bp.ckwardness to
follow the route marked out by Massachusetts ; either because its
views appeared too manifestly aimed at independence, or that, be-
ing placed in peculiar circumstances, the other colonies, diflerently
situated, did not think proper to tread in its steps. But the Amer-
ican chiefs, far from being discouraged, resolved to employ the
authority of the general congress. They procured from New
Hampshire new instructions to the delegates of that province, re-
quiring them to take the sense of congress respecting the mode of
administering justice, and the internal government of the colony.
This discussion excited violent debates ; many members perceived
the scope of it but too distinctly. The patriots, however, aided l)y
circumstances, and their own intrepidity, at length prevailed. It
was decided, that the provincial convention of New Hampshire
should be invited to convene representatives of the people, from al!
the towns, that they might take such measures, and pass such laws,
as they should judge best calculated to secure peace and order \\\

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 265

the province, during the present contest. But the provincial con-
vention, either from impatience, or in order to inspire greater interest,
by a demonstration of glowing zeal, had anticipated the resolution,
and the circulars for the election of representatives were already
expedited. They assembled at Exeter, took the name and char-
acter of the house of representatives, and established the usual
council.

The example of Massachusetts and New Hampshire appeared
still not sufRcient to decide the other provinces to take the same
resolutions. The inhabitants of the other colonies were not exempt
from jealousy towards those of Nev/ England. It was therefore de-
sirable that the plan proposed should be executed in some one of
the central provinces. For this purpose Virginia was the best
adapted, as well on account of its extent and power, as by reason
of the political shocks it had recently experienced, since lord Dun-
more, by the proclamation of martial law, had caused the entire
cessation, in that province, of all civil authority on the part of Eng-
land. The general congress, therefore, made, with respect to Vir-
ginia, the same resolutions as in the case of New Hampshire.

Among the members to whom this business was referred, Samuel
Adams merits to be remarked, who labored in it with distinguished
ardor, and appeared to esteem its success a personal triumph.

At this epoch, it was learned by the news from England, that the
government had disdained to make answer to the petitions of con-
gress, addressed to the king, and transmitted by Penn, the late
governor of Pennsylvania. It was understood further, that none of
the ministers had condescended to ask him any questions relative to
the affairs of America. This was an unequivocal proof of their ob-
stinacy, and irrevocable resolutions. The animosity of the colonists
became, in consequence, more violent, and the enterprise of the
authors of independence infinitely more easy. They declared, in
all ])Iaces, that nothing could be hoped for any longer from the
English governm.ent ; and that the only way of safety which re-
mained, was to display formidable forces, to shake off an odivin
yoke, and learn to walk without leadingst rings.

This discourse had no success with the general assembly of Phila-
delphia, who, though inferior to none in theii zeal for resi^^ting the
extraordinary laws of parliament, would hear no mention of inde-
pendence. They manifested their discontent, by enjoining it upon
their deputies to the general congress, to oppose every proposition
that should tend towards a separation from the parent state, or any
chano-e in the form of government. In the midst of such con: ict-
ino- efforts, America moved onward to independence.

Ìi66 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V.

But 11 IS time to return to the war that was carried on under the
walls of Boston. The Americans had to contend witli two capital
difficulties ; the one was the want of powder, which still continued,
notwithstanding all the efforts used to procure a sufficient supj)Iy ;
the other was the approaching expiration of the term for which the
soldiers were enlistetl. Either persuaded that the war would be of
short duration, or jealous of standing armies, the colonists had en-
gaged their troops but for one year. They were therefore in dan-
ger ol seeing the whole army disbanded, at the conclusion of the
presen year, and the siege thus raised in a day. To remedy, in the
first place, the scarcity of powder, as their country could not furnish
it in sufficient quantity, they determined to exert all their efforts to
procure it from foreigners. Several fast-sailing vessels were sent to
the coast of Guinea, whence they brought home immense quantities,
having purchased it of the European ships employed in that trade.
The Philadelphians, knowing the favorable dispositions of the inhab-
itants of the Bermudas, and their great want of provisions, dispatched
thither a large brig, and the Carolinians a corvette, which brought
away about one hundred and ten casks of powder. The assembly of
Massachusetts prohibited the consumption of it in firing at game, or
in rejoicings. Then only began to be less felt the defect of this first
instrument of war. It remained to obviate the inconveniences of
the expiration of the soldiers' term of service.; the congress sent a
deputation to the camp, in order to concert with general Washington
the most efficacious means to prevent the dissolution of the army.
The deputies were all men of distinguished sagacity ; and, among
the most conspicuous for authority and reputation, was doctor Ben-
jamin Franklin. They managed this negotiation with such address,
that almost all the troops consented, but not without extreme diffi-
culty, to continue in the pay of the Union.

The congress ordained, besides, that the besieging army should
amount to the number of more than twenty thousand men ; and that
each colony should levy battalions, at the expense of the continent.

About this time. Dr. Church, first physician of the army, was de-
clared traitor. He kept up a secret correspondence within Boston.
Being detected, he was brought before the house of representatives,
w hereof he was a member. He did not deny, but said he had only
acted for the good of the country. Unable to prove it, he was ex-
pelled the assembly. Some persons pretended that this whole affair
was but ar. artifice The congress decreed that the accused should
be confined in the prisons of Connecticut.

General Gage returned to England, having been recalled by the
king. His conduct had not answered the expectation of the goven, -

BOOK V. THE AMEKICAN WAR. 267

ment ; he had employed the ways of mildness, when he should have
displayed force ; and violence, when persuasion would have sufficed.
He arrived in America, accompanied with general affection ; he left
it abhorred ; perhaps less through his own fault than that of the
ministers, who, in place of rigorous decrees, should have sent pow-
erful armies ; or, instead of armies, conciliatory conditions, conso-
nant with the opinions of the Americans. But men commonly know
neither how to exert all their force, nor to surmount the shame of
descending to an accommodation ; hence delays, hesitations and half
measures so often prove the ruin of enterprises. William Howe, a
commander much esteemed for his talents, and distinguished for his
birth, succeeded general Gage.

Washington found himself, at that time, surrounded with many
and serious difficulties ; they proceeded from the organization of his
army ; and increased, every day, in proportion as the first ardor of
his troops abated. Every hour it became more evident, that the suc-
cess of wars resides not in popular impulses, but in good arms, dis-
cipline, and obedience ; things the American camp was far from of-
fering ; and especially the last two. One principal vice was this ;
the greater part of these troops not having been raised by authority
of congress, but by that of the provincial assemblies, their organiza-
tion, instead of being uniform, presented an excessive variety in the
formation, equipment, rank, pay, discipline, and, generally, in all
that relates to military service. It is easy to conceive how much it
must have suffi^red from such a disparity. Washington had placed
great dependence upon the troops of Massachusetts, not only as they
were the most numerous, but also as he believed them animated with
that zeal which distinguished their province, and therefore qualified
to undertake and support whatever might contribute to the success
of the war. The general was much deceived in his expectation
The soldiers of Massachusetts, guided by the enthusiasm of liberty,
had themselves elected their own officers, — a thing incompatible with
discipline ; these officers not being respected, they exacted obedience
in vain. It must be admitted, moreover, that some of them de-
graded themselves by a rapacity which fell indiscriminately upon pri-
vate as well as public property. They clamored liberty, in order to
be able, without restraint, to satiate their incredible avarice. The
state of affliction in which their country was plunged, far from touch-
ins them with compassion or concern, seemed rather to increase in
them their infamous propensity for pillage. This disastrous scourge
has at all times been one of the first resuRs of pohtical revolutions.
The most depraved, the most profligate men, while they profess the
most ardent love for the pubUc good, are even those who, under this

268 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V.

veil, abandon themselves without shame to the thirst of rapine that
consumes them. In this disorder, the voice of good citizens is not
heard, because the wicked are the loudest in their protestations of the
same zeal ; and the wicked cannot be repressed, because their services
are wanted. Another vice of the American army was that eacii col-
ony, and not the general congress, paid, clothed, and victualed its
own troops ; which resulted in a confusion extremely prejudicial to
good order and discipline. As yet it had not been thought of, or per-
haps, in the midst of so many different interests, it had not been pos-
sible to create a commissary or intendant-general, having charge of
all these details of administration. The disorder was greater still
Some American generals, dissatisfied with the promotions made by
congresSj had retired disdainfully to their homes. Maladies, also,
had found their way into the camp, and especially the dysentery, a
pest so fatal to armies. The close of autumn already had rendered
the cold very sensible ; the soldiers suffered severely, from want of
barracks. The congress, however, had not neglected tiiis point ; but
the contractors, after having received the necessary funds, furnished
nothing ; and, according to their customs, exclaimed every where
that they were not paid. Thus all the wrongs appeared to rebo'.md
upon the government ; so industrious is this race of men in creating
confusion, in order to veil their juggling operations ! Nevertheless,
Washington, by his prudence and by his authority, provided for all
wants. If he acquired an imperishable glory, in having conducted
the present war to a happy conclusion, praises not inferior are as-
suredly due him for having kept together an army composed of so
many different elements, and beset by so many afflicting wants.
The latter success is not less honorable, and perhaps of more difficult
attainment, than victory itself.

The Americans, to whom the spectacle of an army was entirely
new, came from all the environs, and even from remote parts, to be-
hold it. Men and women arrived in throngs at the camp of Boston,
and demonstrated a lively satisfaction at the martial air of their fel-
low citizens. The soldiers felt their courage revive, and the inhabit-
ants their hopes. The Indians themselves were attracted. Distrustful
and incredulous by nature, they wished to ascertain with their own
eyes the truth of what they had heard related. They were received
with particular civility. In order to amuse the Americans, or to
create a high opinion of their strength and address, they gave fre-
quent representations of feasts and combats, after their mode. The
mutual expressions of benevolence, the familiarity that ensued, and
the i)resence of the numerous battalions of the Americans, which
held the British troops locked up within the walls of a city, made

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 269

such an impression upon the Indians, that, notwithstanding all the
seductions and all the importunities of the English, they generally
testified a great repugnance to follow their banners. The colonists
observed these sentiments with no little satisfaction.

Although no action of moment was engaged about Boston, yet
warm skirmishes happened frequently, in which the Americans
acquired new intrepidity and love of glory. Washington ardently
desired that his troops should often encounter the enemy, in these
miniature battles, that their energy might not languish from inaction,
and that they might become familiar with the din of arms, and the
face of the enemy.

INIeanwhile, the distress in which the garrison of Boston found
itself, increased from day to day. The supplies procured by the
English vessels, in their excursions upon the neighboring coasts, were
altogether inadequate to the exigencies of a necessity so extreme.
The inhabitants had removed their grain and cattle to inland places ;
and what remained they resolutely defended with arms. Nor could
the English have much hope of drawing provisions from the adjacent
islands, or from other parts of the American continent, still subject
to the king, since they were themselves in want. This scarcity was
produced by a decree of congress, which prohibited all exportation
of provisions or merchandise from the colonies towards Canada,
Nova Scotia, the island of St. John, Newfoundland, and the two
Floridas, as well as to the places where the English carried on their
fisheries. It often happened, that the parties landed by the latter, to
forage upon the coasts of Massachusetts, were attacked and repulsed
by the provincials. The English marine had orders to treat as
enemies the places that should resist the authority of the king. Not
c(mtent with resisting, the inhabitants of Falmouth, a flourishing
maritime town of Massachusetts, had molested a ship laden with
the effects of some loyaUsts. The Enghsh bombarded it, and also
landed a detachment which reduced it to ashes.

The destruction of Falmouth provoked a very energetic resolution
on the par*, of the assembly of Massachusetts. A short time before,
they had ordained the armament of several ships, for the protection
of the coasts. Then, exercising sovereign power, they decreed that
letters of mark and reprisal should be granted ; and that courts of
admiralty should be created, to judge of the validity of prizes.
They declared, moreover, that their intention was merely to defend
their coasts ; and that no vessels were to be seized, but such only
as should be laden with provisions for the soldiers who made war
against the Americans.

Not long after, the general congress itself, perceiving the neces-

270 THE AMERICAN WAR BOOK V.

sity of intercepting the English navigation, and of protecting the
coasts of the continent, and also observing the success of the cruis-
ers of Massachusetts, decreed that a fleet of five ships of thirty-two
guns, five others of twenty-eight, and three of twenty-four, should
be constructed and armed ; one in New Hamjishire, two in Massa-
chusetts, one in Connecticut, two in Rhode Island, two in New
York, four in Pennsylvania, and one in Maryland. The command
of this squadron was given to commodore Hopkins.

The congress appeared to hesitate as to granting letters of mark
and reprisal. They decided, however, for a measure, which, though
in name less hostile, yet in reality produced the same effects. They
authorized their ships to capture all those which should attempt to
lend assistance to the enemy, in any mode whatsoever. They also
created courts of admiralty.

Thus, little by little, they drew into their hands the entire sove-
reign authority. The Americans made incredible dispatch in equip-
ping their ships ; they soon swarmed in the neighboring seas, and
took from the English an immense number of prizes, who, little sus-
pecting so bold a sally, saw themselves, with confusion, surprised
upon an element, of which, until then, they had with reason consid-
ered themselves the absolute masters. The activity of this new
marine was no less beneficial to the Americans, than fatal to their
enemies. The British government, informed of the distress to
Vv^hich the garrison of Boston was reduced, had embarked, at a pro-
digious expense, an immense quantity of oxen, and all sorts of live
cattle, of salt meat and of vegetables, to victual a place of such im-
portance with all expedition.

Contrary winds, in the first place, retarded the transports at sea,
beyond the expected term ; the cattle died, the vegetables perished.
The residue at length arriving upon the coast of America, became
almost entirely the prey of the American ships, and that often under
the very eyes of the British commanders, who, either becalmed or
opposed by the winds, were unable to succor them. At Boston,
wood was totally wanting; the government, in order to remedy this
deficiency, had embarked in this convoy a large quantity of coal.
The greater part fell into the power of the Americans ; thus, the
garrison, and even the inhabitants of Boston, in the midst of the
most riijorous season, found themselves absolutely destitute of fuel
Nor did fortune show herself only propitious to the Americans in
their eflTorts to intercept the means of subsistence, which had been
sent from England for the garrison ; she delivered also into their
hands the arms and munitions of war, of which they were themselves
•n the most urgent need.

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 271

Pressed by a necessity continually increasing, general Howe had
already sent out of Boston, and caused to be transported tc> the
neighboring shores, more than seven hundred useless mouths. It
was said at the time, that among those individuals were found several
diseased with the smallpox. If the fact be true, at least it cannot
be thought to have been the result of an odious design to infect the
American camp ; the mind of general Howe being certainly alto-
gether incapable of such an atrocity. It is true, however, that many
Americans both credited and published it. The assembly of Mas-
sachusetts, either believing these rumors, or wishing them believed,
decreed all the precautions usual in similar cases. Meanwhile, in
order to procure fuel, general Howe was constrained to demolish
several houses in Boston ; for the light vessels of the Americans
cruised so actively along the coasts, that all hope of procuring
either wood or coal from the neighboring towns had vanished.

Meanwhile, the house of representatives of Massachusetts cre-
ated fifty thousand pounds sterhng in bills of credit, and knowing
how naturally men allow themselves to be guided by words and im-
ages, they caused the bills to be decorated with great care. Their
emblem was an American, holding in the right hand a sword, around
which were inscribed these Latin words, ' Ense petit placidam sub
libertatc quietem.' With the left, he supported the motto, ' Mag-
na Chorta,' and at the foot, ' Made in defense of American liber-
ty.'' The House also ordered, that the army should be supplied Avith
fuel. But it seemed that they did these things with a certain reluc-
tance, and very ill grace ; impatience or avarice had sensibly chilled
the zeal of these patriots, of late so ardent. General Lee, accus-
tomed to express himself without any sort of reserve, was not spar-
ing of censures towards them ; he openly called them narrow and
pusillanimous souls, who, apprehensiveof losing popular favor, want-
ed courage to take a vigorous resolution, or to strike a decisive blow.
The congress, meanwhile, decreed, that by virtue of the law of re-
taliation, any harsh treatment which should be inflicted upon those
among the Americans who might fall into the power of the enemy,
should be revisited upon ihose partisans of ministerial oppression,
whom the fortune of war might place in their hands. This question
of the reciprocal treatment of prisoners of war, had given birth to
violent debates between the one party and the other. We have let-
ters written upon this subject, in a very animated style, to each other,
by generals Gage and Washington. Though it is probable that
the wrongs might have been mutually exaggerated, it is certain that
the laws of war were not observed towards the prisoners, and that
much inhumanity was manifested in the proceedings against them.

'272 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V.

Can it excite our astonishment? Are not these the ordinary fruits
of civil war ?

Such was, about the close of the year 1775, the pohticai and
military situation of the province of Massachusetts, and such the
events which took place under the walls and in the vicinity of Bos-
ton. Those who occupied tiiis city were afraid to venture out,
and every day experienced a more afflicting dearth of provisions
and firing ; while those without made no attempt to attack them,
believing themselves secure of an eventual triumph by simple per-
severance.

But tho most important expedition of all this year was incompar-
ably the invasion of Canada, by the American troops. The congress
had reflected, that it was not, assuredly, without views of great inter-
est, that the ministry had sent, for governor in this province, general
Carle ton, a man of resolute character, vast genius, and briUiant name
for military achievements. He was invested, as we have seen, with
such extensive powers as no governor before him had ever offered
example of. It was known that he exerted all his efforts to stir the
Canadians and Indians, and stimulate them to arms against the colo-
nies. Though, at the commencement, he had found great repug-
nance among the first, it was to be feared that, by employing ad-
dress and authority, he might succeed, at length, in drawing them to
his standard. The dispositions of the people of Canada were not
unknown ; always French at heart, and even somewhat fickle. It
was known, also, that they cherished a sullen discontent on account
of the act of Quebec ; which, though favorable to their religion, re-
placed them, however, in their ancient dependence towards the no-
bles, whom they detested. It was therefore essential to take advan-
tage of their present sentiments, before Carleton should have gained
them. It was hoped that when the Americans siiould have pene-
trated into Canada, the inhabitai.is would not hesitate to espouse
their cause, excited on the one haTid by their hatred towards the no-
l ility, and re-assured on the other by the moderation which the colo-
nists had generally manifested in matters touching religion. The
province of Canada was, besides, unfurnished with troops of the
!ine ; they had all been called to Boston. Moreover, the congress
had been infDrmed, that in the following spring the government was
to make a grand effort in this province ; that numerous forces, arms,
and munitions, would be poured into it, in order to attack the colo-
nies in the back ; an operation, which, if not seasonably prevented,
might have fatal consequences. The colonists, assailed at the saine
time in front and rear, could not have expected to resist.

The design of an expedition to Canada was also encouraged by

BOOK V. THE AMEKICAN WAR. 273

the happy success of the enterprise of Ticonderoga, and of Crown
Point, which had opened for the Americans the gates of this prov •
ince. Occasion could never be more propitious ; the Enghsh troops,
shut up m Boston, and occupied with their own defense, were in no
situation to carry succors into a part so remote from the provinces
of the confederation. But it was to be feared, that longer delays
would afford time for the British ministry to make the necessary prep-
arations to overpower the colonies by a single effort, and reduce
them to their former dependence. Here, also, another essential con-
sideration presented itself. In the origin of popular movements, the
chiefs should endeavor to achieve some brilliant enterprise, in order
to maintain the excitement of minds, otherwise they run the risk of
seeing the sudden extinction of the enthusiasm they have kindled ;
and the epoch of the return of order is always that of the downfall
of agitators. In perilous enterprises, attempted by insurgent peo-
ple, hope and fear are created and annihilated with equal prompt-
ness. The more just they believe their cause, the more strenuously
they defend it ; and they incline to believe it just, as it proves suc-
cessful. According to all these considerations, the expedition of
Canada was decided. Prudent men, however, could not shut their
eyes upon the numerous difficulties it presented. This was no long-
er an adhering to the defensive, but, on the contrary, a proceeding
the most offensive, against a prince to whom fidelity was still pro-
tested, even carrying arms into one of his provinces, which had in
no shape demanded the succors it was pretended to offer it. This
was not merely exciting the peaceable and uncomplaining subjects
to revolt against their lawful sovereign, but also violently occupying
their country, and dragging them by force into sedition.

Was it not to be feared, that an enterprise so audacious would dis-
cover too openly the intentions of the general congress ; and that,
then, those of the colonists who combated with sincerity to obtain the
revocation of the oppressive laws, at the same time abhorring the idea
of a total separation, and even desiring to resume their former rela-
tions with Great Britain, would immediately abandon a cause which
w^ould no longer be theirs ? Many members of congress were not
without apprehension of losing, by the execution of this design, the
favor which a great number of the inhabitants of England, and ma-
ny members of parliament, had hitherto manifested towards the Amer-
ican cause. From offended subjects, should the colonists become
dangerous enemies? from oppressed inhabitants, oppressive soldiers?
from citizens alarmed at the shadow of tyranny, the insatiable inva-
ders of a peaceable province ? Prudence would also suggest, that the
fear of seeing pillaged or destroyed the effects and the merchandise

VOL. I. 18

274 THE AMERICAN WAR

BOOK V.

belonging to England, at this time largely accumulated in Canada,
and especially in the city of Quebec, could not fail to alienate the
minds of all the parties interested. But it was said, on the opposite
side, that, since arms had now been taken up, and the first blood
already effused, to persist in a strictly defensive war was to allow
the enemy a manifest advantage, who had not the same scruples ;
that, seeing hostilities were commenced, it was essential to prosecute
them with all possible vigor ; and that certainly a more sensible
blow could not be struck at the enemy, than this of assaulting him
in his weakest part.

'Does any one imagine,' said the partisans of this system, ' that
England is about to perplex herself with this distinction of opera-
tions defensive and operations offensive ? Her hand will visit ven-
geance upon us, wherever it can reach us. With arms alone, and
used too with vigor and gallantry, not by timorous counsels, can we
hope to avert the impending tempest of perdition. The enterprise
proposed offers all the probabilities of success ; when we shall have
obtained it, those who still hesitate, even those perhaps who blame,
will have vanquished all their doubts. In whatever man undertakes,
there is always a grain of uncertainty, a particle of danger ; but
generous minds are not to flinch at this. The ancient adage should
not be forgotten, — He that acts not when he can, acts not when he
would.

' Let us be persuaded, finally, that the eloquent orators of the
two houses of parliament, either from love of liberty, as they pre-
tend, or at least from ambition and from the desire to thwart the
ministers, will not abstain from defending, and even extolling, our
cause, when we shall have done much more than attack the prov-
ince of Canada.'

The resolution having been carried in favor of the expedition,
the congress were not tardy in taking all the measures proper to se-
cure its success. T'.rt-e thousand soldiers, partly inhabitants of New
England and partly of New York, were selected for the enterprise.
They were commanded by the two brigadier-generals, Wooster and
Montgomery, under the dncction of major-general Schuyler ; these
three officers enjoyed the public confidence unUmited. As, in order
to reach the heart of Canada, it was requisite to traverse lake Cham-
plain, the river Sorel, and the river St. Lawrence, so broad and deep
under the walls of Quebec, orders had been given to construct rafts
at Ticonderoga and at Crown Poin* in order to convey the troops
wherever it might be thought necessary. The country into which it
was purposed to enter not making a part of the American Union, and
governing itself by its own laws, it could not be hoped that its inhabit-

P.OOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 2T5

ants would receive the bills of credit which were curient in the colo-
nies ; and, on the other hand, the idea was insupportable, that the sol-
diers should live at discretion, in a country it was desired to gain and
conciliate. Consequently, the congress made an effort to glean
together the sum of fifty thousand dollars in specie. Tt was also pru-
dent, to avoid being taken in rear, to secure the friendship of the In-
dians that inhabited the banks of the Mohawk, which empties mto the
Hudson river, a little above Albany. For the same reason, general
Schuyler had remained in that city, in order to cultivate a good undei -
standing with those tribes, with whom he possessed a powerful in-
fluence. General Montgomery had already repaired to Crown Point,
with a part of the army, and was expecting the arrival of the residue.
Governor Carleton, who was much on his guard, seeing himself men-
aced by a superior force, reflected, that if he could defend against
the Americans the entrance of the river Sorel, it would be impossible
for them to penetrate into Canada. He accordingly caused to be
constructed and armed a large brig, with some vessels of less force,
and intended to station them at the outlet of the lake into the Sorel ;
hoping thus, and with reason, to interdict the passage, with effect, to
the Americans. General Montgomery was informed of it ; and per-
ceiving all the importance of this project of Carleton, determined to
prevent it, by moving rapidly, with the few troops he had, towards
the Sorel. Upon his arrival there, he proceeded to occupy lie aux
Noix, a little island, situated upon the entrance of the river, near
the lake. In the meantime^ general Schuyler arrived from Albany,
after having left the necessary orders for marching the troops of the
expedition to He aux Noix. Here the two generals, having met, ad-
dressed a proclamation to the Canadians, exhorting them to join the
Americans, in order to defend their liberties. They declared they
entered their country not as enemies, but as friends and protectors,
coming only to combat against the British garrisons. Then, in order
to unite force with demonstrations, they determined to approach fort
St. John, which, situated upon the left bank of the Sorel, commands
it entirely, and closes the passage towards the river St. Lawrence
The Americans mo\ned, therefore, but without artillery, towards St.
John, and landed at a mile and a half distant from the fort, in a
marsh, through which they marched in good order, with a view to
reconnoiter the place. In their progress, they had to sustain a furi-
ous attack on the part of the Indians, who attempted to oppose their
fording a river. Having repulsed them, they, in the course of the
nightj'established themselves in sight of the fort, and began to throw
up works ; but having learned that the fort was in a respectable state
of defense, and not hoping to carry it so promptly, they returned,

27G THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V.

the Jay following, to lie aux Noix, where they resolved to wait for
le-inforcenients and artillery. Meanwhile, to interrupt the commu-
nication for the ships of governor Carleton from fort St. John with
the lake, they obstructed the channel of the river, liere very narrow,
with a chevaux-de-frise.

General Schuyler had returned to Albany, in order to terminate
the treaty with the Indians, and to accelerate the arrival of succors
at He aux Noix. But affairs, and a severe malady, detained him in
tiià!; city • and thus the entire conduct of the Canadian expedition
passed into the hands of general Montgomery, an officer endowed
with all the capacity desirable. He endeavored, in the first place,
to detach the Indians from the party of the English, and to engage
them to remain neuter ; he succeeded in this point, without much
difficulty. Then, after the arrival of his re-inforcements and artil-
lery, he undertook the siege of fort St. John. The garrison consist-
ed in five or six hundred regular soldiers, witli two hundred Canadi-
ans, under the command of major Preston ; but the army of Canada,
as well as all the others of the confederation, wanted powder and
cannon balls, and therefore the siege made I'Atle progress. The de-
fect of disciphne among the provincial troops created a difficulty no
less alarming. Montgomery opposed it with patience, with prom-
ises, with menaces, and especially with his magnanimity, and the au-
thority of his person, which was very great among all. Fortune soon
offiired him the means of remedying the deficiency of ammunition.
A little below fort St. John, and upon the same river, is situated
another small fort, called Chambly. The English, believing the ene-
my could not arrive there, before capturing fort St. John, had neg-
lected to arm it. The American general turned his attention to
this quarter. He put in motion a strong detachment, composed of
colonists and Canadians, under the command of majors Brown and
Livingstone. They appeared unexpectedly before the fort, and took
possession of it. The garrison, a mere handful, were made prison-
ers. A few pieces of cannon, with an hundred and tv/enty-four bar-
rels of powder, were thus obtained. The colors conquered from the
English were solenmly sent to congress. The Americans, now pro-
vided with the necessary munitions, pressed with vigor the siege of
St. John. They established a battery, at two and fifty paces from
the fort.

Several detachments of Americans scoured the country between
the river Sorel and that of St. Lawrence. They were received with
great demonstrations of joy by the Canadians, who came in throngs
to join them, bringing arms, ammunition, and provisions. Their
spirit increased witli their number. Colonel Allen and major Brown,

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 277

both officers of real talent, concerted the project of surprising the
city of Montreal; the capital of Upper Canada, and situated in an
island formed b-y two branches of the St. Lawrence. Colonel
Allen, having reached Longueville, found boats, and crossed the
river, during the night, below Montreal. Major Brown was to have
passed over at the same time ; but, not having been able to effect it,
the first division found itself in a critical position. Governor Carle-
ton, who was then at Montreal, having discovered the weakness of
colonel Allen, and knowing how to make his profit of occasion,
marched out to meet him, with a few hundred men, among English,
Canadians, and savages. A fierce action ensued, and the Americans
defended themselves with bravery ; but, overpowered at length by
numbers, having lost many of his men, and abandoned by the oth-
ers, especially by the Canadians, colonel Allen was forced to sur-
render. The governor would not observe towards him the laws of
war ; but caused him to be loaded with irons, and sent him to
England.

Flushed with this success, he resolved, by a vigorous effort, to
raise the siege of fort St. John. He assembled what regular troops
he had, and a considerable number of Canadians and Indians ; but
still not believing his means sufficient, he departed from Montreal,
in order to join colonel JMaclean, who, with the Scotch regiment of
Royal Highlanders, occupied the mouth of the Sorel, near its con-
fluence with the St. Lawrence. He hoped, with these forces united,
to be in a situation to attack general Montgomery, and compel him
to raise the siege. But fortune was not favorable to his design.
The American general, foreseeing that a man so active as governor
Carleton would assuredly not remain idle, had taken care to scour
continually, with numerous detachments, the eastern bank of the
right branch of the St. Lawrence.

The Enghsh, having completed their preparations, entered their
boats, to pass the river, and land the opposite side, at Longueville.
The American colonel Warner, having perceived their design, plant-
ed artillery on the bank of the river, and stood ready to repulse the
enemy with musketry. He suffered the boats of the governor to
approach ; and, when they were within reach, pcured into them sev-
eral discharges of grape-shot. The English, surprised at this unex-
pected reception, retired in the greatest disorder, and relanded upon
the other bank of the river, at xMontreal. Colonel Maclean, inform-
ed of the check at Longueville, fell back upon Quebec, abandoning
to the Americans the n^outh of the Sorel.

Meanwhile, the siege of fort St. John was pushed with greater
ardor. General Montgomery had alreadv approached with his

278 THE AMEraCAX WAR. BOOK 7.

trenches to the foot of the w all, and was preparing to give the
assault. But the besieged defended themselves valiantly, and ap-
peared resolved to hold out to the last, notwithstanding their pro-
visions were nearly exhausted. At length, the American general,
having received the news of the governor's defeat, sent into the
place a flag, accompanied by one of the prisoners of colonel War-
ner. In the letter he addressed to major Preston, informing him of
this event, he exhorted him not to persist in an obstinate defense,
the only result of which would be an useless effusion of blood.
Preston at first hesitated, and demanded an armistice of some days.
But the American could not consent to consume tinie unprofitably ;
the season being already much advanced. The Englishman was
consequently compelled to surrender, the 3d of November, after a
siege of six weeks. He obtained the honors of war, and guaranty
of persons and property. The prisoners were conducted by the way
of Ticonderoga, into the colonies that were deemed the most prop-
er. Thus fell into the power of the Americans the fortress of St.
John, which, since the loss of Ticonderoga and of Crown Point, was
justly considered as the key of Canada. They found in it seven-
teen pieces of brass cannon, twenty-two of iron, seven mortars,
with a considerable quantity of balls and bombs, and of naval stores ;
the munitions of war and provisions had been almost entirely con-
sumed.

Masters of this important place, the Americans hastened to occu-
py the mouth of the Sorel, and the point of land which this river
forms in its junction with the St. Lawrence. This operation was of
the utmost interest, in order to prevent the armed vessels, which the
governor had assembled at Montreal, from descending the river, and
escaping at Quebec. It was hoped, besides, that the governor him-
self might have to surrender ; he being then at Montreal, an open
city, and incapable of any defense. Accordingly, the provincials
erected batteries upon this point ; and, as the river is here very
wide, they constructed, with extreme activity, a number of rafts and
floating batteries ; and thus not only prevented the governor from
descending the river, but even compelled him, by a furious attack,
to retire towards Montreal. All this squadron, and the governor in
person, had a very narrow escape.

General Montgomery arrived under the walls of Montreal, the
day after geneial Carleton had joined his ships and left it. The in-
habitants immediately proposed many articles of capitulation ; but
the American general refused to accept them, alledging, that, not
being in a state of defense, they could not make terms. He sum-
moned them, therefore, to surrender at discretion ; but. humane as

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 279

well as brave, and possessed of all the civil virtues that can honor
an individual, he regulated himself for the inhabitants all the condi-
tions they could have wished, promising them, with a writing from
his own hand, that he would protect their persons, their property,
and their religion. In anticipation of their adhesion to the Ameri-
can Union, he added, that he hoped the civil and religious rights of
all the Canadians would be unalterably fixed by the provincial con-
gress, and that the courts of justice would be organized after the
principles of tha English constitution. He subscribed, generally, to
all the propositions that were compatible with the security of his
army, and the success of his ulterior designs. This conduct of gene-
ral Montgomery was dictated not only by his own character, which
was truly noble and generous, but also by his desire to re-assure the
inhabitants of other parts of Canada, and particularly of Quebec, to
the end, that banishing all fear, and putting their confidence in his
fortune and his fidelity, they might espouse the cause of America.
Having thus satisfied the inhabitants of Montreal, he entered the
city, on the 13th of November.

The troops of Montgomery, generally but ill equipped, were
greatly annoyed by the cold of the season, which in that climate
began to be very severe. Especially in their march from St. John
to Montreal, the lands being continually low and marshy, they en-
countered innumerable difficulties, which only an incredible constancy
enabled them to surmount. Arrived at Montreal, some murmurs
began to escape them ; and the greater part of the soldiers, whose
term of service had expired, were inclined to return to their homes ]
but general Montgomery, by his words, by the influence he had over
them, and by a distribution of woollen clothing he had bought in the
city, retained a part of the discontented : the others abandoned the
army, and caused it to experience a diminution the more sensible, as
it was already none too large. But, the more obstacles niultiplied,
the more kindled the elastic genius of the intrepid Montgomery.

The taking of Montreal by the provincials entirely paralyzed the
naval apparatus of the governor. He found himself blockaded, in
the part of the river St. Lawrence which is comprehended between
the city and the mouth of the river Sorel. Below this point, the
passage was interdicted him, by the floating batteries and rafts,
armed with artillery, under the command of colonel Eaton. The
taking of the governor himself appeared inevitable ; which was to be
considered as the decision of the war of Canada, as the pledge of the
conquest of the capital, and of the entire province. Its fate depend-
ed absolutely upon the presence of this ch'ef, whose courage and
prudence presided over all. In a position so perilous, he found the

2S0 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V.

way to escape, and at the very instant when his ruin appeared im-
pending. He threw himself into a boat ; and, having caused the
oars to be muffled, to diminish the noise, he had the good fortune
to pass, favored by the obscurity of the night, through the givard
boats of the enemy, and to arrive sound and safe at Quebec. Gen-
eral Prescot, who, after the departure of the governor, had taken
command of the squadron, was forced to surrender.

With him fell into the power of the provincials many other offi-
cers, several members of the civil administrations of Canada, the vol-
unteers of this province, and a corps of English soldiers; all cf whom
had taken refuge on board the ships, when general Montgomery
was on the eve of arriving at Montreal. Having left a garrison in
Montreal, as also in the forts of St. John and Chambly, to keep open
a communication between Quebec and the colonies, to secure the
submission of the Canadians, and to overawe the Indians, as well as
the garrisons of Detroit and Niagara, he marched towards Quebec,
with a corps of little more than three hundred men, the sole residue
of all the army.

While these events passed in the upper part of Canada, the city
of Quebec was itself menaced, from an unexpected quarter, with a
most imminent peril.

Washington, in his camp near Boston, had conceived an enter-
prise as surprising for its novelty as terrific for the obstacles and
dangers which it presented in the execution ; but if it was hazardous,
it was no less useful. He thought there must exist a way, which,
though unfrequented, and known only by the mountaineers in the
mild season, led from the upper parts of New Hampshire and the
province of Maine, across deserts, marsh-^s, woods, and almost inac-
cessible mountains, into Lower Canada, on the part of Quebec. He
calculated that an attack directed against this point, would produce
the greater effect, as it would be the more unexpected ; for not only
no army was ever known to pass through these rough and dismal
solitudes, but never had human being, until then, even imagined it
was possible. Washington knew, besides, that the city of Quebec
was by no means in a state of defense. His plan coincided perfectly
with that part of the army which was to penetrate into Upper Canada
by way of the lakes and the river Sorel. It was known how insuffi-
cient were the forces of governor Carleton, who, compelled to di-
vide them, could not hope to resist two corps that should attack him
simultaneously, the one towards Montreal, the other towards Que-
bec If he persisted in defending the part contigiious to the first
of these cities, the second fell into the hands of the Americans ; if,
on the contrary, he marched to the succor of Quebec, Montreal
and all the adjacent country could not escape them.

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 281

The command of this adventurous enterpris c was confided to colo-
nel Arnold, a man even more rash than audacious, of a genius fertile
m resources, and of a firmness not to be shaken. There were se-
lected, to follow him, ten companies of fusileers, three of riflemen,
and one of artillery, under the orders of captain Lamb. A few
volunteers joined them, among whom was colonel Burr, who after-
wards became vice-president of the United States. The corps
amounted in all to eleven hundred men. The province of Maine
is traversed by a river called the Kennebec, which takes its source
in the mountains that separate this province from Canada, and, run-
ning from north to south, falls into the sea, not far from Casco bay.
Opposite the sources of the Kennebec, on the other side of the
mountains, rises another river, named the Chaudiere, which goes to
empty itself intc the St. Lawrence, a little above the city of Quebec.
In going from one of these sources to the other, it is necessary to pass
steep mountains, interrupted by frequent torrents and marshes.
No living being is found in all this space. Such is the route colonel
Arnold was to take, in order to arrive at Quebec.

He had received instructions to endeavor to correspond with the
army of Upper Canada, by means of the Indians of St. Francis, who
inhabit the banks of a river of this name, situated between the Chau-
diere and the Sorel. He was also to employ all possible means to
conciliate the friendship of the Canadians, and to inform general
Washington of whatever should happen to him, from day to day.
He carried with him six thousand pounds sterhng, and proclamations
in abundance ; they were used then with the same prodigality that
they have been since.

All the preparations being completed, and the troops appearing
animated with extreme ardor, colonel Arnold departed from the
camp of Boston about the middle of September, and arrived at
Newburyport, situated at the mouth of the Merrimac.

The vessels that waited for him there, conveyed him to the mouth
of the Kennebec. The wind being favorable, he entered the river,
and found two hundred batteaux in preparation, at the town of Gardi-
ner. Having laden them with his arms, ammunition, and provisions,
he thus proceeded up the river to fort Wester, situated upon the right
bank. Here he divided his corps into three detachments ; the first,
composed of riflemen, and commanded by captain Morgan, formed
the vanguard, to explore the country, sound the fords, prepare the
ways, and especially to reconnoiter what the Americans denominate
portages. These portages are places where, the rivers ceasing to bo
navigable, it becomes necessary to carry, by hand or sumpter, all the
lading of the batteaux, and finally the boats themselves, until the

282 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V.

Streams become navigable anew. The second detachment marched
the day following, and the third, the day after that. The current
was rapid, the bed of the river rocky, and often interrupted by falls
and other impediments. It happened at every instant, that the water
entered the batteaux. and damaged or drowned th-e provisions and
ammunition. At every portage, and ihey were encountered contin-
ually, the boats were to be unladen, and transported upon shoulders,
to a navigable place. The way upon land offered difficulties no less
formidable than this of the water. It was necessary to penetrate
through thickest forests, to scale frightful mountains, to wade through
quagmires, and traverse horrible precipices. The soldiers, while
hewing a way through so many obstacles, were forced to carry all
their baggage ; and accordingly they advanced but very slowly.
Provisions began to fail them before they arrived at the sources of the
Kennebec. They found themselves constrained toeat their dogs,
and even aliments still more strange. Numbers, wasted by continual
fatigues and hardships, were attacked with maladies. As soon as
they reached the source of Dead river, which is a branch of the
Kennebec, colonel Enos received orders to send back all the sick,
and all those to whom it was not possible to furnish {)rovisions. But
this officer, embracing the occasion, returned with all his detachment
to the camp at Boston. All the army, on seeing him appear, were
transported with indignation against a man who had abandoned his
own companions, in the midst of dangers, and whose desertion might
occasion the miscarriage of the whole enterprise. He was brought
before a court martial, but acquitted, in consequence of the ac-
knowledged impossibihty of procuring sustenance in these wild and
desert places.

Meanwhile, colonel Arnold pursued his march, with the first two
divisions. He had employed thirty-two days in traversing fearful
solitudes, without perceiving a single habitation, a single human face.
Marshes, mountains, precipices, were encountered at every step, and
appeared to cut off* all hope of success, or rather all hope of safety.
Death was to all more an object of desire than of fear ; their toils,
their hardships, their sufferings, had no end. Their constancy, how-
ever, did not desert them ; the law of necessity seemed to sustain
their energies. Arrived upon the summit of the mountains that sep-
arate the waters of the Kennebec from those of the Chaudiere and
of the river St. Lawrence, the feeble relics of food that still were
found were divided equally among all the companies. Arnold said to
his soldiers, they must now push forward to seek subsistence, since
they had no other resource, no other chance of preservation. As to
himself, he was to be seen every where, reconnoiteringthe places, and

BOCK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 283

searching for some means to escape famine. The companies were
still thirty miles distant from any inhabited place, when it was foinid
that every species of subsistence was consumed to the last morsel.
Despair became general ; all at once, Arnold appeared, and brought
with him wherewith to satisfy the first wants of nature. They
resumed their march ; and at length discovered, with inconceivable
joy, the sources of the Chaudiere, and, soon after, the first habitations
of the Canadians. These showed themselves heartily well disposed
towards the congress, and oflfered the Americans all the succors
that were in their power. Arnold, who was impatient to reap the
fruits of so many toils and of so many perils, would wait no longer
than was necessary for the rear guard to come up, and to assemble
the scattered soldiers. He then gave out a proclamation of general
Washington. It was drawn up in the same style as those of generals
Schuyler and Montgomery. The Canadians were exhorted to enter
into the confederacy, and resort to the banners of general liberty ;
they were told, that the colonists came not to oppress or despoil them,
but, on the contrary, to protect persons and property, in a country
they considered friendly ; ' Let them remain, therefore, in their
dwellings; let them nrt fiy from their friends; let them furnish the
troops with all the necessaries in their power, for which they might
depend upon full payment.'

Arnold continued his march, and arrived, the 9th of November, at
a place named Point Levy, situated opposite to Quebec, upon the
rightbank of the river St. Lawrence. It is easy to imagine the stupor
of surprise which seized the inhabitants of Quebec, at the apparition
of these troops. They could not comprehend by what way, or in
what mode, they had transported themselves into this region. This
enterprise appeared to them not merely marvellous, but miraculous ;
and if Arnold, in this first moment, had been able to cross the river,
and ' fall upon Quebec, he would have taken it without difficulty.
But colonel Maclean had been seasonably apprised of the approach
of the Americans, by a letter, which Arnold, being still at tlie sources
of the Kernebec, had confided to an Indian of St. Francis, to de-
Uver to general Schuyler, and which this savage had suffered to be
taken from him, or perhaps had voluntarily given up. The English
had consequently withdrawn all the batteaux from the right bank to
the other side of the river. In addition to which, the wind this
day blew so violently, that it would have been impossible to cross
the river without manifest danger. These two circumstances saved
the city. Arnold was forced to lose several days ; and he could
have no hope of being able to pass, except in the night, the river
being guarded by the frigate Lizard and several smaller armed ves-

284 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V,

sels, tliat we're anchored under the walls of the city. But, during
many successive nights, the wind was even more impetuous than by
day. Meanwhile, the Canadians had furnished Arnold with bat-
teaux ; and he waited only for a fit time to attempt the passage.

The commander of Quebec found liimself provided with few
means to defend the city. The spirit that prevailed among the inhab-
itants could not fail to alarm him ; and the garrison was very feeble.
The merchants and English were much dissatisfied with tiie French
laws, which had recently been introduced into the province, and the
little regard showr: by the government for their petitions. They
complained, tliat aii f\.-ors, that all privileges, were reserved for the
French inhabitants ; and that the desire to win the benevolence of
these ene-nies, had caused the government to despise friends. ' These
Frenchmen,' they said, ' elated with pride by so many attentions, in-
cessantly insuit and outrage the English. Even in private circles,
these zealous subjects are forward to discourse upon affairs of state, in
order to sound the opinion of those that hear them, and afterwards
to go and report their v/ords to persons in authority. Thus the
libel ty enjoyed by the English in their actions and speech, is trans-
formed into symptoms of disaffection, disloyalty, and sinister designs.'
The English citizens also manifested an extreme disgust at the li-
cense of the soldiery, and at the conduct of the governor, who had
left the city without garrison, when the troops had been sent against
the insurgents in the part of the Sorel and of Montreal, without
even having taken the precaution to organize the companies of mi-
litia. It appeared, also, that little reliance could be placed in the
fidelity of the French, the greater part of whom were wavering, and
some even declared enemies to British domination. On the other
hand, the garrison was extremely feeble ; it only consisted in the
companies of Royal Irish, under colonel Maclean, and in a few mi-
litia, finally assembled in haste by the lieutenant-governor. The
council of naval officers had not permitted the sailors to be landed
to serve on shore, as well on account of the season, now far ad-
vanced, as of the difficulties of the navigation.

But when the American colors were seen floating on the other
side of the river, all the citizens, soldiers or not soldiers, landsmen or
seamen, English or French, united by common danger, and fearing
for their effects, which were very considerable, hastened with emula-
tion to the defense of the city ; and exerted the utmost activity, in
order to make all necessary preparations, before the enemy could
pass the river. The companies of militia were armed, and stationed
at their post^. The Royal Irish manifested the greatest resolution.
The marines were put on shore, who, accustomed to the managemca-

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 285

of cannon, were destined to serve the artillery of the ramparts. The
ardor of colonel Maclean was of great benefit, in this first approach
of perils ; he neglected nothing to inspire all minds with firmness,
and to assemble whatever might contribute to the defense of the city.
Finally, the wind being moderated, and Arnold having made his
arrangements, in order to pass the river, and attack the city, he
appointed the night of the 13th of November for the execution of his
designs. He embarked all his men, with the evception of one hundred
and fifty, who remained to complete the requisite number of ladders.
Notwithstanding the extreme rapidity of the current, and all the
pains it was necessary to take in order to avoid the ships of the ene-
my, he reached the left bank, a little above the place where general
Wolfe had landed in 1759, under auspices so happy for his country,
and so fatal to himself. Unable to scale the banks of the river,
which are very steep at this point, he descended towards Quebec,
always marching upon the margin of the river, until he was con^e to
the foot of the same precipice which general Wolfe had found so
much difficulty in surmounting. Followed by his intrepid compan-
ions, he mounted to its summit, and drew up his little band upon
the heights near the plain of Abraham. Here he waited for them to
recover breath, and to give time for the companies left on the other
side of the St. Lawrence to join him. He had hoped to surprise
the city, and to carry it by a single effort. But the notice given by
the intercepted letter, the appearance he had made at Point Levy,
and the encounter of a boat that was passing from the port of Que-
bec to the frigate, had given the alarm, and apprised the whole city
of the danger ready to burst upon them ; accordingly, all were at
their posts. It was not long before Arnold had full assurance of it ;
for, having sent forward the companies of riflemen to reconnoiter
the places, and the position of the enemy, they reported, on their
return, that they had encountered advanced guards, who had given
the alert. The colonel was nevertheless disposed to order the attack ;
but the other officers endeavored to dissuade him from it. The
greater part of the muskets were become, by tlie accidents of a long
march, unfit for service. So great a part of the ammunition had
perished, that there no longer remained more than six charges to
each soldier. Finally, the provincials had not a single piece of can-
non. But, if Arnold had lost the hope of taking Quebec by storm,
he had not renounced that of exciting within it a movement in his
favor^ and causing its gates to be opened to him, by showing himself
in arms under its walls Accordingly, he displayed himself fre-
quently upon the heights ; and even sent a flag, summoning the
town to surrender. But all was in vain. Colonel Maclean^ who

286 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V.

commanded during the absence of the governor, not only refused to
admit the message, but ordered his men to fire upon the bearers.
Arnold was informed, at the same time, that the soldiers who had
escaped from the discomfiture of Montreal, were coming down the
river, and that colonel Maclean was preparing to make a sally.

Finding himself, therefore, constrained to retire, he went to en-
camp at a place called Point nu Tremble, twenty miles above Quebec,
to await the arrival of Montgomery, who was expected from Upper
Canada. He perceived, during his march, the ship in which gov-
ernor Carleton was proceeding to Quebec. When arrived at Point
au Tremble, he learned that this general had stopped there, a few
hours before ; so uncertain are the events of war — so singular are
the chances on which often depends the fate of nations !

The governor arrived, therefore, without accident, at Quebec.
He immediately set about taking all the measures of defense which
the pressure of time and the difficulty of circumstances could allow
him. He sent out of the city, with their families, all those who
refused to take arms. The garrison, inclusive of the militia, amount-
ed only to about fifteen hundred men, a number much inferior to
what would have been necessary to guard suitably all the fortifications,
which were extensive and multiplied ; and even of this number, the
proportion of regular soldiers was very inconsiderable. The com-
panies organized by colonel Maclean were composed of new levies ;
and one company of the seventh regiment were all recruits. The
rest was a medley of militia, French and English, of some few ma-
rines, of sailors belonging to the frigates of the king, or to the mer-
chant vessels that wintered in the port. These seamen constituted
the principal force of the garrison ; for they at least knew how to
serve the artillery.

In the meantime, general Montgomery, having left garrisons in the
fortresses of Upper Canada, and secured the favorable dispositions
of the inhabitants of the parts adjacent, commenced his march
towards Quebec. The season was extremely severe ; it being about
the beginning of December ; the roads, obstructed with snow, were
almost impassable. The Americans, hcnvever, supported so many
hardships with singular fortitude. It was owing principally to the
prudence and firmness of IVIontgomery, quahties which gave him a
pov/erful influence over his soldiers. This multitude, snatched from
pacific occupations, had been all at once emj)loyed in the most
arduous toils of war, in the midst of the most rigorous season of the
yeai. Every one sees how difficult it is to introduce subordination
amonor men of such a sort; and it should even be added, that these,
from their habits and opinions, were peculiarly indisposed to that

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 287

obedience so essential ia armies. Finally, the term of their engage-
ment was nearly expired ; and already they exulted in the expecta-
tion of soon returning to the repose and solace of their homes.

Such were the difficulties wliich beset the American general.
But his name, dear to all, the seduction of his eloquence, even the
splendor of his person, his virtues, and the continual example he
gave of resignation and magnanimity, supported the constancy of
his troops under tiieir hardships, and inspired them with new ardor
to follow liis steps. Certainly the march of Arnold across the horri-
ble wilderness that separates the District of Maine from Canada, and
this of Montgomery through Upper Canada ; the force of talent
which enabled the two leaders to maintain discipline and good will
among soldiers lately enrolled, attached with vehemence to their in-
dependence, and accustomed to act their pleasure without restraint,
are enterprises which at least equal, if not surpass, the most painful,
the most arduous, of all those related in history of the captains of
antiquity. Such prodigies have been accomplished by armies of in-
considerable numbers, when compared with those which have over-
whelmed other parts of the world ; but ought this to diminish the
glory of these intrepid men in the memory of posterity ?

Montgomery arrived, the first of December, at Point au Tremble,
with a detachment not exceeding, if it amounted to, three hundred
men. Here colonel Arnold advanced to receive him ; the joy of the
two corps, at this meeting, cannot be described. Montgomery had
brought clothing for the soldiers of Arnold, who stood in the most
urgent want of it.

They marched in company, and arrived, the fifth of December, in
sight of Quebec. Tiieir force was inferior to that of the garrison
they purposed to attack. They sent to summon it by a flag. The
governor ordered his troops to fire upon the bearer. Montgomery
then resorted to the agency of an inhabitant, to convey another let-
ter to the governor ; in which, after having magnified his own forces,
the insufficiency of the garrison, and the hnpossibility of defense,
he demanded an immediate surrender, threatening an assault, and
all the calamities which irritated and victorious soldiers are wont to
inflict upon cities taken by storm. This step was also without suc-
cess ; genera] Carleton, a veteran commander, was not a man to be
intimidated so easily. As to the American general, considering the
weakness of his means, and the immobility of the inhabitants, who
made no demonstration in his favor, he cherished but faint hopes of
success. Nevertheless, to abandon an enterprise in which he had
engaged with so much ardor, appeared to him too unworthy of his
name and valor. He was not ignorant, besides, that in the com-

288

THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V.

mencement of this revolution, the unfortunate issue of ui expcdi-
ticn so agreeable to the people, and upon which they had founded
such brilliant expectations, would infallibly produce a pernicious
effect upon the public mind. He foresaw that, instead of ardor and
confidence, it must introduce dejection and despair. He doubted
even whether he should be able to preserve the part of Canada he
had acquired, if the capital of the province remained in the power
of the English. He had been informed, that, in the following spring,
large rc-inforcemcnts were to arrive from England ; which would
enable the enemy to expel the American troops without difficulty.
Wanting forces, but not courage. Montgomery resorted to the only
way that was left him ; he resolved to harass and reduce the garri-
son, by frequent and furious attacks. He w'as not without hope,
that he might thus find some opportunity to strike a decisive blow ;
this expectation was the more probable, as the garrison was far from
being sufficient to guard effectually the numerous fortifications of so
extensive a city. The American general accordingly attempted to
throw bombs into the town, with five small mortars ; hoping in this
manner to excite some movement within. But the vigilance of the
governor, the zeal and bravery of the officers, and especially the
efforts of the seamen, prevented this siege from producing any per-
ceptible effect.

A few days after, Montgomery planted a battery of six pieces of
cannon and a howitzer, within seven hundred paces of the walls.
This artillery was laid, not upon the ground, but upon banks of
snow and ice ; the pieces were of feeble caliber ; their fire was
nearly without result.

Meanwhile, the snow, which fell incessantly, encumbered the
earth ; and the cold had become so violent, that it was beyond hu-
man nature to support it in the open field. The hardships v/iiich
the Americans had to suffer from the rigor of the climate, and tlie
fatigues to which their small number subjected them, surpass all the
imagination can picture of the most severe. The attachment they
bore to their cause, and the confidence which they had, tlie most un-
shaken, in their general, could only have sustained them in the mid.3t
of trials so terrible. To render their position still more dismal, the
smallpox broke out in the camp ; this scourge was the terror of the
soldiers. It was ordered that those who were attacked with it, should
wear a sprig of hemlock upon their hats, that the others might know
and avoid them. But constancy in the human breast, gives place to
despair, when sufferings appear without end. And this extremity
was tlie more to be feared among the provincials, as the expiration
of tlicir time of service, with the possibility of escape from so many

BOOK v.. THE AMERICAN WAR. 289

evils, might probably create the desire. All these considerations per-
suaded Montgomery, that without a bold and immediate effort, he
must renounce the idea of satisfying public expectation, and witness
the eclipse of his own glory. In his position, even temerity became
prudence, and it was better to lose life in a glorious action, than re-
sign himself to a shame which would have been so fatal to the Amer-
ican arms.

Accordingly, Montgomery, having determined to attempt the as-
sault, convoked a council of war, and acquainted them with his pro-
ject. Without denying that it was of difficult execution, he main-
tained that it was possible, and that valor and prudence would tri-
umph over all obstacles. All were in favor of his proposition. A
few companies of Arnold, dissatisfied with their commander, alone
testified repugnance. But captain Morgan, a man of real merit,
addressed them a persuasive discourse, and their opposition ceased.
The general had already arranged in his mind the plan of the attack,
and thought of all the means proper to carry it into execution. He
intended it should take place, at the same time, against the upper
and lower town. But understanding that a deserter had given no-
tice of it to the governor, he resolved to divide his army into four
corps, two of which, composed in great part of Canadians, under
the command of majors Livingston and Brown, were to occupy the
attention of the enemy by two feigned attacks of the upper town,
toM'ards St. John and Cape Diamond. The two others, led, the
first by Montgomery, the second by Arnold, were reserved to assault
the lower part of the town from two opposite points. The general
was perfectly aware, that after he should have carried this part of
Quebec, there would remain many difficulties to be surmounted in
o der to conquer the other. But he hoped that the inhabitants, on
s(;eing so great a proportion of their property fallen into the power
of the victors, would force the governor to capitulate.

The last day of the year, 1775, between four and five o'clock in
the morning, in the midst of a heavy storm of snow, the four col-
umns put themselves in motion, in the best order, each towards the
point assigned.

It is said that captain Frazer, of the Irish emigrants, m going his
round, perceived the fusees which the Americans fired to give the
signal ; and that, immediately, without waiting further orders, he
caused the drums to beat, and roused the garrison to arms. The
columns of Livingston and of Brown, impeded by the snow and
other obstacles, were not in time to execute their feints. But Mont-
gomery, at the head of his, composed chiefly of New York men,
advanced upon the bank of the river, marching by the way denomi-

VOL. I. 19

290 THE AMERICAN WAR BOOK V.

nated Anse de mcr, under Cape Diamond. Here was encountered
a first barrier, at a place called Potasse, which was defended by a
battery of a few pieces of cannon ; further on, at the distance of two
hundred paces from this, stood a redoubt, furnished with a suffieient
guard. The soldiers that composed it, being the greater part Cana-
dians, on seeing the enemy approach, were seized with terror, threw
down their arms, and fled. The battery itself was abandoned ; and
if the Americans could have advanced with sufficient expedition,
they would certainly have been masters of it. But in turning Cape
Diamond, the foot of which is bathed by the waters of the river, they
found the road interrupted by enormous masses of snow. Mont-
gomery, with his own hands, endeavored to open a path for his
troops, who followed him, man by man ; he was compelled to wait
for them. At length, having assembled about two hundred, whom
he encouraged with voice and example, he moved courageously and
rapidly towards the barrier. But, in the mean time, a cannonier
who had retreated from the battery, on seeing the enemy halt, return-
ed to his post, and taking a match, which happened to be still burn-
ing, fired a cannon charged with grape-shot ; the Americans were
within forty paces. This single explosion totally extinguished the
hopes they had conceived. Montgomery, as well as captains Mac-
pherson and Cheesman, both young men of singular merit, and dear
to the general, were killed upon the spot. The soldiers shrunk back
on seeing their general fall ; and colonel Campbell, on whom the
command devolved, was not a man capable of executing so perilous
an enterprise. The flight soon became universal ; so that this part
of the garrison, no longer having enemies to combat, was at liberty
to fly to the succor of that which was attacked by Arnold.

This colonel, who was himself at the head of the forlorn hope,
marched by the way of St. Roc, towards the place called Saut-au-
Matelot. Captain Lamb followed him with a company of artillery,
and one piece of cannon ; next came the main body, preceded by
the riflemen under captain Morgan. The besieged had erected, at
the entrance of the avenue, a battery, wiiich defended a barrier.
The Americans found themselves confined within a passage obstruct-
ed by deep snow, and so commanded by the works of the enemy,
that his grape-shot swept it in every direction. Meanwhile, Arnold
advanced rapidly under the fire of the besieged, who manned the
walls. He received a musket ball in the leg, which wounded him
severely, splintering the bone. It was necessary to carry him to the
hospital, almost by compulsion. Captain Morgan then took the
command, and with all the impetuosity of his character, he launch-
ed himself against the battery, at the head of two companies. The

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 291

artillery of the enemy continued to fire grnpe shot, btit with little
effect.

The American riflemen, celebrated for their extreme address,
killed many of the English soldiers through the embrasures. They
applied ladders to the parapet ; the besieged were daunted, and aban-
doned the battery to the assailants. Morgan, with his companies,
and a few soldiers of the center, who were come up to the vanguard,
made many prisoners, English as weJl as Canadians ; aut his situa-
tion became extremely critical. The main body had not yet been
able to join him ; he had no guide, and he was unacquainted with
the city ; he had no artillery, and the day was still far from dawn-
ing. He found himself constrained to halt ; his soldiers began to
reflect upon their position ; their ardor cooled rapidly. The igno-
rance in which they were, of the fate of their columns, the obscurity
of the night, the snow which fell with redoubled violence, the firing
of musketry, which was heard on every side, and even behind them,
finally, the uncertainty of the future, filled the boldest spirits with
an involuntary terror. IMorgan alone resisted the panic ; he rallied
his riflemen, promising them a certain victory. He ran to the bar-
rier, to spur on those who had remained behind. Lieutenant-colonel
Green, majors Bigelow and Meigs, joined him with their companies.
The morning began to dawn, when Morgan, with a terrible voice,
summoned his troops to the assault ; he led on with fury against a
second battery, which he knew to be only a few paces distant, though
masked by an angle of the road ; on turning the corner, he en-
countered a detachment of English, who had sallied from the batte-
ry, under the command of captain Anderson. The latter summon-
ed the Americans to lay down arms. Morgan leveled a musket at
his head, and laid him dead upon the ground. The English then
retreated within the battery, and closed the barrier. A fierce com-
bat ensued, which cost many lives to the two parties, but most to
ihe Americans, whose flanks were exposed to a destructive fire of
nnisketry from the windows of the houses. Meanwhile, some of the
most adventurous, havirvg rested their ladders against the palisade,
appeared disposed to leap it, but on seeing two files of soldiers pre-
pared to receive them on the points of their bayonets, they renounc-
ed this project. Cut down by a continual fire, they now sought
shelter in the houses. Morgan remained almost alone, near the bar-
rier, endeavoring in vain to recall his soldiers, and inspire them with
fresh courage. Weariness, and the menacing countenance of the
enemy, had disheartened the most audacious. Their aims, bathed
by the snow, which continued to fall impetuously, were no longer of
any use to them. Morgan then, seeing the expedition frustrated, or-

292 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V.

dered the retreat to sound, in order to avoid being surrounded. But
the soldiers who had taken refuge in the houses were afraid to ex-
pose themselves to the tempest of shot that must have been encoun-
tered, in gaining the corner of the avenue, where they would have
been out of danger, and whence they might have retired behind the
first barrier. The loss they had sustained, the fury of the storm,
and the benumbing eftects of the cold, had deprived them of all
courage. In the meantime, a detachment of the besieged sallied
out from a gate of the palace, and captain Dearborne, who, with
his company of provincials, held himself in reserve near this gate,
having surrendered, the English retook all this part of the city ;
consequently, Morgan saw himself encircled by enemies. He pro-
posed to his followers, to open, with arms, the way of retreat ; but
they refused, in the hope that the assault given on the other part
might have succeeded, and that Montgomery would soon come to
their relief. They resolved to defend themselves, in the meantime ;
but having at length perceived, by the continually increasing multi-
tude of enemies, the true state of things, they yielded to destiny,
and laid down arms.

Such was the issue of the assault given by the Americans to the
city of Quebec, in the midst of the most rigorous season of the year ;
an enterprise, which, though at first view it may seem rash, was
certainly not impossible. The events themselves have proved it ;
for if general Montgomery had not been slain at the first onset, it is
more than probable that on his part he would have carried the bar-
rier, since even at the moment of his death the battery was aban-
doned, and only served by a few nren ; by penetrating at this point,
while Arnold and Morgan obtained the same advantages in their
attacks, all the lower city would have fallen into the power of the
Americans. However this may be, though victory escaped them,
their heroic efforts will be the object of sincere admiration. The
governor, using his advantages nobly, treated the prisoners with much
humanity. He caused the American general to be interred with all
military honors.

The loss of this excellent officer was deeply and justly lamented
by all his party. Born of a distinguished Irish family, Montgomery
liad entered, in early youth, the career of arms ; and had served,
with honor, in the preceding war between Great Britain and France.
Having married an American lady; and purchased an estate in the
province of New York, he was considered, and considered himself,
an American. He loved glory much, and liberty yet more. Neither
jrenius, nor valor, nor occasion, failed him ; but time and fortune.
And if it is allowable, from the past actions of manj to infer the fu-

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 293

ture, what motives are there for beheving, that if death had not taken
him from his country in all the vigor of his age, he would have left
it the model of military heroism and of civil virtues ! He was be-
loved by the good, feared by the wicked, and honored even by ene-
mies. Nature had done all for him ; his person, from its perfection,
answered to the purity of his mind. He left a wife, the object ot
all his tenderness, with several children, still infants ; — a spectacle
for their country, at once of pity and of admiration ! The state,
from gratitude towards their father, distinguished them with every
mark of kindness and protection.* Thus died this man — whose
name, ever pionounced with enthusiasm by his own, has never ceased
to be respected by the warmest of the opposite party ; marvelous
eulogium, and almost without example !

General Carleton still added to his reputation for prudence and
intrepidity, in having maintained, under circumstances of such diffi-
culty, both order and union, among soldiers assembled in haste, and
altogether strangers to discipline. If, with means so feeble, he was
able to repulse the formidable attacks of an enemy rendered more
terrible by despair, he acquired an honor not inferior by the gene-
rosity with which he used victory.

Arnold, who, after the death of Montgomery, had taken the com-
mand of the troops, not thinking himself in safety under the walls of
the city, extended his camp, with the intention of converting the
siege into a blockade. He retired to a distance of three miles from
the town ; and intrenched himself, as well as the season, the want
of all necessary articles, and the shortness of time, would admit of.
Though still suffering much from his wound, he was vigilant to scour
the country, and to intercept the provisions that were conducted to
the citv. The governor, on his part, satisfied with seeing the return
of tranquillity for the present, and trusting in the hope of succors
already announced, would not, by a second trial of fortune, expose
himself to hazard the glory he had acquired, the fate of the province,
and perhaps that of all the war. He therefore remained peaceably
within the walls of the city, waiting for the favorable season, and
re-inforcements from England.

Thus terminated, in America, the year 1775, to give place to the
subsequent, teeming with actions no less glorious, and events no less
memorable.

* The author was misinformed with respect to this fact; the widow of general
Montgomery never had any children. Teanslator.

END OF BOOK FIFTH .

294 THE AMER CAN WAR. BOOK VI.

BOOK SIXTH.

1776. The general attention in England was now turned upon

the great spectacle presented by the Americans, and their resistance
rekindled the animosity of the different parties. It had been hoped,
and the ministers themselves had confidently affirmed, that the late
laws, and especially the troops recently dispatched to the colonies,
would promptly suppress sedition and reduce the factious to obedi-
ence. It was not doubted that the partisans of the royal cause, en-
couraged by the presence of soldiers, and desirous to avoid the ven-
geance of the laws, would display great energy, and separate them-
selves from the insurgents, to join the troops of the king, and re-es-
tablish the authority of government. It was also firmly believed
that the southern provinces, on seeing the storm ready to burst upon
their heads, would never espouse the quarrel of the provinces of the
north ; and it appeared infallibly certain that the dissensions which
alienated the one from the other, would bring about the submission
of all. But these hopes having proved entirely deceitful, a general
discontent succeeded them, and on all parts the conduct of ministers
was censured with asperity. It was deemed intolerable that the
soldiers of the king, instead of victoriously keeping the field, should
shamefully languish behind the walls of a city without daring to
show themselves. The popular movements, which at first were only
partial, now extended over the whole continent. The governors, in
the room of re-establishing the royal authority, were forced to fly
from thoir posts and take refuge on board of ships.

The Americans, heretofore represented as trembling, and ready
to humble themselves, were daily acquiring new audacity, and a more
formidable energy in resistance. The members of parliament who
had combated the influence of ministers, repeated, with loud cries,
' that such were the necessary fruits of their incapacity, of their in-
fatuated obstinacy.' ' Since they have not been willing, it was said,
to grant the colonists the peace they implored, they ought, at least,
to have made war upon them with sufficient forces ; they have done
too much to irritate, too little to subdue. Instead of surprising their
adversaries before they could have furnished themselves with means
of defense, they have given them a long warning, as if they wished
to see them duly prepared ; they have chosen to stake the entire
fortune of the colonies, and brought into play only a part of theii
forces ; they have dishonored the British nation not only with the
Americans, but among all the nations of the world ; they have suliLec\

BOOK VI. THE AMERICAN WAR. 295

it with the name of cruel, without having veiled the stigma with the
lustre of victory. But we rejoice indeed, and greatly rejoice, to see
thus defeated, to their utter shame, all the projects of the ministers
jigainst America. They will perceive, at length, that it is not so
easy to establish tyranny in the British empire, as they had presumed
in their blind rage to conceive. With a satisfaction not less sincere,
do we behold that opposition, so worthy to be admired by all good
men, and by all the friends of liberty, which has resulted in the
wreck of these Scotch machinations, of this policy of the Stuarts,
first attempted in America, but intended eventually for England.
We are cheered by the happy augury ; and we no longer despair of
the public safety, whatever may be the pernicious plots of profligate
ministers.'

' We have believed, answered the ministers, that the ways of meek-
ness, in this commencement of troubles, were most agreeable to the
spirit of our laws, and of our national character ; that clemency and
forbearance ought to form the basis of the conduct of the British
government towards its subjects. The ministers have been accused
so many times, and upon grounds so frivolous, of wishing to intro-
duce a system of despotism, that in the present occasion they have
been very circumspect to keep themselves aloof from all suspicion
of a similar desire. What would their adversaries have said, if at
the beginning of disturbances they had hurried to arms ; if they had
sent formidable armies to America, and consigned it to fire and blood ?
Then would they have raised the voice against tyranny ; we have
not done it, and their clamors are the same. What have we left then
but to despise them ? For is it not demonstrated, that not the love
of liberty, but ambition, not the desire of justice, but that of baffling
the ministers, have been the motives of their conduct ? Before pro-
ceeding to the last extremities, our duty was to allow time for re-
flection and repentance ; for only incurable evils are to be treated
with fire and sword.

' We have borne for a long time, it is true, the effervescence of
the Americans ; but we should hope that this long suffering would
persuade them of the maternal sentiments of our common country,
that has endured outrages with magnanimity, which it might have
punished at a single blow. The colonists themselves have no doubt
of this ; they must know the immense superiority of the forces of
England. The measures of the government would have opened
their eyes already, if they were not continually deceived, excited,
and misled by chiefs in delirium, here as well as there, by the cries of
an imprudent opposition. But it will soon be seen in earnest, by the
vigorous resolutions of government, and the energetic employment

296 THE AMERICAN WAR.

BOOK VI.

it IS about to make of all its forces, that it will no more be wanting
to itself than forgetful of what is due to the honor of the crown and
tne interests of the country.

' The Americans have no more indulgence to expect on our part.
They are no longer to be looked upon as British subjects, but as
implacable enemies. With as much confidence as justice, we can
henceforth overwhelm them with the formidable arm of Great Brit-
ain.' Such were the answers of the ministers to tlie imputations of
their adversaries. These excuses might have been valid, if the
ministry had not assailed the Americans with laws far more irritating
than open force. For armies, though victorious, may be resisted
with glory ; but the patience, that must tolerate oppression, is with-
out this illusion.

Far from abating with time, these intestine dissensions appeared
every day to acquire new activity. The more necessary a consent
of opinions became to avert the perils that menaced the country,
the more they were divided and marshaled in opposition by the spirit
of party. This internal fermentation was of an augury the more '
fatal, inasmuch as it brought to mind those ancient and sanguinary
quarrels which raged in the time of Queen Anne with so much peril
to England, between the republicans and the royalists, under the
names of whigs and tories. The friends and the enemies to the
cause of America manifested the same animosity, and the same ob-
stinacy ; and there was much appearance that not only America,
but England itself, was on the point of breaking out into open dis-
cord and civil war.

' The tories,' it was said on one side, ' are themselves the authors
of the frequent addresses to the king and parliament, urging that the
continent of America should be put to all that fire and sword can
inflict ; these are the false reporters, these the incendiaries of discord.
Bigoted as they are, and infatuated in the maxims of the house of
Stuart, neither the example of the evils they have brought upon
England, nor the total ruin of this family, which they caused, can
illuminate their obstinate minds, and induce them to renounce the
cruel principles of tyranny. The bitter fate of the father is not
sufficient to divert an obstinate son from pursuing the dangerous path
which led him to destruction ; such are all the tories. They sacri-
fice their rank, their fortune, their existence, to their prejudices and
thirst of domination. When the inauspicious reign of the Stuaris
had visited our island with foreign servitude and civil war, then the
tories, trampling upon national honor and public felicity, abandoned
themselves to joy. Their maxims coincide with those of the abso-
lute prmccs of Europe, and they would not blush to place their

BOOK VI. THE AMERICAN WAR. 297

country in such hands if, in so doing, their ambition might receive a
new support. All the countries of Europe are subject to sovereigns
whose power is without hmits. England alone, by the special favor
of Providence, enjoys a moderate and free government ; but the
tories would fain subvert it to establish the uniformity of despotism
throughout all European countries. Their hearts are contaminated
with all the vices of proud, perfidious, and profligate courts ; with
their infected breath they propagate them, like a pestilence, over the
whole nation. They esteem no man but for his baseness ; they
honor none but the proud and the arrogant. Their superiors they
flatter, their inferiors they oppress ; the prosperous they envy, the
unfortunate they rarely succor, and never but from vain glory. The
public felicity becomes in their hands the instrument of slavery, and
our submission they deem far more essential than our prosperity.
The sovereign good they place in absolute dominion ; and the best
possible state of society they believe to consist in mute servitude.
Revolutions they applaud when they conduct a people to tyranny;
they deplore their mischiefs with a hypocritical pity, they exaggerate
them with the gloss of words, when liberty is to be their fruit. The
argument of public tranquillity is always upon their lips ; but when
were they ever heard to speak of the abuses of arbitrary power, of
consuming taxes, of the vexations of the powerful, of injuries with-
out reparations, and of outrages without redress? If they are now
opposed to the cause of the Americans, it is because it clashes with
their plan of attack against the happy free government of our coun-
try, and their schemes for introducing into the very heart of the
kingdom the laws of Charles and of James. They flatter themselves
that after having strangled the germs of liberty in America, and van-
quished those generous spirits, victorious troops will also know how
to bend our necks to the same cruel yoke. Such are the thoughts,
such the desires that agitate them without intermission, and not the
wish to see the return of peace upon that unfortunate continent
where they have themselves kindled the flames of war. Let us then
prevent such fatal designs, let us preserve in its integrity the inher-
itance which our ancestors, thanks to their valor, to their generosity,
and to the magnanimous enterprises of the great WiHiam III., have
handed down to us. Thus shall we serve our country, and perhaps
even the house of Brunswick, which cannot without danger show
itself ungrateful towards the friends of liberty, nor depart with safety
from those maxims which have raised it to the British throne.'

The tories answered these declamations with no little warmth.
' It ill becomes the whigs,' they said, ' to tax us with cruelty and
arrogance, since no one is ignorant what their conduet was, when,

299

THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VI.

in the time of the commonwealth, and even under the monarchy,
they had the supreme power in their hands ; then did exile, con-
fiscations and scaffolds spread desolation and ruin over our unhappy
country ; then prisons and chains were the instruments of popular
clemency ! If a generous prince had not arrested their career of
anarchy and blood, if he hud not substituted, by the aid of all good
citizens, a system of liberty, so dear to the tories, England would
have seen her last hour, and fallen a prey to foreign enemies. But
what is, in fact, our desire ? That in every affair which interests the
nation, that in every controversy which divides it, there should be a
supreme authority to regulate and to determine them irrevocably ;
and this authority we believe to reside in the king united with the
parliament. But the republicans will not submit to the laws of this
legitimate authority, but are in chase of nobody knows what popular
authority, which they pretend to consist in the universality of the
citizens, as if a tumultuary, ignorant, and partial multitude, should
or could judge of objects wherein the eyes even of the most enlight-
ened and prudent discover the greatest difficulties.'

' A way must, however, be found to terminate national dissensions ;
are they to be referred to the decision of a populace ever more apt
to be misled by daring and profligate demagogues, than to be guided
by men of prudence and of virtue ; of a rabble that hunger itself puts
in the power of the first intriguer? For this purpose kings and the
parliament have been instituted ; it is for this end that, in the ordi-
nary direction of affairs, as well as in unforeseen and difficult cases,
they provide, and watch that the country should experience no
detriment.'

' Li the present dispute with America, have the ministers acted
singly and of their own motion ? The king and the parliament have
decreed, liave approved all their measures : this consideration ouoflit
to have great weight with every man who is a friend to public author-
ity, and to the principles of the constitution. But the whigs are
gasping for the moment to arrive when England, as well as America,
shall be a prey to an unbndlcd multitude, in order to be able to
enrich themselves by plunder, to gratify their insatiable ambition,
and to operate the total subversion of this free government. These
pretended patriots are the sons and representatives of the republi-
cans who desolated the kingdom in the last century. They din the
name of liberty continually in our ears, because they desire them-
selves to exercise tyranny. Under the pretext of the public safety
they violate and trample under foot every form, every civil institu-
tion ; they arrogate to themselves all the plenitude of arbitrary
power. If they manifest an utter contempt for the laws which are

BOOK VI THE AMERICAN WAR. 299

tlie protectors of pei sons, of property, and of honor, their cruelty is
not less conspicuous ; for an opinion, whether real or supposed, or
maliciously imputed, for a suspicion, for a chimera, they fly into a
rage, they rush to persecutions ; they plunge into misery the fathers
of famihes, the fathers of the country, the best, the most useful, the
most respectable citizens. They fawn upon the people so long as
they are the weaker ; but once become the stronger, they crush
them, they decimate them, they starve them, and adding derision to
barbarity, they never cease to protest they do it all to render them
happy. These friends of liberty are perpetually declaiming agamst
the vices of courts, as if pillage, both public and private, the scan-
dalous profusion of ill gotten wealth, the turpitude of debauch, the
violation of the marriage bed, the infamous price extorted from
faithful wives to redeem their husbands' blood, the public triumph
of courtesans, the baseness of cringing to the vilest of men, as if
all the horrors which have signalized the reign of these republicans
were good and laudable customs ! But whatever be the plots, the
wishes, and the hopes of this turbulent race of men, of these parti-
sans of lawless licentiousness, which they attempt in vain to invest
with the name of liberty, let them rest assured it is firmly resolved
to resist them, to preserve the public tranquillity, to secure to the
laws that obedience wliich is their due, and to carry into execution
against the rebellious Am-ericans, those acts which have solemnly
emanated from the royal authority, and from that of the parliament.
The force of circumstances, the royalty of the people, and the recol-
lection of the past tyranny of pretended patriots, will cause all their
vociferations, all their maneuvers, all their incendiary attempts, to
avail them nothing. As for the rest, the tories, and not their adver-
saries, are the real friends of liberty ; for liberty consists not in
calling the populace at every moment to intervene in tiie direction
of state affairs, but in faithfully obeying those fundamental statutes,
which are the result of the general will of the nation, and wiiich
balance and temper the royal authority by the authority of the
people.'

With such animosity, with such reciprocal bitterness, the two
political parties assailed each other. It appeared inevitable that
this must soon lead to some violent convulsion, and all prudent men
were seized with anxious apprehensions. And here, perhaps, is the
place to remark how remote are human minds from all moderation,
from all sense of decency, when once under the control of party
zeal. Assuredly, if at the different epochs of the domination of the
royalis-ts and of the republicans, the one party and the other aban-
doned themselves to culpable excesses, it is not that there were not

300 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VI.

among them men of rectitude, who, if they judged ill, yet meant
well ; with such, every form of government would be good, pro-
vided it was not purely despotic. But the ambitious, a race unfor-
tunately so prolific, arc the most fatal scourge in every well consti-
tuted state ; always in opposition with the laws of their country, they
shake off their restraint the first moment they can, and thus pave the
way to revolutions and the reign of arbitrary power. The legislator,
who is desirous to found a government upon a solid basis, should
pay less attention to forms, whether monarchical or republican, than
to the establishment of laws calculated to repress the ambitious. It
is not for us to pronounce whether such laws have ever yet existed,
or whether they could aceornplish the end proposed ; but we may
confidently affirm, that men of moderation are not to be blamed for
desiring either a royalty or a republic ; the ambitious alone are to
be feared and detested, for they are those who cause monarchies to
degenerate into tyrannical despotism, and republics into anarchy,
more tyrannical still.

Such was the general agitation in England, when it was increased
by the declaration of lord Dartmouth, one of the secretaries of state,
to Penn and Lee, who had brought the petition of congress address-
ed to the king, that no answer would be given to it. The partisans
of the Americans expressed their indignation without reserve ; they
censured with new asperity the impolitic obstinacy of the ministers.
The latter had defenders who answered ;

' It is time to act ; the nation has conceived great hopes ; all Eu-
rope is in suspense to see what will be the fruit of our tardy reso-
lutions, and the result of our preparations. It is necessary to
strike home, and push with vigor this war which Great Britain, with
a patience unexampled, has wished to avoid ; but to which insolent
and contumacious subjects have defied and provoked her by too
many outrages.'

This language of the ministerial party acted powerfully upon a
nation naturally brave as well as proud ; and the public mind be-
came gradually disposed to war, although there still appeared fre-
quent petitions in favor of peace. About this time, disastrous news
was received of the Newfoundland fisheries. The congress having
proliibited all transportation of provisions to these banks, the fisher-
men, to avoid famishing, were compelled to abandon them precipi-
tately, and repair to other shores. But another misfortune more
formidable awaited them ; the sea swelling all at once, with unusual
fury, rose more than thirty feet above its ordinary level. The irrup-
tion was so sudden, that all means of safety were of no avail ; more
than seven hundred fishing barks were overwhelmed, and perishe<l

BOOK VI. THE AMERICAN WAR. 301

with their crews. Several large ships also foundered with all on
board. The devastation was no less terrible upon land ; the prog-
ress of the wide inundation was marked with universal destruc-
tion. This fatal event made a serious impression in England ; it
was looked upon as a presage of ill. It seemed as if fortune was
every where irritated against the British empire. Superstition
chilled their spirits. They were induced to form discouraging
comparisons.

On the part of the colonists, a propitious sky, abundance of pro-
visions, health of troops, success of arms, multitudes crowding to
their standards. On the part of the English, on the contrary, an
arm>y besieged, mortal diseases, wounds incurable, toil and pain,
famine, every species of suffering ; an angry sky, a furious sea, hor-
rible shipwrecks, martial ardor extinct, every thing in rapid declen-
sion. The antagonists of sovernment either from ambition or the
love of liberty, the merchants from, personal interest or zeal for the
public good, seized this moment of general discouragement. Peti-
tions against the war arrived from all parts ; the cities of London
and Bristol were the first to send them. They expatiated upon the
blood that was about to be shed, the treasure to be expended, the new
enemies to be encountered ; it was represented that the obstinacy
of the colonists would render even victory too costly ; that the victor
and the vanquished would be involved in one common ruin. They
exhorted, they prayed, they conjured the government to renounce
hostile resolutions which promised no good, and threatened so
many disasters.

But the ministers were not to be shaken by remonstrances. The
animosity of their adversaries was, however, increased by an inci-
dent which drew the attention of all ; the Earl of Effingham, an
officer distinguished for his services, and possessed of an ample for-
tune, had, upon all occasions, defended with great warmth the cause
of the colonists. Not willing to betray his conscience, he offered
ine king his resignation ; his conduct was greatly applauded ; the
cities of London, of Dublin and others, commended and thanked
nim in public letters. Many other officers followed his example ;
resignations became frequent. Those who from taste give their at-
tention to political matters, will, no doubt, observe, upon this occasion,
with what facility in England an opinion at variance with that of the
government may be openly professed ; since its opponents, instead
of exposing themselves to its vengeance, often become the objects
of public favor. And upon consideration of the enterprises execut-
ed in various times by the British nation, and the energy with
which it has sustained long wars against the most formidable powers,

302 THE AMERICAN WAR BOOK VI.

it is impossible not to perceive how much they deceive themselves
who think that a free government enfeebles nations, and that their
force can only be completely developed by despotism.

The declamations of the party in opposition, and the numerous
resignations of officers, had caused the affair of enlistments to labor
extremely. It was in vain that the officers appointed for this ser-
vice caused the drums to beat, and the royal standard to be erected
in the most populous cities ; in vain did they promise bounties and
exorbitant pay ; scarcely a few individuals came to offer their ser-
vice ; Catholics and Protestants, all manifested an equal repugnance.
Not but that among the inhabitants of the northern parts of Great
Britain,, the regiments found wherewith to recruit themselves ; but
this resource was altogether inadequate to the exigency. The min-
isters therefore found themselves in the greatest embarrassment ; to
extricate themselves from which, they determined to have recourse
to foreign aid. With gold, which they had in abundance, they hoped
to procure themselves men, of whom they had so much need. Ac-
cordingly, to this end they made overtures to the court of St. Peters-
burgh, in order to obtain twenty thousand Russians, that were to
have been transported to America the following spring. They made
great dependence upon these soldiers, who, in the preceding w'ar
against the Turks, had acquired a brilliant reputation for bravery
and discipline. But their hopes were not realized ; this government
would not consent that its soldiers should enter into foreign service,
and for a small sum of gold, shed their blood in a quarrel wherein
Russia had no sort of interest. The ministers then turned their
views in the direction of the United Provinces. The States-Gene-
ral had in their pay some Scotch battalions ; and these the English
government demanded in order to employ them in the American
war. It was hoped that their ancient alliance, and other common
interests, would easily determine the States-General to comply w ith
this demand. But it appeared of such extreme importance to the
States, that not presuming to take the decision of it upon themselves,
they chose to consult the provincial assemblies. Those of Zeland
and of Utrecht gave their consent, Holland and the others refused.
John Derk, of Chapelle, spoke with great force against the proposi-
tion in the assembly of Overyssel. He said it was too far beneath
the dignity of the republic to intermeddle in tlie quarrels of a foreign
nation ; that the forces of Holland were too weak, and her com-
merce too flourishing, for her to interfere so imprudently in the dis-
putes of others ; that if she succored England against America, oth-
er very powerful states, alluding to France, would succor America
against Ensrland. and that thus the United Provinces would find

BOOK VI. THE AMERICAN WAR. 303

themselves drawn into a dangerous war. He reminded of the tyr-
anny exercised by the EngHsli upon the seas, the forced visit of the
Dutch vessels, and the confiscation of their cargoes, under pretext
of contraband. He omitted not to paint the cruel character of this
war, in which the ferocious Indians were already taken into the Eng-
Hsh pay. The opinion of the oi-ator prevailed, and there was every
motive that it should. The Dutch considered the American cause
very similar to that of their ancestors, and it appeared to them in-
tolerable to concur in chastising those who followed their own ex-
ample. The English party and the French party manifested in this
occurrence an astonishing conformity of opinion ; the first, because
they feared that violent means would force the Americans at length
to throw themselves into the arms of France ; the second, because
they wished to see humbled the pride and the power of the British
nation. It is certain, that at this epoch, the prosperity and opulence
of England excited the envy of the universe, and that her haughty
behavior filled all hearts with a secret enmity.

But the ministers having dispatched numerous agents into Germa-
ny, obtained more success with the princes of the Houses of Hesse,
of Brunswick, and other petty sovereigns of this country. They ac-
ceded to a convention which filled the cabinet of Saint James with
alacrity and with hope ; the ministers were overjoyed that German
promptitude should, in so pressing a need, have counterbalanced
English reluctance.

A double advantage was found in the employment of German
troops. They had never darkened their minds with abstruse ques-
tions of liberty and public law ; and the difference of language was
a security against the efforts which the Americans might have made
to mislead and seduce them to join their party. This apprehension
caused the ministry great anxiety with respect to the English sol-
diers, who spoke the same dialect as the Americans, and went to
combat men who defended, or appeared to defend, a cause more fa-
vorable to the subjects than to the government.

When the news got abroad in England of the treaty of subsidy
with the German princes, it would be difficult to describe the fury
of the opponents of the ministry. Many even among their own par-
tisans were heard to condeum their conduct with asperity. They
said, it was a scfindalous thing that the mercenary soldiers of foreign
princes should come to interfere in domestic dissensions ; that dar-
ing and artful ministers might one day take advantage of this fatal
example to subvert the established constitution, and to put down all
liberty in England itself; that when these soldiers should have ter-
minated their enterprise in distant regions, different pretexts might

304 THE AMERICAN WVR. BOOK VI.

be found for conducting them into places less remote, and perhaps
even into the heart of the kingdom ; that this was a state offense,
an act of high treason, the having attempted to open the entrance
of the British territory to foreign troops without consent of parlia-
ment.

It is certain that no resolution of the ministers had ever produced
so much disgust, and so alarming a fermentation among the people,
as the present. It rendered more violent the fury of some, alien-
ated others, and appeared to all illegal in principle, perilous in its ob-
ject, and injurious to the Brit'sh name ; inasmuch as it seemed an
admission that the English were not in a situation to adjust of them-
selves this great quarrel. The disapprobation was general, the cause
of the war and the obstinacy of ministers began to be openly con-
demned.

In the midst of this effervescence the parliament was convoked.
But before entering into a description of the debates which took
place in this session, it appears to us necessary to relate what were,
at this time, the designs of the ministry relative to the American
war. Perceiving how odious they were become to the nation for
never having consented to hear of any proposition of accord, and
for having wanted either the capacity or the will to carry on the war
with adequate preparations, they resolved at length to manifest ex-
traordinary vigor, and to employ against the Americans a force so
formidable as to leave them no hope of resistance.

They could not but perceive how greatly the reputation of the
British arms had already suffered ; and they saw how important it
was to apply a prompt remedy in order to prevent the worst conse-
quences, and especially a war with the European powers. Although
they often affected to congratulate themselves upon the good dispo-
sitions of these powers, they were nevertheless persuaded that this
neutrality could not continue, if the war drew into length, and always
to the prejudice of England. It was easy to believe that France
had eyes open upon what passed, and that she waited but for the
occasion to show herself.

The English ministers, at this epoch, however stinted the measure
of their magnanimity and sagacity, were still not so simple as to be
deluded by friendly protestations, which are lavished with the more
profusion the more they are void of sincerity. It was known that in
all the ports of France the most strenuous exertions were employed
in equipping ships of war and accumulating naval munitions, and that
the government was animated with an ardent desire to repair recent
losses, and to restore all the force and the splendor of the French
marine ; that the entire nation applauded the views of the court, and

BOOK VI. THE AMERICAN WAR. 305

demonstrated the utmost promptitude to second them. Besides, it
was no longer a mystery that munitions of war were daily expedited
from the French ports for America, if not by the orders of the gov-
ernment itself, at least with its tacit concurrence. It was observed,
not without extreme jealousy, that the French had lately dispatched
a numerous fleet to the West Indies, and that their land troops so
increased in that quarter, that they already had the appearance of an
army prepared to take the field. It had been seen with disquietude
that French officers were in conference, for the space of many days,
with general Washington, at the camp of Boston, and that they were
afterwards admitted to an audience by the congress. The past ad-
monished the English ministry of the future. In no time had war
broken out in America that the French and British nations had not
taken part in it, the one against the other. It was, therefore, natural
to think, that such also would be the event this time ; it was even the
more probable now that interests were at stake of far greater moment
that had ever before been agitated between the two powers. France
manifested in her conduct an admirable address. She would not
throw off* the mask in these beginnings, either because she feared that
by engaging prematurely in the defense of the Americans, the
English government might be induced to offer them such terms of
accommodation as, in reconciling the two parties, would turn their
united forces against her ; or especially because she was not yet
entirely prepared for maritime war. She wished to temporize until
her armaments were completed, and until the continuation of recip-
rocal outrages should have rendered all arrangement impossible. It.
was also important for her to wait till the Americans, more enlight-
ened with respect to their situation, and encouraged by the success
of their arms, should have decided at length to proclaim their inde-
pendence. All reconciliation then became impracticable ; as well
on account of the greater exasperation of minds, and the aggrava-
tion of offenses, as from the absolute contrariety of the scope towards
which the two parties tended.

There would no longer be any question of an accord under certain
conditions ; the separation must then be total. Such was the thought
of the French government relative to the time in which it ought to
discover itself. But in order that the Americans might not lose all
hope, it was determined to grant them clandestinely all the succors,
and to make them all the promises proper to inspire them with con
fidence in a more efficacious co-operafion at a suitable time.

Nor could it be doubted, that when F'-ance should have resoived
to support the Americans without disguise, Spain also would imme-
diately espouse the same cause, as Well in consequence of the family
VOL. I. 20

306 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VJ,

compact, as from the identity of interests, and perliaps even from an
earnest desire to efface tlie recent stain of the unfortunate expedi-
tion against Algiers.

All these dangers were continually present in the minds of the
British ministry ; they resolved, therefore, to prevent them by meas-
ures as prompt as energetic.

Independently of the arms and munitions which the arsenals and
armories of England could furnish in abundance, the government
ordained that eighty ships of war should be stationed upon the coasts
of America, to favor the transportation of troops and of munitions
wherever the good of the service might require, to second all the
operations of the army, to traverse those of the enemy, and to de-
stroy his marine.

Exclusively of the corps already found in America, it was deter-
mined to send thither upwards of forty-two thousand men of regu-
lar troops, between English and Germans ; that is, twenty-five thou-
sand of the first, and a little rnore than seventeen thousand of the
second. These German troops were composed of four thousand
three hundred Brunswickers, twelve thousand three hundred and
ninety-four Hessians of the Landgrave, and six hundred and sixty-
eight of the hereditary prince of Hesse, count of Hanau.*

In adding to this number all the recruits of Canada, the corps of
American Royalists and Indians, a totality was hoped for of fifty-five
thousand men, supposing the companies all complete. But every
deduction made, it was deemed a certainty that in any event the
army would exceed forty thousand effective combatants ; a force
that was believed more than sufficient to subdue all America.

The ministers also thought it expedient to accompany the prepara-
tions of war with several particular provisions, which they considered
as very proper to second the effect of them. Knowing, for example,
how much the Americans were in want of money, and that they had
no means to procure it but by the way of commerce, they resolved to
interrupt it entirely, hoping that private interest would carry it against
political obstinacy, and that the absolute failure of metallic currency
would subject the bills of credit to a fatal depression. On the other
hand, in order not to reduce the Americans to seek their safety in
despair, they thought it best to authorize certain royal commissioners
to grant individual amnesties. They persuaded themselves that many

' England contracted for the German troops upon the conditions following. She
gave a Brunswicker seven guineas levy money, and four md a half pence sterling
daily ; a Hessian of the Landgrave seven guineas bounty, and five and a half pence
sterling pay; a Hessian of the hereditary prince, seven guineas bounty, and sizpenci^
sterling a day.

BOOK VI. THE AMERICAN WAR 307

of them, vanquisned by such clemency, would throw themselves into
the arms of England, or, at least, that the more timid would lay
down arms, and recompose themselves in their accustomed tran-
quillity. The rest, according to their ideas, might then be easily
overpowered. Such were the measures the ministers liad matured,
and which they intended to submit to the deliberations of parliament

The king pronounced, on opening the session, a very remarkable
discourse ; he spoke of the machinations employed in America to
seduce the people, and infect them with opinions repugnant to the
constitution, and to their subordination towards Great Britain. He
said the insurgents now openly avowed their resistance and revolt,
and had assumed to themselves all the powers of government ; that in
order to amuse they had made specious protestations of loyalty, but
that in fact they were aiming at independence ; that he hoped, how-
ever, the spirit of the British nation was too high, and her resources
too numerous, tamely to give up that which had been acquired with
so many cares, and with so many toils ; that it was now become the
part of wisdom to put a speedy end to these disorders, by the display
of all the forces of the kingdom ; but that, as clemency was always to
be preferred to rigor, his intention was to grant particular pardons,
and to withdraw, from the calamities of war, the persons and the
places that should give evidence of their fidelity. The ministers
moved for the usual address of thanks to the king, and that the
measures proposed should be approved.

But lord John Cavendish answered them with an extreme vehe-
mence, that he could not sufficiently testify his surprise at their ob-
stinacy in pursuing a plan which had already produced such deplor-
able results.

' You see one half the empire lost, the other discontented and
tottering ; a kingdom of late the most prosperous, now sinking un-
der every misfortune ; a nation once renowned for its virtues, now
contaminated with corruption ; and arrived in the train of every vice,
losses, discomfiture and shame. The Americans are charged with
planning independency ; certainly it is not the merit of England
that they have not yet adopted such a resolution, for the ministers
have neglected no possible violence to compel them to it. They
are charged with dissimulation ; but they have constantly affirmed
that the terms of reconciliation were those of returning to the state
of things existing in 1763. It is desired to send against them nu-
merous armies and formidable fleets ; but they are at home surround-
ed by friends, and abounding in all things. The English are at an
immense distance, stinted in the means of subsistence ; having for
enemies, climate, winds, and men. And what wealth, what treasures,

308 THE AMERICAN WAR BOOK VI.

will not be necessary to subsist your troops in those distant coun-
tries! Impenetrable forests, inaccessible mountains, will serve the
Americans, in case of disaster, as so many retreats and fortresses,
whence they will rush forth upon you anew. You will, therefore,
be under a constant necessity to conquer or die ; or, what is worse
than death, to fly ignominiously to your ships. The Americans will
avail themselves of the knowledge of places, which they only have,
to harass the British troops, to intercept the ways, to cut off supplies,
to surprise outposts, to exhaust, to consume, to temporize and pro-
long, at will, the duration of the war. laiagine not that they will
expose themselves to the hazard of battles ; they will vanquish us by
dint of fatigue, placed, as we shall be, at a distance of three thou-
sand miles from our country. It will be easy for them, impossible
for us, to receive continual re-inforcements. They will know how
to use the occasion of their temporary superiority to strike decisive
blows ; the tardy succors that may arrive to us by the Atlantic will
not prevent our reverses ; they will learn, in our school, the use of
arms and the art of war ; they will eventually give their masters
fatal proofs of their proficiency.

' But let victory be supposed, can there be any doubt that it will
be sanguinary, that its results will be lands laid waste, towns deso-
lated by fire, subjects envenomed by implacable hatred, the prosper-
ity of commerce annihilated, and reciprocal distrusts always ready
to re-kindle war. Long have standing armies been considered as
dangerous to liberty ; but the protracted and difficult war which you
are about to engage in will enormously increase these armies. Is it
to dissipate our fears on this point that ministers subsidize these bands
of Germans, an excellent race assuredly, but admirably adapted to
serve the purposes of the fautors of despotism ? I have supposed
that we shall be victorious ; let us now suppose we should be beaten.
Who will restore our treasures exhausted, our commerce annihilated,
the spirit of our troops extinguished, our national glory, first source
of public virtue, unworthily eclipsed ? Who will eflface the stigma
branded upon the British name ? In our reverses we shall not have
the consolation of having acted with maturity of reflection, or that
of having been taken unawares. The quarrel of America will soon
become the quarrel of Europe ; and if our country perish not there-
in, it must be attributed rather to its happy star than to the wisdom
of those who govern it. Such is the importance, such are the con-
sequences of the subject, that I cannot but deem it an incomprehen-
sible fact to see the passions allowed full scope on every side, in-
stead of that calm which ought to preside in the consideration of our
melancholy situation, and in the investigation of the most prompt,

BOOK VI. THE AMERICAN WAR. 309

the most efficacious, and the most expedient remedies. Let us,
therefore, unite in praying, in conjuring his majesty to suspend the
effects of his anger, and to prevent the running with such precipita-
tion to shed Enghsh blood by Enghsh hands. Rather let it be stud-
ied to calm and conciliate minds, to search out the causes of our dis-
cords, to discover the means which may enable us to rejoin the
lacerated parts of the British empire. Let us labor to restore to
the government its majesty, to the laws the obedience which is their
due, to the parliament its legitimate authority, and to the British
people the tranquillity and happiness of which they are so eminently
worthy.'

The temper of the assembly was favorable; the vehement dis-
course of lord Cavendish had made a profound impression upon the
minds of all. But the partisans of the ministry answered him with
equal warmth.

' We find it not easy to comprehend, they said, how these elo-
quent orators, who make such parade of their patriotism, can lavish
so many pathetic flourishes to justify those who are found in rebel-
lion against the authority of Great Britain ; we are ignorant what
strange pleasure they can take in embarrassing the government in its
operations in the midst of so difficult a crisis. It is equally hard for
us to conceive what motives they can have for wishing to demon-
strate that the Americans will of necessity prove victorious. That
such should be the language of congress, and of the proclamations
of Washington, nothing is less surprising ; but that it is found in
the mouth of an Englishman, of one of the fathers of the country,
that we should see him glory in such assertions, and study to prop-
agate them, is what cannot excite too much astonishment and in-
dignation.

' It is affirmed the Americans are not aiming at independence ;
this we readily admit, if it is intended to maintain that they are not
contending to have, but already possess and exercise this absolute
independence. Have they not concentrated in their hands all the
authority of government, in coining money, in creating bills of cred-
it, in imposing taxes, in making levies, in declaring war, in commit-
ting hostilities, in granting letters of mark and reprisal ? But the
kind confiding personages, seated in front of us, answer that the
colonists protest their devotion, and reject all idea of independency.
New doctrine, indeed, that we are to give more credit to words than to
facts ! But while these credulous beings harangue within these walls,
the Americans model and carry into effect a new form of govern-
ment, no doubt to preserve the ancient constitution and to unite
themselves more intimately with Great Britain !

310 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK 71.

' They have proposed, we are told, conditions of accommodation ;
in what do they consist ? In consenting to acknowledge the same
sovereign. Assuredly they will acknowledge him, provided they
may be excused from obeying his orders, and permitted to act their
own will entire. And is it desired that England should stoop to such
an arrangement, which, if it be not outrageous, is at least ridiculous ?
The parliament has opened a way of conciliation, whereby, if the
right of taxation was not entirely renounced, it was certainly so re-
stricted that the Americans were allowed to tax themselves. But
we have to do with men who are alike insensible to benefits and to
clemency. With what words, with what a tone have they received
our propositions ! The universe knows it, and our secret enemies
themselves have been astonished at it. If England must resolve to
submit to such degradation, if she must give up honor, so essential
to monarchies, if, instead of taking arms against an enemy who de-
fies us, who despises the government and the agents of Great Brit-
ain, we must bow with humility to his demands, continually more
imperious, then let us blindly pursue the course which is marked
out for us by our adversaries. That to reduce the colonies to obe-
dience is an enterprise which may offer some difficulties, no one
undertakes to deny. But the greater the difficulty, the greater the
glory.

' Those who would sow discouragement among us, little kiiow the
ability of the English generals, and the valor of our soldiers. The
powerful house of Bourbon, combined against us in the last war, was
unable to make us bend ; and the king of Prussia has found, in our
assistance, the means of resisting the league of the North. England
is queen of the seas ; she has conquered those same countries which
her ungrateful subjects now inhabit ; and will she not be able to
subdue also them ?

' It is not impossible, we admit, that some European powers will
take part in this war ; especially considering our prosperity, the envy
of foreigners, and the arts of these Americans, always busied in ex-
citing the whole world against us. But are we to be influenced in
our counsels by the desires or by the injustice of others ? Let us do
what we ought, to prevent what we fear. With arms we may com-
mand respect, while a timid policy would expose us to contempt.

' War pursues the weak, but retires from the strong. What chi-
meras, too, these scrupulous spirits have been dreaming of about
those innocent Germans, it is not easy to say. The example of mer-
cenary troops is not new ; their employment has always been without
danger. Foreign soldiers are not those who could establish servitude
upon the soil of England, but minds disposed to slavery ; now, the

BOOK VI. THE AMERICAN WAR 311

clamors and exaggerations of demagogues more often lead to this,
than the schemes of governments themselves. As to these lont^ lam-
entations over the vices of the present day, we, for our part, have
no hesitation to say, that we have a better opinion of a people among
whom the sincerest respect is shown for good habits, whose civiliza-
tion has rendered them famous throughout the world, and whg have
achieved so many great actions, as well in peace, as in war. These
imputations are but the phantoms of a morbid imagination, or the
suggestions of the secret rage of those ambitious minds, who persuade
themselves that no virtue can exist so long as they are not invested
with supreme power. The destiny of Great Britain is now in the
balance. After having seen her empire equally flourishing by land
and by sea, and her fortune surpass that of all the other states of
Christendom, the question is now, whether this prosperity shall con-
tinue, whether these rich and powerful colonies, the work of our
hands, the fruit of our industry, the object of all our cares, the price
of so much treasure and so much blood, shall henceforth, by the
unheard of ingratitude of their inhabitants themselves, by the artful
machinations of their false friends, and of our secret enemies, be dis-
menibered from their ancient country, and torn fore-ver from the
affectionate embraces of their tender mother ? patiently to endure an
event so calamitous, not to lavish our efforts, our fortunes, our life
itself, to prevent its accomplishment, would be a turpitude which has
no example in our history, and an opprobrium from which we ought
to preserve the British name.'

Thus spoke the ministerial orators ; the votes were taken, and the
motion of lord Cavendish was rejected. Some other members of
the opposition proposed, with as little" success, different plans of con-
ciliation with the colonies. The debates were very animated ; but
the ministers, whose projects were already arranged, and all the
preparations of war concluded, had no difficulty in obtaining the
rejection of every contrary opinion.

Not satisfied with finding themselves in a situation to attack the
insurgents, they wished also to cut off their principal resources, that
is, to deprive them of men, arms, and money. The Americans
employed a part of their men on board of privateers ; they derived
their arms and munitions, either secretly, or even openly, from for-
eign countries ; and commerce furnished them with money. Ac-
cordingly, the ministers proposed a bill, importing that every species
of traffic with the thirteen united colonies should be prohibited ; that
all American property, whether floating upon the sea or stationed in
ine ports, should be declared legal prize in favor of the officers and
crews of the vessels of the king ; that the men taken in the Amer

312 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VI.

ican ships should be compelled to serve indiscriminately, as common
sailors, on board those of England ; finally, that the crown should
be authorized to send commissioners, empowered to grant pardons
to such individuals as should appear to merit them, and to declare a
colony, in whole or in part, in a state of obedience towards tfie king ;
in which case they might exempt them from the rigor of the laws,
and restore them to their original condition.

Tiiis bill was a consequence of those already passed ; it was con-
formable to the plan of the war which the ministers had adopted,
and was generally to be approved. It contained, however, certain
articles deserving of animadversion. To wish to make war against
the Americans, upon sea as well as upon land, was altogether nat-
ural ; it was no less judicious to constitute commissioners with
authority to grant amnesties, as well to particular individuals as to
provinces. But to confiscate, without distinction, private property
and public property, to grant the booty to the captors, and force the
men found on board the American ships, whatever might be their
rank or condition, to serve as common sailors on board the English
ships, are acts that cannot fail to be condemned by every sound
judging mind. The opposition expressed their abhorrence of these
features of the bill in very sharp language ; but it passed, notwith-
standing, by a triumphant majority.

1776. The parliament having terminated theaflfairs submitted to
their deliberations, the king put an end to the present session, with
the assurance that he was not apprehensive of any movement on
the part of the European princes, who all manifested a desire to
maintain concoi"d and peace. The ministers had obtained from the
parliament all they had demanded, and they had scarcely a doubt
of the favorable issue of their enterprise. It seemed to them impos-
sible that the collectitious soldiery of the congress could hold their
arms with a firm grasp in the presence of European troops ; they
imagined that the bare rumor of the arrival of the English army
would suffice to open for it the entrance of the country it was about
to conquer.

'Even supposing, they said, that the colonial troops should pre-
sume to keep the field, how can it be imagined, that ill-armed, un-
disciplined, and so little used as they are to the dangers of war,
and to the din of arms, they will be able to make any serious resist-
ance against the veterans of Europe ? The first impression will be
fatal to the Americans ; and the measures which have been taken
to sow division among them, will then produce their full effect. Let
only a small number submit to the terms of the amnesty, and the
multit\ide will hasten to follow their example ; such is the ordmary

BOOK VI. ' THE AMERICAN WAR. 313

course of revolutions. In order to accelerate these happy results, it
will be essential that the royal commissioners, individuals as influen-
tial by their personal authority, as by the splendor of their rank, and
the renown of their military achievements, should be always present
to second the operations of the army, by seizing the favorable instant
for the exercise of their ministry.'

Such were the reasonings and the hopes of the partisans of the
government. And such, it must be admitted, was the way of think-
ing of the greater part of the nation. With some it was the eflfect
of pride, or of confidence in the ministry ; with others, of the spirit
of party, or of personal interest, man easily believing what he es-
teems useful to liimself. Tiiere wanted not those, however, whom
the love of country inspired with serious apprehensions for the future,
or whom the fury of faction urged to announce the most disastrous
presages. They judged of the obstinacy of the Americans by their
own, and suffered no occasion to escape them of citing the miracles,
as they expressed it, wrought in various times, and among manifold
people, by the love of liberty. They greatly extolled the constancy,
the intrepidity, the prowess of the Americans. Their invectives,
their sarcasms, their taunts, were endless against the satellites of
tyranny ; thus designating the English soldiers, and particularly the
German troops. They represented a total loss in defeat, and new
dangers in victory ; they deplored the blood shed for so iniquitous a
cause. Every day there appeared new publications in favor or
against the colonists. Some reproached others with having sold
their pen ; these retorted upon those that they prostituted theirs in
defense of licentiousness. A work of doctor Price, on civil liberty,
was particularly distinguished ; it was read every where with equal
avidity. He received, on this subject, a letter of compliment from
the city of London, accompanied with the present of a gold box.

The two brothers Howe, the one admiral of the fleet, and the
other general-inrchief of the army in America, were named by the
king his commissioners for the re-establishment of peace in the colo-
nies, and for granting pardons to those who should appear worthy
of the royal mercy. Sir Peter Parker and lord Cornwallis were al-
ready, some time since, embarked for America, with several corps
of troops. Admiral Hotham, and generals Burgoyne and Phillipps
followed them with other English and German divisions.

While these things were passing in England, the provincials, who
besieged Boston, began to entertain hopes not only of becoming
masters of the city, but even of making the whole garrison prisoners,
and of destroying the British squadron anchored in the port and bay.
They expected impatiently that the cold would become so rigorous

314 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK. VI.

as to freeze the waters of the harbor, and the rivers that flow into it.
The frost usually set in about the last of December, and they calcu-
lated that at this season the ice would be strong enough to enable
them to march dry-shod across the arm of the sea, which separates
the peninsula from the continent, where they were encamped. The
English, in such case, would not have been able to resist the much
superior forces of the American army. But contrary to the ordinary
course, the winter was extremely moderate ; the provincials vainly
awaited the coming of ice. In this hope they had kept themselves
tranquil in their quarters ; the delay was advantageous to the gar-
rison. But the month of March arrived to re-animate operations ;
the Americans panted to put an end, by a vigorous effort, to this
long and tiresome siege. Their ardor prompted it, necessity requir-
ed it. The hostile speech of the king, at the meeting of parliament,
was arrived in America, and copies of it were circulated in the
camp. It was announced there, also, that the first petition of con-
gress had been rejected. The whole army manifested the utmost
indignation at this intelligence ; the royal speech was burnt in pub-
lic by the infuriate soldiers. They changed, at this time, the red
ground of their banners, and striped them with thirteen lists, as an
emblem of the number, and of the union of the thirteen colonies.

The congress, at the news of the rigorous proceedings of the
government, and particularly of the act relating to commerce, and
the engagement of the German troops, saw plainly that no other
resources were left them but in the way of arms. Without loss of
time, wishing to take advantage of the universal irritation of the
people, they urgently recommended to Washington to renounce all
delay, to brave all dangers, and at whatever cost, to terminate the
siege of Boston, and effectuate the expulsion of the enemy from the
shelter of its walls. They foresaw that this army would soon be
necessary to oppose the British forces at other points, and to protect
other parts of the American territory. It was presumed that the
English would direct their principal attack against the weakest places,
and serious apprehensions were felt particularly for the city of IVew
York. It was, therefore, extremely important to dislodge the ene-
my from the position of Boston, since otherwise he might, after-
wards, operate against the rear of the American army. Pressed by
positive orders, and stimulated at once by the force of circumstances
and the desire of glory, Washington reflected upon the most eflica-
cious means to secure the success of his enterprise. He was not
without hopes of being able to carry the city by assault.

The part of the Cove of Boston, contiguous to Cambridge and
Roxbury, was frozen, which greatly facilitated the passage ; and for

BOOK VI. THE AMERICAN WAR. 315

crossing the water that remained up to the walls of Boston, a great
number of boats had been provided. In addition to this, two floating
batteries were stationed at the mouth of the river of Cambridge. ' It
was known that the garrison suffered severely for the want of pro-
visions, and that it was greatly enfeebled by fatigues and maladies.
The commander-in-chief had, besides, the greatest confidence in the
valor and constancy of his soldiers. He accordingly assembled all
the generals, and proposed to them his plan of attack. Ward and
Gates, both officers of great distinction, opposed it ; alledging, that
without incurring so great a risk, the enemy might be forced to
evacuate Boston by occupying the heights of Dorchester, which com-
mand the entire city. Washington did not conceal his dissatisfaction
at this opposition ; but he was constrained to acquiesce in the opinion
of the majority. It was resolved, therefore, to take the position of
the heights. At the suggestion of generals Ward, Thomas, and
Spencer, a great quantity of fascines and gabions had been prepared
for this expedition. The fortresses of Ticonderoga and Crown
Point had furnished heavy cannon, and a sufficient number of howit-
zers and mortars. It appears that general Howe, who was naturally
very circumspect, thought himself too feeble to prevent the execu-
tion of this design, which was to be, however, decisive of the total
issue of the siege.

The Americans, in order to occupy the attention of the enemy in
another part, erected strong batteries upon the shore at Cobb's Hill,
at Lechmere's Point, at Phipp's Farm, and at Lan)bsdam, near E-ox-
bury. They opened a terrible fire in the night of the second of
IMarch ; the bombs, at every instant, fell into the city. Tlie garrison
was incessantly employed in extinguishing the flames of the houses
in combustion, and in all the different services that are necessary in
such circumstances. During this time the Americans prepared
themselves with ardor, or rather with joy, to take possession of the
heights. Companies of militia arrived from all parts to re-inforce
tiie army. The night of the fourth of IVIarch was selected for the
expedition ; the chiefs hoped that the recollection of the events of
tlie fifth of March, 1770, when the first blood had been shed in
Boston by the English, would inflame with new ardor, and a thirst
of vengeance, those spirits already so resolute in their cause.

Accordingly, in the evening of the fourth, all the arrangements
being made, the Americans proceeded in profound silence towards
the peninsula of Dorchester. The obscurity of the night was propi-
tious, and the wind favorable, since it could not bear to the enemy
the httle noise which it was impossible to avoid. The frost had

316

THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VT,

rendered the roads easy. The batteries of Phipp's Farm, and those
of Roxbury, incessantly fuhninated with a stupendous roar

Eight hundred men composed the vanguard ; it was follou ed by
carriages filled with utensils of intrenchment, and twelve hundred
pioneers led by general Thomas. In the rear guard were three
hundred carts of fascines, of gabions, and bundles of hay, destined
to cover the flank of the troops in the passage of the isthmus of Dor-
chester, which, being very low, was exposed to be raked on both
sides by the artillery of the English vessels.

AH succeeded perfectly ; the Americans arrived upon the heights,
not only without being molested, but even without being perceived
by the enemy.

They set themselves to work with an activity so prodigious, that
by ten o'clock at night they had already constructed two forts, in
condition to shelter them from small arms and grape-shot ; one upon
the height nearest to the city, and the other upon that which looks
towards Castle Island. The day appeared ; but it prevented not
the provincials from continuing their works, without any movement
being made on the part of the garrison. At length, when the haze
of the morning was entirely dissipated, the English discovered, with,
extreme surprise, tlie new fortifications of the Americans.

The English admiral, having examined them, declared, that if the
enemy was not dislodged from this position, his vessels could no
longer remain in the harbor without the most imminent hazard of
total destruction. The city itself was exposed to be demoUshed to
its foundations, at the pleasure of the provincials. The communi-
cation, also, between the troops that guarded the isthmus of Boston,
and those within the town, became extremely diflicult and dangerous.
The artillery of the Americans battered the strand, whence the
English would have to embark in case of retreat. There was no
other choice, therefore, left them, but either to drive the colonists
from this station by dint of force, or to evacuate the city altogether.

General Howe decided for the attackj and made his dispositions
accordingly. Washington, on his part, having perceived the design,
prepared himself to repel it. The intrenchmcnts were perfected
with diligence ; the militia were assembled from the neigliboring
towns, and signals were concerted to be given upon all the eminences
which form a sort of cincture about all the shore of Boston, from
Roxbury to Mystic river, in order to transmit intelligence and orders
with rapidity from one point to the other.

Washington exhorted his soldiers to bear in mmd the fifth of
March. Nor did he restrict himself to defensive measures , he
thought also of the means of falling, himself, upon the enemy, if

BOOK VI. THE AMERICAN WAR. 317

during or after the battle, any favorable occasion should present
itself. If the besieged, as he hoped, should experience a total defeat
in the assault of Dorchester, his intention was to embark from Cam-
bridge four thousand chosen men, who, rapidly crossing the arm of
the sea, should take advantage of the tumult and confusion to attempt
the assault of the town. General Sullivan commanded the first di-
vision ; general Greene the second. An attack was expected like
that of Charlestown, and a battle like that of Breed's Hill. General
Howe ordered ladders to be prepared to scale the works of the
Americans. He directed lord Percy to embark at the head of a
considerable corps, and to land upon the flats near the point, opposite
Castle Island. The Americans, excited by the remembrance of the
anniversary, and of the battle of Breed's Hill, and by the continual
exhortations of their chiefs, expected them, not only without fear,
but with alacrity ; but the tide ebbed, and the wind blew with such
violence, that the passage over became impossible. General Howe
was compelled to defer the attack to early the following morning. A
tempest arose during the night, and when the day dawned, the sea
was still excessively agitated. A violent rain came to increase the
obstacles ; the English general kept himself quiet. But the Amer-
icans made profit of this delay ; they erected a third redoubt, and
completed the other works. Colonel Mifflin had prepared a great
number of hogsheads full of stones and sand, in order to roll them
"* upon the enemy when he should march up to the assault, to break
his ranks, and throw him into confusion, that might smooth the way
to his defeat.

Having diligently surveyed all these dispositions, the English per-
suaded themselves that the contemplated enterprise offered difficul-
ties almost insurmountable. They reflected that a repulse, or even
a victory so sanguinary as that of Breed's Hill, would expose to a
jeopardy too serious the English interests in America. Even in case
of success, it was to be considered that the garrison was not suffi-
ciently numerous to be able, without hazard, to keep possession of
the peninsula of Dorchester, having already to guard not only the
city, but the peninsula of Charlestown. The battle was rather
necessary, and victory desirable, to save the reputation of the royal
arms, than to decide the total event of things upon these shores. The
advantages, therefore, could not compensate the dangers. Besides,
the port of Boston was far from being perfectly accommodated to the
future operations of the army that was expected from England ; and
general Howe himself had, some length of time before, received
instructions from lord Dartmouth, one of the Secretaries of State,
to evacuate the city, and to establish himself at New York.

318 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK TI.

The want of a sufficient number of vessels had hitherto prevented
him from executing this order. Upon all these considerations, the
English generals determined to abandon Boston to the power of the
provincials.

This retreat, however, presented great difficulties. An hundred
and fifty transports, great and small, appeared scarcely adequate to
the accommodation of ten thousand men, the number to which the
crews and the garrison amounted, without comprehending such of
the inhabitants, as, having shown themselves favorable to the royal
cause, could not with safety remain. The passage was long and
difficult ; for with these emaciated and enfeebled troops it could not
be attempted to operate any descent upon the coasts.- It was even
believed to be scarcely possible to effect a landing at New York,
although the city was absolutely without defense on the part of the
sea. The surest course appeared to be to gain the port of Halifax ;
but besides the want of provisions, which was excessive, the season
was very unfavorable for this voyage, at all times dangerous.

The winds that prevailed then blew violently from the northeast,
and might drive the fleet off to the West Indies, and the vessels
were by no means stocked with provisions for such a voyage. Be-
sides, the territory of Halifax was a sterile country, from which no
resource could be expected, and no provision could have been pre-
viously made there, since the evacuation of Boston and retreat to
Halifax were events not anticipated. Nor could the soldiers per-
ceive without discouragement that the necessity of things impelled
them towards the north, apprised as they were that the future opera-
tions of the English army were to take place in the provinces of the
center, and even in those of the south. But their generals had no
longer the liberty of choice. The Americans however being able by
the fire of their artillery to interpose the greatest ol^stacles to the
embarkation of the British troops, general Howe deliberated upon
the means of obviating this inconvenience. Having assembled the
selectmen of Boston, he declared to them, that the city being no
longer of any use to the king, he was resolved to abandon it, provid-
ed that Washington would not oppose his departure. He pointed to
the combustible materials he had caused to be prepared to set fire,
in an instant, to the city, if the provincials should molest him in any
shape. He invited them to reflect upon all the dangers which
might result, for them and their habitations, from a battle fought
within the walls ; and he assured them that his personal intention
was to withdraw peaceably, if the Americans were disposed, on their
part, to act in the same manner. He exhorted them therefore to

BOOK VI. THE AMERICAN WAR. 319

repair to Ihe presence of Washington, and to inform him of what
they had now heard.

The selectmen waited upon the American general, and made him
an affecting representation of the situation of the city. It appears,
from what followed, that he consented to the conditions demanded ;
but the articles of the truce were not written. It has been pretend-
ed that one of them was that the besieged should leave their muni-
tions of war ; this, however, cannot be affirmed with assurance.
The munitions were, indeed, left ; but it is not known whether it
was by convention, or from necessity. The Americans remained
quiet spectators of the retreat of the English. But the city present-
ed a melancholy spectacle ; notwithstanding the orders of general
Howe, all was havoc and confusion. Fifteen hundred loyahsts, with
their families, and their most valuable effects, hastened, with infi-
nite dejection of mind, to abandon a residence which had been so
dear to them, and where they had so long enjoyed felicity. The
fathers carrying burthens, the mothers their children, ran weeping
towards the ships ; the last salutations, the farewell embraces of those
who departed, and of those who remained, the sick, the wounded,
the aged, the infants, would have moved with compassion the wit-
nesses of their distress, if the care of their own safety had not ab-
sorbed the attention of all.

The carts and beasts of burthen were become the occasion of sharp
disputes between the inhabitants who had retained them, and the sol-
diers who wished to employ them. The disorder was also increased
by the animosity that prevailed betwe,en the soldiers of the garrison
and those of the fleet ; they reproached each other mutually, as the
authors of their common misfortune. With one accord, however,
they complained of the coldness and ingratitude of their country,
which seemed to have abandoned, or rather to have forgotten them
upon these distant shores, a prey to so much misery, and to so ma-
ny dangers. For since the month of October, general Howe had not
received, from England, any order or intelligence whatever, which
testified that the governm.ent still existed, and had not lost sight of
the army of Boston.

Meanwhile, a desperate band of soldiers and sailors took advan-
tage of the confusion to force doors, and pillage the houses and
shops. They destroyed what they could not carry away. The en-
tire city was devoted to devastation, and it was feared every moment
the flames would break out to consummate its destruction.

The fifteenth of March, general Howe issued a proclamation, for-
bidding every inhabitant to go out of his house before eleven o'clock
in the mornmg, in order not to disturb the embarkation of the troops,

li'-ZO THE AMKUICAN WAR. BOOK VI.

whicli was to have taken place on this day. But an east wind pre-
vented their departure ; and to pass the time they returned to pil-
laging. In the meanwhile, the Americans had constructed a re-
doubt upon the point of Nook's Hill, in the peninsula of Dorches-
ter, anil having furnished it with artillery, they entirely commanded
the isthmus of Boston, and all the southern part of the town. It
was even to be feared that they would occupy Noddle's Island, and
establish batteries, which, sweeping the surface of the water across
the harbor, would have entirely interdicted the passage to the ships,
and reduced the garrison to the necessity of yielding at discretion.
All delay became dangerous ; consequently the Britisii troops and
the loyalists began to embark the seventeenth of March, at four in
the morning ; at ten, all were on board. The vessels were overladen
with men and baggage ; provisions were scanty, confusion was every
where. The rear guard was scarcely out of the city when Wash-
ington entered it on the other side, with colors displayed, drums
beating, and all the forms of victory and triumph. He was receiv-
ed by the inhabitants with every demonstration of gratitude and re-
spect due to a deliverer. Their joy broke forth with the more vi-
vacity, as their sufferings had been long and cruel. For more than
sixteen months they had endured hunger, thirst, cold, and the out-
rages of an insolent soldiery, who deemed them rebels. The most
necessary articles of food were risen to exorbitant prices.

Horse flesh was not refused by those who could procure it.* For
want of fuel, the pews and benches of churches were taken for this
purpose ; the counters and partitions of warehouses were applied to
the same use ; and even houses, not inhabited, were' demolished for
the sake of the wood. The English left a great quantity of artillery
and munitions. Two hundred and fifty pieces of cannon, of dif-
ferent caliber, were found in Boston, in Castle Island, and in the in-
trenchments of Bunker's Hill, and the Neck, The English had at-
tempted, but with little success, in their haste, to destroy or to spike
these last pieces ; others had been thrown into the sea, but they were
recovered. There were found, besides, four mortars, a considerable
quantity of coal, of wheat, and of other grains, and one hundred
ind fifty horses.

Tims, after a siege as long as tiresome, the capital of the province
of Massachusetts fell again into the power of the Americans. The

* Provisions were become so scarce at Boston, that a pound of fresh fish cost twelve
pence sterling, a goose eight shillings and four pence, a turkey twelve shillings and
six pence, a duels fouj shillings and two pence, hams two sliillings and a penny per
pound. Vcg-etables were altogether wanting. A sheep cost tlilrty-five shillings ster-
ling, apples thirty-three shillings and four ponce per barrel. Fire wood forty-one shil-
lings and eight pence the cord; and finally, it was not to be procured at any price

BOOK VI. THE AMERICAN WAR. 321

joy of this happy event was felt, with enthusiasm, by all the confed-
eration. It acquired an especial importance by the impulse it could
not fail to impart to the public spirit, and even by the influence it
was likely to have upon future operations. We have here a new
occasion to remark, with surprise, the blindness and presumption of
the British ministry who, instead of taking all the necessary meas-
ures to secure success, from the commencement of the war, seem-
ed, of preference, to adopt all those that were calculated to injure
its cause. Whether from having Ustened to English pride, or from
having trusted to unfaithful reports, or, finally, from having neglected
the examples of history, tne ministers had persuaded themselves that
the provincials would shrink at the aspect of regular troops, and
that their ardor would be converted immediately into a general terror.

They omitted to reflect that the very nature of things had ex-
cited, and already, for a length of time, had nourished the American
revolution.

The colonists were become rich and powerful, and their original
enthusiasm was far from being chilled. Misled by its prepossessions,
the government knew not how to employ its forces ; it refused to
send succors when it was yet time, and hastened to lavish them,
when it was now too late.

The Americans, come into possession of Boston, immediately con-
fiscated the property, movable and immovable, of the emigrants
who had accompanied general Howe to Halifax. The sale was
made at auction, and the produce applied to the exigencies of the
public. The loyahsts who had remained, were prosecuted and de-
clared enemies and traitors to the country ; their possessions were in
like manner confiscated and sold. The first care of the Bostonians
was directed to the necessity of fortifying their city, to preserve it,
in future, from the calamities they had recently experienced. The
works were commenced without delay, and urged with extreme dili-
gence ; all the citizens, in turn, contributed their labor. A French
engineer, some Americans, and four Prussians, had the direction of
the whole. It was no:, however, expected to render Boston a place
of strength, capable of sustaining a regular siege ; it sufficed to place
it in a situation to resist a sudden attack.

Certain movements of the provincials, and especially the care they
had taken to occupy some of the little islands situated in the bay of
Boston, authorized the beUef, that it was their intention to attack
Fort William, erected upon Castle Island. General Howe, perceiv-
ing that the possession of this fort would enable them to defend the
approaches of the city against the English ships, thought it expedi-
ent to dismantle and burn it previous to liis departure. He was

VOL. I. 21

322 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VI.

unable, however, to carry away its artillery, which he contented him-
self with spiking very precipitately

Contrary winds, succeeded by a dead calm, prevented the Eng-
lish fleet, during more than a week, froni getting out to sea. But
at length it succeeded ; and contrary to all expectation, considering
the season, its passage to the port of Halifax was fortunate and
rapid.

Admiral Shuldam had left in the waters of Boston, a squadron,
■under the command of commodore Bankes, to protect the navigation
of the vessels of the king, which, in ignorance of the evacuation of
the city, might continue their voyage towards it. This precaution
had not all the effect that was desired ; the bay being extensive, the
cruisers lay in concealment behind the numerous little islands with
which it is interspersed, and sprung suddenly upon the ships that
presented themselves without mistrust. Among others, captain
Manly took a prize laden with an immense cargo of provisions.

Washington, ignorant what were the plans of general Howe, and
what direction the British fleet had taken, was not without disquie-
tude for the city of New York. He wrote, in consequence, to brigadier-
general lord Sterling, who commanded there, advising him to stand
prepared, and that he had sent him are-inforcement of hve battalions
and several companies of riflemen. But the royal troops were very
far from being in a condition to undertake any thing against that city ;
they esteemed themselves very fortunate in arriving sound and safe
at Halifax. Before proceeding to further operations, general Howe
chose to refresh his troops, and wait for the re-inforcements that were
expected from England.

The affairs of congress assumed an aspect no less prosperous in
North Carolina than in Massachusetts ; in which, however, very se-
rious commotions had begun to manifest themselves.

Governor Martin, although he had taken refuge on board the ves-
sels of the king, did not, however, remain idle ; and he busied himself
incessantly in devising new machinations to retrieve the royal cause
in his province. He flattered himself with the greater hopes of suc-
cess, as he knew that admiral Peter Parker and lord Cornwallis vv'ere
departed from the ports of England for an expedition against tlie
Carolinas. He was also informed that general Clinton, with some
companies, was on his way to join him at Cape Fear, situated upon
the river of the same name, and not far from Wilmington. At the
head of these united forces, increased by the Scotch Highlanders and
the regulators, both formidable to the disaflfected from their experi-
ence in the use of arms, and their ardent zeal for England, he had
no doubt, whatever, but that he could create a revolt in the province,

BOOK VI. THE AMERICAN WAR. 323

and reduce it anew under the authority of the king. After having
concerted vvith all his partisans, he erected the royal standard, sum-
moning all the inhabitants to rally round it in defense of country and
lawful authority against rebels. To render more efficacious the suc-
cors of the highlanders and of the regulators, as well as of all the
other loyalists, he named colonel Macdonald, an officer warmly de-
voted to the royal cause, captain-general of all the levies, that he
might organize them into regular corps.

This plan succeeded according to his hopes. The concourse at
Cross Creek swelled every day ; the patriots were threatened with
an attack in this part unless a prompt remedy was api^lied. The
provincial assembly opened their eyes upon the danger, and dis-
patched, with all speed, against this head of loyalists, all the militia
that vvere in preparation ; and, at the same time, directed that
others should be assembled from all parts of the province.

The two parties that divided Carolina thus found themselves,
marshaled the one against the other, animated with an equal fury.

The patriots were commanded by general Moore ; he went to
take post, with a few pieces of cannon, in front of the loyalists, at a
place called Rock-Fish Bridge, where, having broken the bridge, he
intrenched himself. Macdonald summoned him to come and put
himself under the royal standard, or to expect to be treated as an
enemy. Moore answered him that he had himself to take an oath
of fidelity to congress, and to lay down arms, and that, in so doing,
he should be received as a friend. During these negotiations, which
Moore had the address to drav/ into length, his forces so increased
that he soon acquired a decided superiority over his adversary.
Macdonald, at length, perceived the danger of his situation ; and
though he was already surrounded on every side by the provincials,
he disengaged himself with equal ability and courage. Marching
rapidly, and without interruption, interposing continually between
himself and his pursuers, rivers, forests, and difficult defiles, he
measured a space of eighty miles, in defiance of the vigilance of
the enemy, eager to cut olf his retreat, and arrived at Moore's
Creek, sixteen miles from Wilmington.

There he hoped to be joined by governor I\Iartin and gener al Clin-
ton, who vvere already arrived at Cape Fear. But the provincials,
who had never ceased to follow him, not only prevented this junc-
tion, but reduced him to the necessity of giving battle. He displayed
in it an extreme bravery ; but captain Macleod, and many other
of his officers, having been killed, his troops were seized with a panic,
and fled, leaving their genera! in the midst of his enemies. Macdon-
ald was made prisoner, with many other loyalists. Their enemies

324 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK Vf.

derived an immense advantage from this victory ; for if Macdonald
had been victor, or if he could only have effected his junction with
governor Martin and general Clinton, they might then have waited
at Cape Fear for the rc-inforcemcnts that were coming from Ireland ;
and the affairs of the congress would have been very near desperate
in the southern provinces. The Carolinians learned , besides, to know
their own strength, and refuted the opinion which had generally pre-
vailed of the weakness of North Carolina. They had combated,
with success, the regulators and the Scotch, who had appeared to
them at first so formidable ; and in the space of ten days they had
assembled ten thousand men, full of courage and resolution.

The precipitation of the loyalists was the cause of their ruin ; if
they had temporized until the arrival of succors from Europe, and
then only raised the standard of the king, they might, without doubt,
have struck a decisive blow, and thus have caused the balance to
incline in their favor in the southern provinces.

We have left lord Dunmore cruising with his vessels upon the
coast of Virginia ; he continued still for. a long time upon this station.
But all the places of landing being diligently guarded by the militia,
far from being able to make any impression, he could not even pro-
cure the sustenance necessary for the multitude accumulated on
board his squadron. Consequently the excessive heats, the corrup-
tion of the water and of the provisions, and the crowd of men in
the ships, generated offensive and deleterious miasmata. A pestilen-
tial malady carried off, in mass, the whites and the blacks ; but it was
especially mortal among the latter. In this deplorable state the
squadron of lord Dunmore wandered from island to island, from shore
to shore. He found, upon all points, the inhabitants armed to repulse
him, and he wanted forces to open himself a passage through them.
To crown the measure of misfortune, the winds drove a part of the
ships upon the coasts of Virginia, where the wretched fugitives,
become the prisoners of their own fellow-citizens, did but exchange
this pestiferous abode for dark and horrible dungeons. At length, to
escape a certain death upon these shores, lord Dunmore resolved to
burn the ships of least value. The miserable wrecks of soldiers and
of Virginians, buffeted by tempests, devoured by famine, by thirst,
and by diseases, went to seek refuge in the Floridas, the Bermudas,
and the West Indies. Thus delivered of its enemy, the province
recovered tranquillity. Such was the catastrophe that terminated
the expedition of lord Dunmore against Virginia, and the result of
his plan of revolt of negroes against their masters.

Meanwhile, the congress had not remitted their preparations of
maritime war ; they felt the necessity of protecting their own cojisis

BOOK VI. THE AMERICAN WAR. 325

from the insult of the enemy's cruisers, as also the extreme utility of
intercepting the store-ships of the English armies. There was no
deficiency either of materials suitable for the construction of vessels.
or of excellent mariners ; the interruption of commerce and of the
fisheries having left a very great number of them without employment.
Accordingly the work was pushed with such ardor in the navy yards
of Maryland, of Philadelphia, and of Rhode Island, that upon the
commencement of the year were seen floating in the waters of- the
Delaware five frigates, or corvettes, and thirteen gun sloops,* com-
pletely equipped and armed.

The congress had ordained, besides, that thirteen frigates, of
thirty-six guns each, should be constructed with all possible expedi-
tion. Then, in order to form the seamen to the evolutions of mari-
time war, and, at the same time, to procure themselves arms and
munitions, and especially powder, they ordered Ezekiel Hopkins,
captain-general of the fleet, to make sail for the Bahama Islands.
He put to sea about the middle of February, and after a prosperous
voyage arrived, in the beginning of March, at Abaco, one of these
islands.

Being informed that the English had amassed aconsiderable quan-
tity of munitions in that of Providence, he made a sudden descent
there, and seized them. The Americans found many pieces of
cannon, with bombs, balls, and one hundred and fifty casks of
powder, the capital object of the expedition. In their return they
combated honorably a British frigate, and captured a brig. The
squadron of congress, with its prizes, entered the port of New Lon-
don. Frequent engagements also took place in the bay of Boston,
between the ships of commodore Bankes, and those of Massachu-
setts. One of the most remarkable was that in which captain Mug-
ford captured a transport, laden with a great quantity of arms and
military stores.

The navy of congress not only distinguished itself upon the coasts,
but also, what was scarcely to have been hoped, in the open sea. Its
success perceptibly increased the confidence and hope of the Ameri-
cans ; they accustomed themselves, by httle and little, to act as a
nation enjoying its entire independence.

The desire to see it universally acknowledged was excited in
some, and fortified with others, in proportion to the prosperous result

* The frigates were the Alfred and the Columbus, of thirty-two guns ; the corvettefl,
the Andreas Doria of sixteen, the Sebastian Cabot of fourteen, and the Providence of
twelve. The thirteen gun-boats bore the names following ; the Washington, the Dick-
inson, the Chatham, the Camden, the Burke, the Effingham, the Bull-dog, the Frank-
lin, the Congress, the Experiment, the Hancock, the Adams, and the Warren.

326 THE AMERICAN WAR, BOOK VI.

of their efforts. They were not crowned with the same happy suc-
cess in Canada. Arnold, who had continued, with his feeble corps,
the siege of Quebec, found himself oppressed by a multitude of
obstacles. The re-inforcements the congress had promised iiim, ar-
rived but slowly and by parties, either because the severity of the
season rendered the roads nearly impracticable, or because the ill
success of the assault of Quebec had considerably damped the ardor
with which the novelty and brilliant commencement of this expedi-
tion had inspired the Americans.

It appeared that congress itself, either distracted by too many
cares, or wanting the necessary means, had neglected to take proper
measures for conducting the Canadian war to the object desired. In
vain had the greater part of the garrison of Montreal been marched
to Quebec ; the soldiers under Arnold still scarcely amounted to a
thousand effective men.

The Canadians, who at first had welcomed the Americans with
cordiality, and had supplied them with all that was in their power,
finding themselves afterwards exposed to various excesses on the part
of this undisciplined troop, had passed from benevolence to aversion.
It must be admitted, they had too much reason for it. The Ameri-
cans had not only omitted to conciliate the countenance of the
Catholic priests, which irritated their self-love, but they had even
overwhelmed them with contempt, which excited among them detes-
tation and a thirst of vengeance. The insinuations of governor
Carleton and of all his partisans succeeded, therefore, without diffi-
culty, in persuading them to refuse the sacraments to all those who
had declared for the Americans. This refusal produced an impres-
sion so serious upon the minds of the Canadians, that the provincials,
perceiving how prejudicial it might prove to their interests, dispatch-
ed a Catholic priest from Maryland, in order to dispense to the Cana-
dians all the spiritual succors of which they w^ere deprived. But
this remedy was employed too late. Affairs already assumed the
most discouraging aspect.

A French gentleman of intrepidity, named Beaujeu, had assem-
bled a corps of nobles and other inhabitants with whom he had influ-
ence, at the head of whom he had taken the field. The Americans
had engaged him with advantage ; but they had no means to re-
pair the injury their cause had suffered, as well from its known
weakness, as from the outrages committed against the inhabitants of
the country. To increase their distress, the season approached in
which the re-inforcements, already known to be departed from En^»-
land, were about to arrive. Thr river St. Lawrence, no longer ob-
structed with ice, opened them a free passage up to the city of Que-

BOOK VI. THE AMERICAN WAR. 327

bee. It would have been too hazardous to await them with forces
so disproportionate.

In this critical position, Arnold, who had recently been promoted
to the rank of brigadier-general, prepared, with a courage as great
as his resources were feeble, to reduce the besieged city. Its pos-
session would have rendered the enmity of the Canadians in a great
measure impotent, and the English troops would thus have lost their
communication with the upper parts of the province.

Arnold was not entirely without hope of success. Governor
Carleton experienced a dearth, rendered more and more afflicting
by the vigilance and success with which the provincials intercepted
all his convoys of provisions ; nor did they cease, besides, to harass
and fatigue the garrison by false attacks and multiplied stratagems,
hoping, from its weakness, to find, sooner or later, some way to sur-
prise the place.

They had approached the walls to open the trench, and had erect-
ed batteries upon the banks of the river, in order to cannonade the
English vessels. They fired with red hot balls, and launched dif-
ferent sorts of fireworks into the city ; but general Carleton watched
attentively and disconcerted all their maneuvers. The obstacles
that Arnold encountered, w^ere carried to the utmost by the small-
pox, a malady so formidable in these clim.ates. The re-inforcemonts
he expected, arrived greatly reduced by this scourge ; the soldiers
fled from terror, or were infected by the contagion ; the ranks
thinned continually. It was at this epoch that general Thomas
took the command. He wished, before raising the siege, to make
a last effort, by setting fire to the ships of the governor, and seizing
the occasion of the disorder to attempt the assault. The river
being already free from ice before Quebec, on the night of the
third of May, the Americans sent down a fire-ship ; their ladders
were prepared for the assault. The English, having taken the
alarm, began to fire ; the men who managed the fire-ship, finding
themselves discovered, set her on fire.

In this posture of affairs, having no longer any thing to expect,
either from a regular siege or a scalade, seeing the troops diminish
daily, as well in number as in courage, having no more provisions
left than for three days, and fearing, at every moment, the arrival
of the English re-inforcements, the American general resolved to
abandon the expedition entirely, and to retire towards Montreal.
The very morning of the day appointed for raising the siege, the
Isis ship, of fifty-four guns, arrived in sight of Quebec, with the
frigate Surprise, and another vessel of less force.

With equal industry and peril, they had ventured to navigate the

338 THE AMERICAN WAR.

BOOK VI.

river from Its mouth, in the midst of enormous masses of floatmg
ice. They had on board several companies of veteran soldiers, who
were immediately put on shore.

The ships, now, having the command of the river, intercepted all
communication between the different parts of the American camp,
and even captured a great number of vessels belonging to the pro-
vincials. This unexpected event threw them into the greatest con-
sternation. They precipitately abandoned their quarters, leaving
behind them their baggage, their artillery, their munitions, and
whatever might have retarded their march ; the English seized them
•mmediately.

The sick, attacked, for the most part, with the small-pox, escaped
as they could ; the Canadians were moved with compassion, and
concealed them here and there. Meanwhile, the governor had sal-
lied out at the head of the garrison to pursue the Americans. He
made no few of them prisoners ; but they gave themselves no pause
until they had marched full forty-five miles up the St. Lawrence ;
then, having halted a few hours, they retired to the mouth of the
Sorel, where they were joined by four regiments.

They lost, in this place, general Thomas, who died of the small-
pox ; his valor and his integrity rendered him the object of univer-
sal consideration. General Sullivan succeeded in command. Gene-
ral Carleton, after such prosperous success, reflecting upon his ex-
treme weakness, ceased to pursue the enemy, and returned to Que-
bec, intending to wait for re-inforcements, and then take the field
with forces sufficient to maintain himself there. But he first gave
the most honorable proofs of that humanity which distinguished him.
The Americans, whether wounded or sick, were concealed in the
forests or in the habitations of the Canadians, where they had to
suffer all evils united. The governor issued a proclamation, by
which he ordained that men, appointed for this purpose, should go
in search of these unfortunate men, to cure them at the public
expense, and provide for all their wants. Finally, that they might
not fear to discover themselves, he pledged his faith, that so soon
as they should have recovered health, he would leave them at their
full and entire liberty to return, without conditions, to their own
habitations.

A few days subsequent to the deliverance of Quebec, that is,
about the last of the month of May, several regiments of English
and Brunswickers arrived in Canada. These re-inforcements car-
ried the British army in that province to upwards of thirteen thou-
sand men, commanded by experienced generals, among whom Carle-
ton was the first in reputation, as in rank. Under his orders were

book: vi. the American war. 329

Burgoyne, Phillipps, and Reidesel, a German general of considerable
name.

Wishing to profit by the rout of the Americans, they were all of
opinion that the war should be carried into the upper parts of Cana-
da, and even further, if fortune should prove propitious. The Eng-
lish general accordingly assembled all his forces at Trois Rivieres, a
town situated upon the left bank of the St. Lawrence, at a distance
nearly equal from Montreal and from Quebec.

The constancy of the Americans had been put to a severe test
under the walls of this capital ; they had also to sustain a sanguina-
ry conflict in the environs of Montreal, against a corps of English,
of Canadians, and of savages. They occupied a small fort situated
in a place called les Cedres, a few miles above Montreal.

The royalists appeared before it, and captains Beadle and Butter-
field, more careful of their safety than of their honor, and the inter-
ests of their country, immediately surrendered upon terms. Some
companies had commenced their march from Montreal to bring them
succor, but they fell in with a party of the enemy, who dispersed
them, after an obstinate and bloody resistance. The Indians exer-
cised the most shocking cruelties upon the prisoners. Arnold, who
was then at Montreal, unable to endure that the American arms
should receive a check from those of the Canadians and savages,
immediately took the field in order to avenge this aflront. But cap-
tain Foster gave him to understand, that if he attacked him and re-
fused to consent to an exchange of prisoners, all the Americans that
were found in his power would be massacred immediately by the
Indians. Arnold was constrained, though with extreme repugnance,
to yield to necessity.

Neither these adverse events, nor the aspect of a position so crit-
ical, could shake the courage of the Americans. It was at this
very moment that they attempted an operation full of danger, and
of no httle difficulty.

The English troops and those of Brunswick were much dispersed,
and very distant from each other. A strong corps was quartered at
Trois Rivieres, under the command of general Frazer ; another, al
the orders of general Nesbit, continued on board the transports ; and
the most considerable corps, forming several divisions, under gene-
rals Carleton, Burgoyne, Phillipps, and Reidesel, was distributed
upon the banks, and upon the river itself, in its lower part, on the
side, of Quebec. Some other batteaux, full of soldiers, had already
passed up the river above Trois Rivieres, towards the Sorel. The
Ameiicans conceived the project of surprising and cutting oflf the
English division that occupied Trois Rivieres, before the others could

330 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VI.

come to its assistance. General Sullivan accordingly directed gene-
ral Thompson to embark, with two thousand men, upon fifty bat-
teaux that were kept in preparation for the use of the army, and to
descend the river. Thompson coasted along the right bank of the
lake St. Pierre, formed by the vast breadth of the river in this place,
and arrived without being perceived at Nicole te, a town situated
upon the same bank of the St. Lawrence, a little above Trois R-ivie-
res. His design was to cross the river during the night, to land nine
miles above Trois Rivieres, and to fall ujjon the enemy before day.
But it had already appeared, before the Americans, retarded by many
unexpected obstacles, could gain the left bank. They marched,
however, with incredible rapidity towards the destined point; but
treacherous guides misled them. On having discovered it, they
resumed the right road, which was excessively difficult.

Meanwhile, the sun was risen, and they were perceived by the
troops that were on board the vessels. The alarm was soon given,
and general Frazer was promptly apprised of the danger. The
Americans, seeing themselves discovered, redoubled their celerity.
They arrived at nine in the morning in sight of Trois Rivieres ; but
they found the English drawn up in order of battle, and prepared to
receive them. The action was engaged ; the Americans, after a
feeble struggle, were thrown into disorder, and fled. This notwith-
standing, they were rallied ; but the day was already lost without
remedy. Nesbit, landing all at once with his division, took the Amer-
icans in rear. From this moment their rout was complete. The
soldiers, no longer keeping any order, sought their safety in the
woods.

Pressed in front by Frazer, who overwhelmed them with a fire of
grape-shot, and intercepted by Nesbit, who prevented their return to
the batteaux, they suftered horribly in the passage of a marsh. Hav-
ing, at length, by incredible eflbrts, succeeded in crossing it, they
plunged into thick forests, where the English ceased to pursue them.

When they were able to rejoin their boats, they hastened to return
to the mouth of the Sorel. They left many prisoners in the power
of the English, among whom were general Thompson himself, and
colonel Irwin, with many other officers of distinction ; they had few
killed. The loss of the royal troops was still less. Such was the
issue of the expedition of Trois Rivieres, conceived with ability, un-
dertaken with intrepidity, but finally directed with miprudence.

The success depending entirely on a surprise by night, it is cer-
tain, that when the Americans perceived they could only attack in
open day, and still more, that their enemy was on his guard, the
part of wisdom would have been to halt, and to recover their first

BOOK VI.

THE AMERICAN WAR. 331

position. Discouraged by this check, and by the consideration of
their weakness, the provincials resolved to retreat. The English, on
the contrary, animated by victory, determined to use it with all
promptitude. Having combined all their divisions at Trois Rivieres,
they proceeded, four days after the action, towards the Sorel, part by
u'ie v/ay of the land, and part upon the river. They arrived at the
confluence, a few hours after the Americans had destroyed their
batteries, and carried away the artillery and munitions.

The English generals then formed two columns ; that of the right
was to ascend the St. Lawrence and take possession of Montreal,
pass the river to Longueville, traverse the country which is com-
prehended between the St. Lawrence and the Sorel, and re-unite with
the column of the left under fort St. John. The column of the left
was to ascend the river up to this fort, which it was intended to re-
duce by assault, or by siege, if it was necessary. It was presumable
that the Americans would endeavor to make a stand there. The
first column soon arrived at Montreal, and entered it without obsta-
cle ; Arnold had evacuated it, as well as the whole island, the night
preceding. Meanwhile, Burgoyne advanced by the Sorel with ex-
treme caution ; the country being suspicious, he feared some am-
buscade. The Americans retired with an equal circumspection
They wished to avoid an affair of the rear guard, and to save their
baggage, which, conveyed in batteaux, followed upon the river the
progress of the army.

Arnold at length gained Fort St. John, without having been attack-
ed, and there effected his junction with SulHvan. But this general,
knowing the disadvantage of his position, determined not to risk a
siege ; he set fire to the magazine and barracks, dismantled the forti-
fications, and withdrew under the cannon of Crown Point. Bur-
goyne could not follow him, all the batteaux having been burnt.

Although this retreat had not been absolutely exempt from confu-
sion, it was not, however, with the exception of the check of Trois
Rivieres and that of Cedres, attended with any considerable loss
either of men, of arms, of munitions, or of baggage.

In the midst of so many dangers, general Sullivan neglected no
part of his duty ; the congress addressed him public thanks. The
English found themselves compelled to suspend their pursuit.

By falling back upon Crown Point, the Americans had interposed
between themselves and the enemy, all the length of Lake Cham-
plain, of which a large number of armed vessels rendered them
masters. The English could not hope to proceed further south, by
the way of the lake, unless they armed a fleet superior to that of the
provincials. It was necessary, besides, that they should construct a

332 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VI.

great number of batteaux, to serve for the transport of the troops and
munitions of a numerous army.

There had arrived from England, it is true, six large armed ves-
sels destined for this use ; but the falls of the river Sorel, near Fort
Chambly, rendered their entrance into the lake, if not impossible,
certainly very difficult. The construction of flat boats presented,
also, numerous difficulties, and required a considerable time. Upon
these considerations the English renounced all further pursuit, and
the Americans had leisure to prepare themselves to resist the future
attacks of a powerful and warlike enemy.

The Americans were thus arrested by an insurmountable obstacle
in this expedition of Canada, from which they had promised them-
selves so great advantages. But it should be considered, that either
through inexperience, or from the difficulties which are wont to ac-
company new and tumultuary governments, this enterprise was not
commenced until the season was already too far advanced in these
cold regions ; it was not carried on with sufficient forces ; and the
excesses of military license deprived the colonies of the ancient
friendship of the Canadians, which was not only necessary, but even
indispensable to the success of their cause. It is certain, however,
that if this enterprise had been conducted with a prudence and vigor
equal to the boldness which had dictated its plan, or even if destiny
had not cut ofl' the days of Montgomery at a moment so critical, the
Americans would have gained the object of all their efibrts. But
fortune does not always favor the brave, nor do the brave always
know how to use fortune well.

This expedition of Canada, moreover, led the government or Brit-
ish generals into a signal error with respect to the conduct of all
this war ; to this cause, especially, must be attributed the inutility of
all their efforts against America.

In effect, the invasion of Canada by the Americans, was perhaps
the first motive which determined the English ministry to assemble
so considerable forces in this province, and to divide their army into
two distinct parts, one of which was to descend from Canada, by
the lakes, into the interior of the colonies, and the other to attack
them in front upon the coasts.

It is not improbable, that if instead of these two armies, the Eng-
lish had formed but one only, the war would have had a direction,
and perhaps a conclusion, w idely diffisrent.

The congress decreed, in honor of a man beloved and revered by
the Americans, that there should be procured from Paris a monu-
ment, with an appropriate inscription, to transmit to posterity the
memory of the virtues and heroic quahties of Richard Montgomery.

BOOK VI. THE AMERICAN WAR. 333

This, by the example of those of the dead, they encouraged the
virtues of the living. The authors of revolutions, too often of pref-
erence, employ bad citizens, either in consequence of their audacity
m recommending themselves, or because, having no other principle
but their personal interest, they are more pliant and more ductile
in the hands of those who govern.

It should be observed, on the contrary, to the glory of the Ameri-
can congress, that they sought out and distinguished men of wcth.
We dare not affirm that the number of such, in the times of the revo-,
lution, was more considerable in America than in any other country.
But it does appear, that if there prevailed among the Americans of
this epoch, the vices produced by an immoderate love of gain, those
were scarcely remarked which have their origin in luxury, depravity
of manners, and the ambition of power. Religion had not yet lost
its authority over their minds, nor had it become fashionable with
them to offer incense at the altars of vice, or openly to rail at virtue.
It is remarkable that the English manifested no less enthusiasm
than the Americans for the memory of Montgomery.

Within the parliament itself, there were found orators whose elo-
quence adjudged him all the praises with which the historians of an-
tiquity have commemorated the most illustrious men of their times.
Colonel Barre was particularly remarked for the noble pathos of the
regrets he consecrated to the death of his gallant enemy. Burke and
Fox endeavored to surpass this eulogium in their speeches ; Fox,
especially, who, as yet very young, already discovered the man he
was afterwards to be. Lord North reprehended them sharply, ex-
claiming, that it was indecent to lavish so many praises upon a rebel.
He admitted that Montgomery was brave, able, humane, and gene-
rous ; but still he was only a brave, able, humane, and generous
rebel ; he cited this verse of Addison in Cato, — ' Curse on his
virtues ; they've undone his country.' Fox answered him immedi-
ately, with warmth, that 'the term "rebel," applied to that excel-
lent person, was no certain mark of disgrace, and therefore he was
the less earnest to clear him of the imputation ; for that all the great
assertors of liberty, the saviors of their country, the benefactors of
mankind, in all ages, had been called rebels ; that they even owed
the constitution, which enabled them to sit in that house, to a re-
bellion.' He added this passage from the prince of Latin poets —

Sunt hie etiam sua praemia laudi,
Sunt lachrymtE rerum, et mentem mortalia tangunt.

But it is time to resume the thread of the history. The Ameri-
cans found a compensation for the disasters of Canada, in the suc-
cess tliey obtained under the walls of Charleston, in South Carolina.

331 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VI,

The ministers had resolved to aim a vigorous blow at the southern
provinces, because they had persuaded tliemselves, and not without
reason, that the friends of England were more numerous there than
m those of the north.' They had no doubt that they would all show
themselves so soon as the troops of the king should appear in force
upon the coasts, or should have become possessed of some impor-
tant post. They hoped, with the succor of the loyalists, to re-estab
lish the ancient order of things in these provinces, and they calcu-
lated that thence they might afterwards attack in flank those of the
middle and north ; which, being pressed in the rear, on the part of
Canada, by a strong army, and in front on the part of the sea, by
forces no less formidable, would thus be deprived of all power of
resistance. The ministers already saw America returned to its
ancient submission. They determined to turn their arms at first
against North Carolina, as the weakest part, and to add to this
conquest that of South Carolina and of Virginia, according to the
success of operations.

For this reason the fleet, having on board the troops destined for
this expedition, had sailed from the ports of England and Ireland
before the others. General Clinton, who, at the head of another
considerable corps, v/as to come from New York to join the new
re-inforcements, was already arrived at Cape Fear, not having been
able to execute his design of attacking Virginia. But, on the one
hand, the impatience of the loyalists of North Carolina had caused
the miscarriage of the expedition, and their own ruin ; on the other
contrary winds and storms had so retarded beyond all expectation
the passage of the fleet which, under the command of admiral Petei
Parker, was bound for Cape Fear, that it could not reach that point
until long after the calculated term, nor until the loyalists were
already put down, and the inhabitants of the two Carolinas were not
only apprised of the menaced attack, but had even already made all
their preparations for resistance. It is certain that if the loyalists of
North Carolina had delayed for some time longer to declare them-
selves, or if the sea had been more propitious to the English, the
affairs of congress might have taken a disastrous direction in the
south. The squadron of admiral Parker arrived at Cape Fear
about the beginning of May, with many land troops, and with gene-
rals Cornwallis, Vaughan, and several others. Here they made
ilieir junction with general Clinton, who, from seniority, took the
command in chief.

The obstinate resistance of the Virginians, and the disasters of
the paitisans of England in North Carolina, precluded all hope of
success in these two provinces ; there remained therefore no other

BOOK Vr. THE A^TRRfCAN WAR. 335

advisable proceduro but that of turning against South Carolina;
which expedition offered also this advantage, that the reduction of
Charleston secured the conquest of the entire province.

Its inhabitants, struck Avith consternation at the loss of their capi-
tal, would never even think of attempting to defend an open country,
exposed to the inroads of an active and disciplined enemy. Nor
could the taking of Charleston be considered a difficult operation,
this city being situated upon the very coast.

The plan being decided, the English prepared themselves for the
execution. But the Carolinians had neglected nothing to secure
themselves the means of defending their province, and particularly
their capital. The chiefs of the people, as we have already related,
had taken particular care to fortify Sullivan's Island, situated on the
part of the sea, at the distance of six miles from the point of land
formed by the confluence of the two rivers, Ashley and Cooper, and
upon which the city of Charleston is built. This island so commands
the channel which leads to the port, that the vessels which would
enter it must pass under the cannon of fort Moultrie. It had recently
been armed with thirty-six pieces of heavy cannon, and twenty-
six of inferior caliber. The fort itself was constructed of a species
of wood of the country, which the inhabitants denominated Palmet-
to, and is so spongy and soft, that the ball is deprived by it of its
impetus, and lodges witiiin it without causing splinters. The mih-
tia of all the province were called in haste to the defense of the
city. In the space of a few days the garrison amounted to six thou-
sand men, if not perfectly disciplined, at least full of ardor.

The regiment on pay, of South Carolina, was sent to guard fort
Johnson, situated in James Island, three miles from Charleston, and
which commanded the whole breadth of the channel.

The second and third regiments occupied Sullivan's Island. Wil-
liam Moultrie, who commanded the second regiment, was charged
with the defense of the fort, which afterwards, from his gallant
defense of it, was called by his name. The rest of the troops were
distributed in the most important posts ; the roads which led to the
sea were obstructed by abattis, the warehouses of the coast demol-
ished, and intrenchments erected upon the shore.

There was not an inhabitant who had not in hand either arms or
the spade, or the pick-axe. The blacks, who had been called in
from the country, admirably seconded the whites in all the labors of
fortification. The chief command belonged to general Lee, who
possessed the entire confidence of the troops and of the people ;
none rivaled him in devotion to the common cause. The hatred
he had long borne towards the Engl-sh government, the love of

336 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VI.

glory, and the desire of answering the universal expectation, contin-
ually excited his natural ardor. Rutledgc, a man of great influence
in tile province, also manifested the most active zeal in animating
the inhabitants to defend themselves. His example and his exhor-
tations obtained the most happy results. Every one was at his post,
expecting the enemy with intrepid confidence. Meanwhile, the
British fleet appeared, and cast anchor to the north of Sullivan's
Island,

The ships of war were the Bristol and Experiment, of fifty guns ;
four frigates, the Active, the Acteon, the Sohhcty, and the Syren, of
twenty-eight ; the Sphynx of twenty, the Friendship of twenty-t\A o,
two smaller vessels of eight, and the Thunder, a bomb-ketch.

It was very difficult, especially for the large ships, to pass the bar
which is found at the entrance of the channel of Charleston.

It was not without extreme fatigue that the English succeeded in
crossing it with the Bristol and Experiment, even after they had
lightened them of their artillery and a great part of their lading.
They struck, and it was thought they would bilge immediately ; but
the skill of the officers and the efforts of the sailors at length pre-
served them. The intention of the English was to reduce fort
Moultrie, in order, afterwards, to attack the city without obstacle.
General Clinton issued a proclamation, which he sent into the city
by a flag ; he therein reminded the inhabitants of the subversion of
all laws, of the tyranny established in the hands of the congress, the
committees, and other unconstitutional authorities ; he gave them a
last admonition, before proceeding to extremities ; he exhorted them
to avert from their heads, by a prompt return to obedience, the ven-
geance of a powerful and irritated nation. He offered pardon, at
the same time, to all those who should lay down arms and submit
immediately.

This summons produced no effect whatever.

The English generals had arranged their attack in the following
manner. The ships v/ere to cannonade fort Moultrie in front, while
a corps of troops landed for this purpose in Long Island, to the east
of Sullivan's Island, should cross the narrow arm of the sea that
separates them, and which was believed fordable. This corps would
then have pressed the fort on the part of the land, which was much
less strongly fortified. This plan offered them so fair a prospect of
success, that general Lee himself, having doubts whether the fort
could be defended, recommended that it should be evacuated, and
that all efforts should be concentrated for the defense of the city.
But the inhabitants, who dreaded bombs out of measure, resolved
to attempt, by all means, the defense of the fnrt.

IBlifPP"''''''''ii

BOOK VI. THE AMERICAN WAR. 337

All the preparations being completed on the one part, and on the
other, on the morning of the twenty-eighth of June, the ketch Tliun-
der, protected by another armed vessel, took post, and began to
throw bombs into fort Moultrie, while the rest of the squadron
advanced.

About eleven o'clock, the Bristol, the Experiment, the Active, and
the Solebay, having formed in line, opened a violent fire against the
fort. The Sphynx, the Acteon, and the Syren, went to take their
station to the west, between the point of Sullivan's Island and the
city, partly to be able to sweep the interior of the works, and partly
to intercept all communication between the island and the main land,
which would deprive the garrison of the means of retreat, prevent
them from receiving succors of men and of munitions, and prohibit
the Carolinians from annoying the besiegers by fire ships or other
engines of war. The unskillfulness of the pilots caused the miscar-
riage of these dispositions : the three vessels struck upon a bank
named the Middle Grounds ; two of them, by the exertions of the
mariners, were again set afloat, but not without having received consid-
erable damage. Whether on account of the hour, already become
late, or in consequence of this damage, they were no longer in a
situation to execute the orders of the captains. As to the Acteon,
she was totally stranded, and, the next morning, burned. During
this time, the first four vessels had kept up a furious cannonade
against the fort, which was returned with equal vivacity. The
Thunder, after having discharged upwards of sixty bombs, found
herself so disabled, that she discontinued her fire ; but the others
maintained it ; and if the attack was vigorous, the defense was not
feeble. The English themselves were constrained to admire the
intrepidity of the Americans in so hot an action.

The garrison of the fort, which consisted only in militia and a few
soldiers of the line, displayed an incredible coolness and gallantry,
in the service of their artillery, in the midst of the tempest of balls
which was hailed upon them by the enemy's squadron. The Amerir
cans aimed with an extreme precision. The English ships suffered
excessively ; and their loss in men was not inconsiderable. The
Bristol, especially, being damaged in all her rigging, was for some
time so exposed to the fire of the batteries, that she narrowly escaped
being sunk. Captain Morris, who commanded the Acteon, had
already received several wounds, and the greater part of his men
were killed ; left almost alone upon the deck, he refused to be carried
below, until a ball took off" one of his legs, and then was removed
without hope of life. The admiral himself, Peter Parker, received
a severe contusion.

VOL. 1. 22

338 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VL

Lord Campbell, who a little before was governor of the province
was mortally wounded.

The loss of the garrison was very inconsiderable ; nevertheless
their fire slackened, and at length ceased altogether. Their ammuni-
tion was exhausted, and the English considered their victory as
already secure. But the Americans soon succored the fort, and the
cannonade was renewed with the same fury as at first. It continued
till seven o'clock in the evening.

The English then perceiving the inutility of their attack, and the
deplorable state of their vessels, and not seeing the corps make its
appearance which was to have come up on the pcu*t of Long Island,
determined to abandon the enterprise.

Generals Clinton and Cornwallis would have crossed the arm of
the sea which separates the two neighboring islands, in order to at-
tack fort Moultrie on the land side, as it had been concerted, but the
water was found too deep, and the ford impracticable ; this, at least,
they alledged. On the other hand, even though they should have
succeeded in surmounting these obstacles, it is probable they would
nave found others more formidable still upon the shores of Sullivan's
Island. Colonel Thompson, at the head of three hundred grenadiers
of his regiment ; colonel Clark, with two hundred soldiers of North
Carolina ; colonel Horry, followed by two hundred militia men of
South Carolina, and Racoon's company of riflemen, with some pieces
of aitillery, had occupied the posts situated at the eastern extremity
of the island. It is, therefore, credible, that it was more the prepa-
rations of defense made by the Americans, than the difficulty of the
ford, which prevented the English generals from attempting the pas-
sage. Can it be supposed that officers, so experienced, should havo
continued nine whole days on Long Island without having caused the
depth of the waters to be sounded, and ascertaining long before the
time of the action, whether they were fordable or not?

It appears equally difficult to comprehend how, after having dis-
covered either that the ford was impracticable, or the position of the
Americans impregnable, the English should have remained inactive
on Long Island, instead of endeavoring to land upon some other
part of Sullivan's Island by means of the boats they had assembled.
This circumstance presents several points which it is impossible to
explain. However it may be, the English retired during the night,
and the following morning their ships were already at the distance of
two miles from the island. A fe'v days after, having re-embarked
their troops, they made sail for New York, where the army, increased
by all the re-inforcements it had received from England, expected
general Howe.

BOOK VI. THE AMERICAN IVAR. 339

Such was tlie issue of the attack of fort Moultrie by the English.
It placed the affairs of South Carolina, for the present, in a state
of security. The fort itself received little injury, either because
the balls of the enemy passed above it, or because the spongy wood,
of which it was constructed, diminished their effect.

This battle was remarkable on the side of the Americans, for some
of those traits of obstinate courage, which are the usual result of the
fermentation of minds in the midst of political revolutions. Among
others, it is recorded, that a sergeant of grenadiers, named Jasper,
on seeing the staff of the American standard cut by a ball, sprung
after it to the ground, and fastened it to the rammer of a cannon ;
then mounting upon the parapet, hoisted it anew in the midst of the
most violent fire of the enemy. President Rutledge presented him
with a sword, complimenting htm highly and publicly.

Sergeant Macdonald, mortally wounded, and upon the point of
expiring, continued to encourage his soldiers in the defense of coun-
try and of liberty. These examples of intrepidity were the subject
of great encomium in all the journals, and in all assemblies, both
pubhc and private.

These happy successes inflamed the minds of the Americans witn
new ardor. The event having demonstrated of what importance
was fort Moultrie, and on the other hand, how difficult it was to
throw succors into it by v.ay of the sea, it was resolved to unite Sul-
livan's Island to the continent by a bridge. This important work,
notwithstanding all the obstacles it presented, was executed by gene-
ral Gadsden, a zealous patriot, and one of the most distinguished
men of the province. The congress, by a special decree, voted their
thanks to major-general Lee, to colonel Moultrie, to colonel Thomp-
son, and to all the officers and soldiers who had displayed equal
courage and patriotism in this memorable defense.

At this epoch, America was found in a strange situation, and
actually unheard of till then. The war she had carried on with so
much vigor, now, for more than a year, was directed against a king
to whom she incessantly renewed her protestations of obedience ;
and the same men, who committed all the acts of rebelHon, would
by no means be called rebels. In all the tribunals, justice was still
administered in the name of the king ; and in the churches, prayers
were continually repeated for the preservation and happiness of that
prince, whose authority was not only entirely rejected, but also fought
agamst with incredible obstinacy. It was declared to be the gene-
ral wish to resume the ancient connection, to re-establish the original
form of the royal government, whereas, in reality, the republican sys-
tem had been long since introduced. A desire was pretended to

340 THE AMEIUCAN WAR. BOOK VI.

arrive at one object, while all those means were resorted to which led
to another aosolutely opposite ; in effect, in no revolution of state
has there ever been observed so much incongruity between words
and actions.

Such a state of things could not have duration ; if the vulgar per-
suaded themselves that force of arms would reduce the government
to bund before their will, enlightened citizens perceived, distinctly,
that the wound was become incurable ; and that it was hoped, in
vain, to see the restoration of ancient ties between the colonies and
the parent state. They well knew that the obstinacy of the British
government was the fruit of pride, and that whatever successes the
Americans might obtain in the course of the war, they could never
be of such a nature as to alarm this government for its own exist-
ence ; the only extremity, however, that would be capable of in-
ducing it to listen to a negotiation of accord.

The Americans could wage only a defensive war ; and even sup-
posing they should vanquish the armies of Great Britain, she would
always be able to renew the conflict. On the other hand, the mere
loss of commerce with America, would not suffice to determine the
government to accede to the conditions of the colonists, since all the
other parts of the globe were open to it. Besides, great naval forces
being the surest guaranty of the safety of commerce, that nation,
whose marine shall have acquired an acknowledged superiority, will
see its commerce increase and flourish under the protection of its
flag. Nor should it be omitted, that however the principle of the
quarrel seemed to consist in a struggle between limited monarchy
and absolute monarchy, it now existed, in fact, only between the
monarchy and the republic. The Americans, therefore, could have
no other prospect but of entire liberty and independence ; or of
total dependence and servitude.

In this state of things, there was not a man endowed with pene-
tration and experience, who did not perceive that an open and sol-
emn declaration of the object it was desired to attain was the wisest,
and even the only resolution the Americans could adopt. Their
situation was not rendered by it more critical ; it even oflfered im-
mediate advantages, and still greater in perspective. Their counsels
would thus acquire more firmness, a point essential to the success of
such an enterprise, and foreign succors would become more easily
attainable. It might then be believed that the colonists, after hav-
ing solemnly proclaimed their independence, would combat to the
last in its defense.

The apprehension of a sudden reconciliation no longer restrain-
ing foreign powers, they might openly succor them. And perhaps

BOOK VI. THE AMERICAN WAR 34)

the pride of England would be less hurt, in case of reverse, at ne-
gotiating with the Americans as with an independent nation, than
in submitting to the conditions which had been the first occasion of
the quarrel ; for war can have no result more bitter than that of com-
pelling him that has waged it to give up to his enemy the very object
in dispute. The course, therefore, which the Americans had to pur-
sue, was no longer doubtful, and the congress was not slow to per-
ceive it. If the resolution was urgent, it could never be taken in
circumstances more propitious, or under auspices more favorable.
The success of the arms of the patriots in IVIassachusetts, Virginia
and South Carolina, provinces of such chief importance ; the pros-
perity of their first maritime enterprises ; and the multitude of
prizes taken from the enemy by their privateers, inspired a well
grounded hope, that whatever should be decreed by the congress
would have the concurrence of all America. The terror of the
English arms had diminished in the minds of all, in proportion to
the increase of confidence in the national forces ; the union of the
different provinces became more intimate ; the ill success of the loy-
alists, in their first attempts, had discouraged them, and caused them
to be looked upon by the patriots as enemies little to be feared.
But if this party was impotent in arms, they neglected not to resort
to plots, the immediate effect of which was to redouble the animosi-
ty of the patriots against a government, that, not content, as they
said, with employing force, also hired incendiaries and assassins to
practice their horrible arts against innocent cities, and the most vir-
tuous citizens.

Certain loyalists of New York, gained and instigated, as it was
rumored, by governor Tryon, had formed a conspiracy, the object
of which was to arrest, and perhaps to murder, general Washington
and the other principal officers ; to set fire to the magazines, and to
occupy all the avenues of the city at the moment when the British
troops, that were expected, should have presented themselves before
it. The plot having been discovered, many individuals, who had
been concerned in it, were seized ; among others, two of the gene-
ral's guards, and his steward himself : some were executed.

The horrible project of setting fire to so considerable a city, and
attempting the life of a man to whom the people bore so much rev-
erence and love, transported the patriots with indignation. They
demanded, with loud cries, to be liberated forever from the powei
of a government which, according to the general opinion, gave wages
to such infamous assassins. England herself, by her public acts,
precipitated the moment of this total separation.

The discourse held by the king to the parliament had persuaded

342 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VI

the Americans that nothing would be remitted of the measures or
rigor adopted against them, and consequently that their preparations
of war could not be too formidable.

The discussions and decisions of parliament disclosed to them the
impotence of those who attempted to defend their cause. But the
act of the fifteenth of IMay, which abandoned American property,
private as well as public, to those who could find the way to seize
it, had thoroughly apprised the colonists that it was resolved not only
to exercise against them the extremes of hostility, but that it was
intended to violate, with respect to them, all the principles of those
laws which, among civilized nations, still plead for humanity even
in the midst of carnage and devastation. In a word, they no longer
doubted but that the English ministry was determined to organize
against them a system of piracy and robbery. No foreign nation,
when their enemy, had ever perpetrated such excesses ; much less
could they endure them on the part of their own fellow citizens.
But was it possible still to give this name to enemies who no longer
observed any measure ? Affection, which has its source in the ties
of blood and political union, can no longer exist, when not only the
laws in use among friendly nations, but even usages respected by
civilized people in the midst of the most cruel discords, have been
trampled under foot. And if the English resolved to wage a war of
barbarians against America, the least that could follow was, that the
latter should view them as foreigners.

The resolution taken by England to employ, and send against the
Americans, the mercenary troops of Germany, whom the colonists
looked upon as men devoid of all humanity, had produced the most
violent impression upon their minds. From this moment they ab-
jured all sentiment of consanguinity towards a people who pent
against their children such cruel executors of their will. ' Behold,
then,' they cried, ' the ministers of peace, the negotiators that Eng-
land sends us ! the soldiers of the princes of Hesse, of Brunswick
and of Waldeck ! The devastations, the massacres, the implacable
fury of these hireling Germans, the horrible barbarities of the Indian
savages, such are the instruments then British government employs
to vanquish our constancy, and subject us anew to its yoke ! The
English arm foreigners against us ; then let us combat the English
themselves, as if they were foreigners. Their laws, no less cruel
than their soldiers, have severed all our ties ; have despoiled us even
of the hope to re-unite them ; wherefore, then, do we still hesitaie
to adopt a resolution, which, if at first it appeared to us painful and
prejudicial, every thing now demonstrates to be useful and even
necessary !'

BOOK VI. THE AMERICAN WAR. 343

It is certain, that the very measures from which the ministers ex-
pected the return of the Americans to submission, served but to
redouble their obstinacy, and furnished new arms to the congress,
and to all the partisans of independence.

Even the greater part of those who had professed contrary opin-
ions, were seen to join with them, or at least to manifest an extreme
indifference for the interests of England. Her enemies increased
every day in number and hardiness ; and every day her friends lost
their influence and their zeal — a memorable example for those
who^ in their blind precipitation, imagine that measures proper to di-
vide men, and to arm them against one another when they are cool,
will produce the same effect when they are animated by some vio-
lent passion ! Then what should appease, irritates ; what shouM
intimidate, encourages ; and what should divide, assembles and unites.
The desire of independence insi^'iated itself little by httle into the
minds of all. In public, particularly, the harangues had no other
object ; the general attention was fixed upon events. At this epoch
appeared a writing entitled Common Sense ; it was the production
of Thomas Paine, born in England, and arrived not long before in
America. No writer, perhaps, ever possessed, in a higher degree,
the art of moving and guiding the multitude at his will. It may be
affirmed, in effect, that this work was one of the most poweiful in-
struments of American independence.

The author endeavored, with very plausible arguments, to demon-
strate that the opposition of parties, the diversity of iiiterest, the
arrogance of the British government, and its ardent thirst of ven-
geance, rendered all reconciliation impossible. On the other hand,
he enlarged upon the necessity, utility, and possibility of indepen-
dence.

He omitted not to sprinkle his pamphlet with declamations calcu-
lated to render monarchy odious to the people, and to inspire them
with the desire of a republic. The excellency of the English con-
stitution had never till then been called in question ; Paine criticised
it very freely in the part which relates to the royal power ; but
praised its other institutions. He painted all the calamities which
had weighed upon England, notwitl.standing the much extolled
goodness of its constitution, especially since the re-establishment
of monarchy ; thence he inferred that it contained some essential
vice which opposed the happiness of the people ; and this lurking
defect he affirmed was royalty.

To this he attributed intestine discords, and the frequency of
foreign wars ; he congratulated the Americans that Heaven had
olaced it in their power to create a constitution that should embrace

344 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VI.

all the excellencies of that of England without any of its defects ;
and thus, again, he intimated the exclusion of royalty. The success
of this writing of Paine cannot be described.

The vehemence of opinion redoubled in the minds of all ; even
loyalists were seen to declare for liberty ; an unanimous cry arose
for independence.

The congress determined to seize the opportunity. But to pro-
ceed with prudence, they wished first to sound the minds of the
people by passing a resolution, which, if it was not independence
itself, evidently led to it. They intended to observe its effects, in
order to govern their subsequent conduct accordingly. They de-
creed, that whereas the British king, in conjunction with the lords
and commons of Great Britain, had, by the late acts of parliament,
excluded the united colonies from the protection of his crown ; and
whereas no answer had been, or probably would be, given to their
humble petitions for the repeal of the obnoxious laws, and for a recon-
ciliation with Great Britain ; that, on the contrary, all the force of
that realm, with the aid of mercenary foreigners, was to be employed
for the destruction of the good people of the colonies ; and finally,
whereas it is contrary to sound reason, and to the consciences of this
people, to take the oaths and make the engagements necessary to the
assumption and exercise of offices under the crown of Great Britain ;
and it is necessary that the exercise of every authority, proceeding
from the said crown, should be totally annulled, and all the powers
of government exercised under the authority of the good people of
the colonies ; and this in order to maintain internal peace, good mor-
als, and public order, as well as to defend their lives, liberty, and prop-
erty, from the assaults and cruel rapine of their enemies ; therefore
it was recommended to the respective assemblies and conventions of
the united colonies, where no government suited to the exigency of
aflfairs had till then been constituted, that they should establish such
governments, as, according to the opinion of the representatives of
the people, should be most conducive to the happiness and security
of their constituents, and of America in general. This resolution of
congross, being rapidly notified to all the colonies, encountered among
them, respectively, a different reception. Some had already antici-
pated il, and, assuming the powers of government, had created insti-
tutions independent of the crown, and these no longer temporary,
as at first, but stable, and subject to no limitation of time or of con-
dition. Thus Virginia and South Carolina had proceeded. Connec-
ticut and Rhode Island needed no change ; since there, from the
earliest times, every authorityoriginated in the people, by whom all
public officers were chosen, as well those to when were intrusted

BOOK VI. THK AMERICAN WAR. 345

the legislative, as those who exercised the executive powers. Mary-
land, Pennsylvania and New York, hesitated ; but at length yielded
to the necessity of the times. Thus the people of the colonies set
about framing new constitutions ; but, with the exception of the parts
which relate to regal authority, all preserved those forms which aie
peculiar and appropriate to the English constitution.

The three powers, legislative, executive and judiciary, were care-
fully separated from each other ; and great jealousy was manifested
of the executive.

In some colonies, the legislature was divided into two branches; in
others it formed but one corps ; but in all, those who held offices of
trust or power under the executive were excluded. The judges
were paid either by the legislature or by the executive. In some their
tenure of office was for a limited period, in others during good beha-
vior. The governors were elected for a longer or shorter term of
time, according to the greater or less jealousy of the people. In
some colonies they possessed the right of veto ; in others not. Here
the governor was made responsible for all his acts, there for none,
because he was subject to the decisions of an executive council. In
all these deliberations, so important to the happiness of the united
colonies, no threats, discord, or reproaches, were heard ; and it ap-
peared as if all, laying aside ambition, aspired to nothing but the
prosperity and liberty of their country — a memomble example of
prudence, moderation, and concord ! Let other nations reflect on
this, and blush, for having acted in all times so diflereutty from the
Americans ; if, indeed, corruption of morals has left still the power
of blushing to those who rush from conflicts of opinion to discord,
and from discord to the effusion of blood.

The congress had fouAd all minds disposed to adopt the resolution
they meditated ; but to accomplish the work they had commenced,
it was requisite that they should be formally authorized by the col-
onies to proclaim independence.

This great business was conducted with so much prudence, and
the people were so much inclined to favor the design, that the iireater
part of the provincial assemblies invested their representatives in
congress with full powers to carry it into effect. Some also author-
ized them to conclude alliances with foreign princes. Pennsylvania
and Maryland alone remained in opposition.

Such was the state of things, when, in the sitting of congress of
the eighth of June, a motion having been made to declare indepen-
dence'^ Richard Henry Lee, one of the deputies from Virginia, spoke
as follows, and was heard with profound attention :

' I know not whether, among all the civil discords which have been

346 THE AMF.RICAN WAR. BOOK VI.

recorded by Iiisloriani=;, and which have been excited either by the
love of liberty in the people, or by the ambition of princes, there has
ever been presented a deliberation more interesting or more impor-
tant than that which now engages our attention ; whether we con-
sider the future destiny of this free and virtuous people, or that of
our enemies themselves, who, notwithstanding their tyranny and this
cruel war, are still our brethren, and descended from a common
stock ; or finally, that of the other nations of the globe, whose eyes
are intent upon this great spectacle, and who anticipate from our
success more freedom for themselves, or from our defeat apprehend
heavier chains and a severer bondage. For the question is not
whether we shall acquire an mcrease of territorial dominion, or wick-
edly wrest from others their just possessions ; but whether we shall
preserve, or lose forever, that liberty which we have inherited from
our ancestors, which we have pursued across tempestuous seas, and
whicfi we have defended in this land against barbarous men, fero-
cious beasts, and an inclement sky. And if so many and distinguish-
ed praises have always b?en lavished upon the generous defenders of
Greek and of Roman liberty, what will be said of us, who defend a
liberty which is founded not upon the capricious will of an unstable
multitude, but upon immutable statutes and tutelary laws ; not that
which was the exclusive privilege of a few patricians, but that which
is the property of all ; not that which was stained by iniquitous os-
tracisms, or the horrible decimation of armies, but that which is
pure, temperate, and gentle, and conformed to the civilization of the
pres'mt age. Why tlien do we longer procrastinate, and wherefore
are these delays ? Let us complet'^, the enterprise already so well
commenced ; and since our union with England can no longer con-
sist with that liberty and peace which are our chief delight, let us
dissolve these fatal ties, and conquer forever that good which we
already enjoy ; an entire and absolute independence.

' But ought I not to begin by observing, that if we have reached
that violent extremity, beyond which nothing can any longer exist
between America and England, but either such war or such peace
as are made between foreign nations, this can only le imputed to the
insatiable cupidity, the tyrannical proceedings, and the outrages, for
ten years reiterated, of the British ministers ? What have we not
done to restore peace, to re-establish harmony ? Who has not heard
our prayers, and who is ignorant of our supplications ? They have
wearied the universe. England alone was deaf to our complaints,
and wanted that compassion towards us which we have found among
all other nations. And as at first our forbearance, and then our re-
sistance, have proved equally insufficient, since our prayers were un-

BOOK VI. Tri E AMERICAN WAR. 347

availing, as well as the blood lately shed , we must go further, and
proclaim our independence. Nor let any one believe that we have
any other option left. The time will certainly come when the fated
separation must take place, whether you will or no ; for so it is decreed
by the very nature of things, the progressive increase of our population,
the lertihty of our soil, the extent of our territory, the industry of our
countrymen, and the immensity of the ocean which separates the two
states. And if this be true, as it is most true, who does not see tjiat
the sooner it takes place the better ; and that it would be not only
imprudent, but the height of folly, not to seize the present occasion,
when British injustice has filled all hearts with indignation, inspired
all minds with courage, united all opinions in one, and put arms in
every hand ? And how long must we traverse three thousand miles
of a stormy sea, to go and solicit of arrogant and insolent men^ either
counsels or connnands to regulate our domestic affliirs ? Does it not
become a great, rich, and powerful nation, as we are, to look at home,
and not abroad, for the government of its own concerns ? And
how can a ministry of strangers judge, with any discernment, of our
interests, when they know not, and when it little imports them to
know, what is good for us, and what is not ? The past justice of the
British ministers should warn us against the future, if they should
ever seize us again m their cruel claws. Since it has pleased our
barbarous enemies to place before us the alternative of slavery or of
independence, where is the generous minded man and the lover of
his country, who can hesitate to choose ? With these perfidious men
no promise is secure, no pledges sacred. Let us suppose, which
Heaven avert, that we are conquered ; let us suppose an accommoda-
tion. What assurance have we of the British moderation in victory
or good faith in treaty? Is it their having enlisted and let loose
against us the ferocious Indians, and the merciless soldiers of Germa-
ny ? Is it that faith, so often pledged and so often violated in the course
of the present contest ; this British faith, which is reputed more false
than Punic ? We ought rather to expect, that when we shall have
fallen naked and unarmed into their hands, they will wreak upon us
their fury and their vengeance ; they will load us with heavier chciins,
in order to deprive us not only of the power, but even of the hope
of again recovering our liberty. But I am willing to admit, although
it is a thing without example, that the British government will fo.get
past offenses and ferform its promises; can we imagine, that after so
long dissensions, after so many outrages, so many combats, and so
much bloodshed, our reconciUation could be durable, and that every
day, in the midst of so much hatred and rancor, would not aflpjrd
some fresh subject of animosity ? The two nations are already sep-

3 IS TUE AMEUICAN WAR. BOOK VI

aratcd in inicrcst and afTections ; the one is conscious of its ancient
strength, tne other has become acquainted with its newly exerted
force ; the one desires to rule in an arbitrary manner, the other will
not obey even if allowed its privileges. In such a state of things,
what peace, what concord, can be expected ? The Americans may
become faithful friends to the English, but subjects, never. And
even though union could be restored without rancor, it could not
without danger. The wealth and power of Great Britain should in-
spire prudent men with fears for the future. Having reached such
a height of grandeur that she has no longer any thing to dread from
foreign powers, in the security of peace the spirit of her people will
decay, manners will be corrupted, her youth will grow up in the
midst of vice, and in this state of degen-eration, England will become
the prey of a foreign enemy, or an ambitious citizen. If we remain
united with her, we shall partake of her corruptions and misfor-
tunes, the more to be dreaded as they will be irreparable ; separated
from her, on the contrary, as we are, we should neither have to fear
the seductions of peace nor the dangers of war. By a declaration
of our freedom, the perils would not be increased ; but we should
add to the ardor of our defenders, and to the splendor of victory
Let us tlien take a firm step, and escape from this labyrinth ; we
have assumed the sovereign power, and dare not confess it ; we dis-
obey a king, and acknowledge ourselves his subjects ; wage war
against a people, on whom we incessantly protest our desire to de-
pend. What is the consequence of so many inconsistencies ? Hesi-
tation paralyzes all our measures ; the way we ought to pursue, is
not marked out ; our generals are neither respected nor obeyed , our
soldiers have neither confidence nor zeal ; feeble at home, and little
considered abroad, foreign princes can neither esteem nor succor so
timid and wavering a people. But independence once proclaimed,
and our object avowed, more manly and decided measures will be
adopted ; ail minds will be fired by the greatness of the enterprise,
the civil magistrates will be inspired with new zeal, the generals with
fresh ardor, and the citizens with greater constancy, to attain so high
and so glorious a destiny. There are some who seem to dread the
effects of this resolution. But will England, or can she, manifest
against us greater vigor and rage than she has already displayed ?
Slie deems resistance against oppression no less rebellion than inde-
pendence itself. And where are those formidable troops that are
to subdue the Americans ? What the English could not do, can it
be done by Germans ? Are they more brave, or better disciplined ?
The number of our enemies is increased : but our own is not dimin-
ished, and the battles we have sustained have given us the practice

BOOK VI, THE AMERICAN WAR. 349

of arms and the experience of war. Who doubts, then, that a decla-
ration of independence will procure us alHes ? All nations are de-
sirous of procuring, by commerce, the productions of our exuberant
soil; they will visit our ports, hitherto closed by the monopoly of
insatiable England. They are no less eager to contemplate the re-
duction of her hated power ; they all loathe her barbarous dominion ,
their succors will evince to our brave countrymen the gratitude they
bear them for having been the first to shake the foundations of this
Colossus. Foreign princes wait only for the extinction of all hazard
of reconciliation, to throw off their present reserve. If this measure
IS useful, it is no less becoming our dignity. America has arrived at
a degree of power which assigns her a place among independent na-
tions ; w^e are not less entitled to it than the English themselves. If
they have wealth, so also have we : if they are brave, so are we ; if
they are more numerous, our population, through the incredible fruit-
fulness of our chaste wives, will soon equal theirs ; if they have men
of renewal as well in peace as in war, we likewise have such ; politi-
cal revolutions usually produce great, brave, and generous spirits.
From what we have already achieved in these painful beginnings, it
is easy to presume what we shall hereafter accomplish ; for experi-
ence is the source of sage counsels, and liberty is the mother of great
men. Have you not seen the enemy driven from Lexington by thir-
ty thousand citizens armed and assembled in one day ? Already
their most celebrated generals have yielded in Boston to the skill of
ours ; already their seamen, repulsed from our coasts, wander over the
ocean, where they are the sport of tempest, and the prey of famine.
Let us hail the favorable omen, and fight not for the sake of know-
ing on what terms we are to be the slaves of England, but to secure
to ourselves a free existence, to found a just and independent govern-
ment. Animated by liberty, the Greeks repulsed the innumerable
army of Persians ; sustained by the love of independence, the Swiss
and the Dutch humbled the power of Austria by memorable defeats,
and conquered a rank among nations. But the sun of America also
shines upon the heads of the brave ; the point of our weapons is no
less formidable than theirs ; here also the same union prevails, the
same contempt of dangers and of death in asserting the cause of
country.

' Why then do we longer delay, why still deliberate ? Let this
most happy day give birth to the American republic. Let her arise,
not to devastate and conquer, but to re-establish the reign of peace
and of the laws. The eyes of Europe are fixed upon us ; she de-
mands of us a living example of freedom, that may contrast, by the
felicity of the citizens, with the ever increasing tyranny which deso-

350 THK AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VJ,

latcs her polluted shores. She invites us to prepare an asylum where
the unhappy may find solace, and the persecuted repose. She en-
treats us to cultivate a propitious soil, where that generous plant
which first sprung up and grew in England, but is now withered by
the poisonous blasts of Scottish tyranny, may revive and flourish,
sheltering under its sahibrious and interminable shade all the unfor-
tunate of the human race. This is the end presaged by so many
omens, by our first victories, hy the present ardor and union, by the
flight of Howe, and the pestilence which broke out among Dun-
more's people, by the very winds which baffled the enemy's fleets
and transports, and that terrible tempest which ingulfed seven hun-
dred vessels upon the coasts of Newfoundland, If we are not this
day wanting in our duty to country, the names of the American
legislators will be placed, by posterity, at the side of those of The-
seus, of Lycurgus, of Romulus, of Numa, of the three Williams of
Nassau, and of all those whose memory has been, and will be, for-
ever dear to virtuous men and good citizens.'

Lee had scarcely ceased speaking, when no dubious signs of ap-
probation were manifested on all parts. But the deputies of Penn-
sylvania and Maryland not being present, and the congress desirous,
by some delay, to evidence the maturity of their deliberations, ad-
journed the further consideration of the subject to the first of July.
Meanwhile, the patriots labored strenuously to induce the two dis-
senting provinces also to decide for independence. They employed
the most earnest persuasions, to which they added also threats, inti-
mating that not only would the ether colonies exclude them from the
confederation, but that they would immediately treat them as ene-
mies. The provincial assembly of Pennsylvania remained inflexible.
At length, the inhabitants of Pennsylvania formed a convention, in
which the debates and disputes upon the question of independence
were many and vehement.

John Dickinson, one of the deputies of the province to the gene-
ral congress, a man of prompt genius, of extensive influence, and
one of the most zealous partisans of American liberty, restricted,
however., to the condition of union with England, harangued, it is
said, in the following manner against independence.

' It too often happens, fellow-citizens, that men, heated by the
spirit of party, give more importance in their discourses to the sur-
face and appearance of objects, than either to reason or justice ;
thus evincing that their aim is not to appease tumults, but to excjte
them ; not to repress the pa^sions, but to inflame them ; not to com-
pose ferocious discords, but to exasperate and embitter th-^m more
find more. They aspire but to please the powerful, to gratify their

BOOK VI. THE AMEniCAN AVAR 351

own ambition, to flatter the caprices of t!ie multitude, in order to
captivate their favor. Accordingly, in popular commotions, the par-
ty of wisdom and of equity is commonly found in the minority ; and
perhaps it would be safer, in difficult circumstances, to consult the
smaller instead of the greater number. Upon this principle 1 invite
the attention of those who hear me, since my opinion may differ
from that of the majority ; but I dare believe it will be shared by all
impartial and moderate citizens, who condemn this tumultuous pro-
ceeding, this attempt to coerce our opinions, and to drag us with so
much precipitation to the most serious and important of decisions.
But coming to the subject in controversy, I affirm, that prudent men
do not abandon objects which are certain, to go in pursuit of those
which offer only uncertainty. Now it is an established fact, that
America can be well and happily governed by the English laws,
under the same king, and the same parliament. Two hundred years
of happiness furnish the proof of it ; and Vv'e find it also in the pres-
ent prosperity which is the result of these venerable laws and of this
ancient union. It is not as independent, but as subjects ; not as
republic, but as monarchy ; that we have arrived at this degree of
power and of greatness.

' What then is the object of these chimeras hatched in the days
of discord and war ? Shall the transports of fury have more power
over us than the experience of ages ? Shall we destroy, in a moment
of anger, the work cemented and tested by time ?

' 1 know the name of liberty is dear to each one of us ; but have
we not enjoyed liberty even under the English monarchy ? Shall
we this day renounce that, to go and seek it in I know not what
form of republic, which will soon change into a licentious anarchy
and popular tyranny ? In the human body the head only sustains
and governs all the members, directing them, with admirable harmo-
ny, to tlie same object, which is self-preservation and happiness ; so
the head of the body politic, that is, the king in concert with the par-
liament, can alone maintain the union of the members of this empire,
lately so flourishing, and prevent civil war by obviating all the evils
produced by variety of opinion and diversity of interests. And so
firm is my persuasion of this, that I fully beheve the most cruel war
which Great Britain could make upon us, would be that of not ma-
king any ; and that the surest means of bringing us back to her obe-
dience, would be that of employing none. For the dread of the
English arms once removed, provinces would rise up against provinces,
and cities against cities ; and we should be seen to turn against our-
selves the arms we have taken up |o combat the common enemy.

• Insurmountable necessity would then compel us to resort to the

3Ó2 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VI.

tutelary aulliority uliich we should have rashly abjured, and if it
c onseuted to receive us again under its Egis, it would be no longer
as free citizens, but as slaves. Still inexperienced, and in our in-
fancy, what proof have we given of our ability to walk without a
guide ? none ; and if we judge of the future by the past, we must
conclude that our concord will continue as long as the danger, and
no longer

' Even when the powerful hand of England supported us, for the
paltry motives of territorial limits and distant jurisdictions, have we
not abandoned ourselves to discords, and sometimes even to violence ?
And what must we not expect now that minds are heated, ambitions
roused, and arms in the hands of all ?

' If, therefore, our union with England offers us so many advan-
tages for the maintenance of internal peace, it is no less necessary
to procure us with foreign powers that condescension and respect
which are so essential to the prosperity of our commerce, to the en-
joyment of any consideration, and to the accomplishment of any en-
terprise. Hitherto, in our intercourse with the different nations of
the world, England has lent us the support of her name and of her
arms ; we have presented ourselves in all the ports and in all the
cities of the globe, not as Americans, a people scarcely heard of, but
as English ; under the shadow of this respected name, every port
was open to us, every way was smooth, every demand was heard
with favor. From the moment when our separation shall take place,
every thing will assume a contrary direction. The nations will ac-
custom themselves to look upon us with disdain ; even the pirates
of Africa and Europe will fall upon our vessels, will massacre our
seamen, or lead them into a cruel and perpetual slavery.

' There is in the human species, often so inexplicable in their af-
fections, a manifest propensity to oppress the feeble as well as to flat-
ter the powerful. Fear always carries it against reason, pride against
moderation, and cruelty against clemency.

' Independence, I am aware, has attractions for all mankind ; but
I maintain, that in the present quarrel the friends of independence
are the promoters of slavery, and that those who desire to separate
us, would but render us more dependent ; if independence means
the right of commanding, and not the necessity of obeying, and if
being dependent is to obey, and not to command. If in rendering
ourselves independent of England, supposing, however, that we
should be able to effect it, we might be so at the same time of all
other nations, I should applaud the project ; but to change the con-
dition of English subjects for that of slaves to the whole world, is a
step that could only be counseled by insanity. If you would reduce

EOOK VI. THE AMERICAN WAR. 353

yourselves to the necessity of obeying, in all things, the mandates of
supercilious France, who is now kindling fire under our feet, declare
yourselves independent. If to British liberty you prefer the libejly
of Holland, of Venice, of Genoa, or of Ragusa, declare yourselves
independent. But if we would not change the signification of words,
let us preserve and carefully maintain this dependence, which has
been down to this very hour the principle and source of our pros-
perity, of our liberty, of our real independence.

' But here I am interrupted, and told that no one questions the
advantages which America derived at first from her conjunction with
England ; but that the new pretensions of the ministers have dianged
all, have subverted all. If I should deny that, for the last twelve
years, the English government has given the most fatal direction to
the affairs of the colonies, and that its measures towards us savor of
tyranny, I should deny not only what is the manifest truth, but even
«vhat I have so often advanced and supported. But is there any
doubt that it already feels a secret repentance ? These arms, these
soldiers, it prepares against us, are not designed to establish tyranny
upon our shores, but to vanquish our obstinacy, and compel us to
subscribe to conditions of accommodation. In vain is it asserted
that the ministry will employ all means to make themselves quite
sure of us, in order to exercise upon us, with impunity, all the rigor
of their power ; for to pretend to reduce us to an absolute impossi-
bility of resistance in cases of oppression, would be, on their part, a
chimerical project. The distance of the seat of government, the
vast extent of intervening seas, the continual increase of our pop-
ulation., our warlike spirit, our experience in arms, the lakes, the
rivers, the forests, the defiles which abound in our territory, are our
pledges that England will always prefer to found her power upon
moderation and liberty, rather than upon rigor and oppression.
An uninterrupted succession of victories and of triumphs could
alone constrain England to acknowledge American independence ;
which, whether we can expect, whoever knows the instability of
fortune can easily judge.

' If we have combated successfully at Lexington and at Boston,
Quebec and all Canada have witnessed our reverses. Every one
sees the necessity of opposing the extraordinary pretensions of the
ministers ; but does every body see also that of fighting for inde-
pendence ?

' It is to be feared, that by changing the object of the war, the

present harmony will be interrupted, that the ardor of the people will

be chilled by apprehensions for their new situation. By substituting

a total dismemberment to the revocation of the laws we complain of,

VOL. I. 23

354 THE AMERICAN WAR, BOOK VI.

we should fully justify the ministers ; we should merit the infamous
name of rebels, and all the British nation would arm, with an unan-
imous impulse, against those who, from oppressed and complaining
subjects, should have become all at once irreconcilable enemies.
The English cherish the liberty we defend ; they respect the dignity
of our cause ; but they will bkme, they will detest, our recourse to
independence, and will unite with one consent to combat us.

' The propagators of the new doctrine are pleased to ass lire us,
that out of jealousy towards England, foreign sovereigns will lavish
their succors upon us ; as if these sovereigns could sincerely applaud
rebellion ; as if they had not colonies, even here in America, in
which it is important for them to maintain obedience and tranquillity.
Let us suppose, however, that jealousy, ambition, or vengeance,
should triumph over the fear of insurrections ; do you think these
princes will not make you pay dear for the assistance with which they
flatter you ? Who has not learnt, to his cost, the perfidy and the
cupidity of Europeans? They will disguise their avarice under
pompous words ; under the most benevolent pretexts they will de-
spoil us of our territories, they will invade our fisheries and obstruct
our navigation, they will attempt our liberty and our privileges.
We shall learn too late what it costs to trust in those European
flatteries, and to place that confidence in inveterate enemies which
has been withdrawn from long tried friends.

' There are many persons, who, to gain their ends, extol the advan-
tages of a republic over monarchy. I will not here undertake to
examine which of these two forms of government merits the pref-
erence. I know, however, that the English nation, after having
tried them both, has never found repose except in monarchy. I
know, also, that in popular republics themselves, so necessary is
monarchy to cement human society, it has been requisite to institute
monarchical powers, more or less extensive, under the names of
Arrhons, of Consuls, of Doges, of Gonfaloniers, and finally of
Kings. Nor should I here omit an observation, the truth of which
appears to me incontestable ; the English constitution seems to be
the fruit of the experience of all anterior time ; in which monarchy
is so tempered, that the monarch finds himself checked in his efforts
to seize absolute power ; and the authority of the people is so regu-
lated, that anarchy is not to be feared. But for us it is to be appre-
hended, that when the counterpoise of monarchy shall no longer
exist, the democratic power may carry all before it, and involve the
whole state in confusion and ruin. Then an amoitious citizen may-
arise, seize the reins of power, and annihilate liberty forever ; for

BOOK VI. THK AMERICAN WAR. 355

such is the ordinary career of ill-balanced democracies, they fall
into anarchy, and thence under despotism.

' Such are the opinions which might have been offered you with
more eloquence, but assuredly not with more zeal or sincerity. May
Heaven grant that such sinister forebodings be not one day accom-
plished ! May it not permit that, in this solemn concourse of the
friends of country, the impassioned language of presumptuous and
ardent men should have more influence than the pacific exhorta-
tions of good and sober citizens ; prudence and moderation found
and preserve empires, temerity and presumption occasion their
downfall.'

The discourse of Dickinson was heard with attention ; but the
current flowed irresistibly strong in a contrary direction, and fear
acting upon many more powerfully than even their opinion, the
majority pronounced in favor of independence. The deputies of
Pennsylvania were accordingly authorized to return to congress, and
to consent that the confederate colonies should declare themselves
free and independent states.

The formal opposition of Dickinson caused him to be excluded.
The same tilings took place in jMaryland ; this province, feeble by
itself, and situated in the midst of the others, also empowered its
deputies to resume their seats in congress, and to approve indepen-
dence. Consequently, the fourth of July, 1776, upon the report of
Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, lloger Sherman,
and Philip Livingston, the thirteen confederate colonies dissolved all
their allegiance towards the British crown, and declared themselves
free and independent, under the name of the thirteen United States
of America. The manifesto which the congress caused to be pub-
hshed to justify their resolution in the sight of all mankind, was
attributed particularly to Jefferson; it was drawn up with great
energy of style and argument. The writers of the time bestowed
the highest encomiums on this declaration, which laid the foundation
of the independence of a rich and powerful nation.

It commenced with these words :

* When, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for
one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them
with another, and to assume, among the powers of the earth, the
separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and of nature's
God entitle them, a decent regard to the opinions of mankind re-
quires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the
separation.

< We hold these truths to be self-evident ; that all men are created

356 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VI.

equal ; that they arc endowed by their Creator with certain unaliena-
ble rights; that among these are Hfe, liberty, and the pursuit of
liappiness. That to secure these rights, governments are instituted
among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the
governed ; that whenever any form of government becomes destruc-
tive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it,
and to institute a new government, laying its foundations on such
principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall
seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence,
indeed, will dictate that governments long established should not be
changed for light and transient causes ; and accordingly all experience
hath shown, that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils
are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to
which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and
usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design to
reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty,
to throw off such government, and to provide new guards for their
future felicity. Such has been the patient sufferance of these colo-
nies, and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter
their former systems of government.'

After an exact enumeration of the wrongs received, and of the
oppression sustained, it was added, that ' a prince, whose character
is thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant, is unfit to be
the ruler of a free people.' Then, having recounted the public ap-
peals made at different times to the English people, their constant
refusal to hear the voice of justice and of consanguinity, the mani-
festo concluded with these words :

' We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity which denounces
our sej)aration, and hold them as we hold the rest of mankind, ene-
mies in war, in peace friends.

' We, therefore, the representatives of the United States of Ameri-
ca, in general congress assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge
of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, and by authority of
llie good people of these colonies, solemnly publish and declare,
That these united colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and
independent states ; thai they are absolved from all allegiance to the
British crown, and that all political connection between them and the
state of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved ; and thai,
as free and independent states, they have full power to levy war,
conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do ail
otlier acts and things which independent states may of right do.
And for tlie support of this declaration, with a firm reliance on the

BOOK VI. THE AMERICAN WAR. 35!7

protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other
our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor.'*

Such was this famous declaration of the independence of the
United States of America, which, if it was necessary, as it appears
to have been, was not, however, exempt from peril. For although
the greater part of the Americans perceived that the course of
things must have led them to this extremity, there were still many
who openly manifested contrary sentiments. They were unfortu-
nately more numerous in the provinces menaced by the English
than in any other. The American armies were feeble, the treasury
poor, foreign succors uncertain, and the ardor of the people might
abate all at once.

It was known that England was determined to exert all her forces
for the reduction of the colonies, before they should have time to
become confirmed in their rebellion ; or to form alliances with for-
eign powers. If the American arms, as there was but too much
reason to fear, should prove unfortunate in the ensuing campaign,
it could not be disguised that the people would lay it to the charge
of independence ; and that, according to the ordinary movement of
the human mind, they would rapidly retrograde towards the opin-
ions they had abjured. When despair once begins, the prostration
of energy follows as its immediate consequence. But the war was
inevitable, ail arrangement impossible, and the congress urged by
necessity to take a decisive resolution. On every side they saw
dangers, but they preferred to brave them for the attainment of a
determinate object, rather than trust any longer to the uncertain
hope of the repeal of the laws against which they were in arms.

For it was even difficult to designate which of these laws were to
be revoked. Some desired to have all those repealed which had
been passed since the year 1763 ; others only proscribed a part of
them ; and there were still others whom a total abrogation would
not have satisfied, and who wished also for the abolition of some an-
cient statutes. In the heat of debates, propositions had been ad-
vanced to which it was impossible that Great Britain should ever
consent. Nor can it be denied that the declaration of independence
was conformable to the nature of things. Circumstances would not
have endured much longer that a people like that of America, nu-
merous, wealthy, warlike, and accustomed to liberty, should depend
upon another, at a great distance, and little superior in power. The
English ministry could not shut their eyes upon it; and such was
perhaps the secret reason of their obduracy in attempting to load

* See Note i.

358 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VI.

the Americans with heavier chains. It is also certain that foreign
princes would not have consented to succor, or to receive into their
alliance, a people who acknowledged themselves the subjects of
another power; whereas it might be expected, that they would
unite their efforts to those of a nation determined, at all hazards,
to obtain the recognition of its liberty and independence. In the
first case, even victory would not have given allies to the Ameri-
cans ; in the second, they were assured of them only by showing
themselves resolved to sustain their cause with arms in hand.

However this may be, it is certain tiiat the declaration was received
by the people with transports of joy. Nor were any of those pub-
lic demonstrations omitted which governments are accustomed to
employ on similar occasions, to conciliate the favor of the people
to their determinations. Independence was proclaimed, with great
solemnity, at Philadelphia, the eighth of July. The artillery was
fired, bonfires were kindled ; the people seemed actually delirious
with exultation. On the eleventh, the manifesto of congress was
published in New York, and was read to each brigade of the /.meri-
can army, which, at that time, was assembled in the vicinity of the
city ; it was received with universal acclamations. The same even-
ing, the statue of king George III., which had been erected in 1770,
was taken down and dragged through the streets, by the sons of
liberty. It was decided, that the lead of which it was composed,
should be converted into musket balls. These excesses, howevei
blamable in themselves, were not without utility if considered po-
litically ; they excited the people, and hurried them on to the object
that was desired. At Baltimore, independence having been pro-
claimed in the presence of cannoniers and militia, the people could
not contain their enthusiasm. The air resounded with salutes of
artillery, and the shouts that hailed the freedom and happiness
of the United States of America. The effigy of the king became
the sport of the populace, and was afterwards burnt in the public
square.

The rejoicings at Boston were the greatest of all. Independence
was there proclaimed from the balcony of the State House, in the
presence of all the authorities, civil and military, and of an immense
concourse of people, as well from the city itself as from the country.

The garrison was drawn up in order of battle in King street, which
from that moment took the name of State street ; the troops formed
in thirteen detachnients, to denote the thirteen United States. At
a given signal, a salute of thirteen cannon was fired upon Fort Hill,
which was immediatel) answered by an equal number from the bat-
teries of the Castle, of the Neck, of Nantasket, and of Point Alder-

BOOK VI. THE AMERICAN WAR. 359

ton. The garrison, in their turn, fired thirteen salutes of musketry,
each detachment firing in succession. The authorities and most con-
siderable inhabitants then convened at a banquet prepared in the
council chamber, when they drank toasts to the perpetuity and pros-
perity of the United Slates, to the American congress, to general
Washington, to the success of the arms of the confederacy, to the
destruction of tyrants, to the propagation of civil and religious lib-
erty, to the friends of the United States in all parts of the world.
All the bells rung in token of felicitation ; the joy was universal, and
its demonstrations were incessantly renewed. In the evening, all
the ensigns of royalty, lions, scepters or crowns, whether sculptured
or painted, were torn in pieces and burnt in State street.

But in Virginia, it would be impossible to describe the exultation
that was manifested.

The Virginian convention decreed that the name of the king
should be suppressed in all the public prayers. They ordained that
the great seal of the Common v/ealth of Virginia should represent
Virtue as the tutelary genius of the province, robed in drapery of an
Amazon, resting one hand upon her lance, and holding with the
other a sword, tramphng upon tyranny, under the figure of a pros-
trate man, having near him a crown fallen from his head, and bear-
ing in one hand a broken chain, and in the other a scourge. At foot
was charactered the word Virginia, and round the effigy of Virtue
was inscribed — Sic semper tyrannis. The reverse represented a
group of figures ; in the middle stood Liberty with her wand and
cap ; on one side was Ceres, with the horn of plenty in the right
hand, and a sheaf of wheat in the left ; upon the other appeared
Eternity, with the globe and the phcenix. At foot were found these
words — Deus nobis kcec otia fecit.

In the midst of these transports, nothing was forgotten that might
tend to inspire the people with affection for the new order of things,
and a violent hatred, not only towards tyranny, but also against
monarchy ; the republicans using all their address to confound the
one with the other as eternally inseparable by their essence.

Thus, on the one hand, the American patriots, by their secret
maneuvers, and then by a daring resolution ; and on the other, the
British ministers, at first by oppressive laws, and afterwards by hesi-
tating counsels and the employment of an inadequate force, gave
origin to a crisis which eventually produced the entire dismember-
ment of a splendid and powerful empire. So constant are men in
the pursuit of liberty ; and so obstinate in ambition. But also so
timid are they in their resolutions, and even more prompt to warn

360 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VI.

their enemy of his danger by threats, than to overwhelm him by
force.

It is certain that the EngUsh ministers wanted either sagacity to
foresee the evil, or energy to remedy it. The tumults of America
broke out unobserved, and grew without obstacle, till at length,
swollen like an overflowing river, they acquired such an impetuosity
as to sweep before them the impotent dikes with which it was at-
tempted too late to oppose them.

END OP BOOK SIXTH

NOTE TO BOOK VI.

NOTE I. PAGE 357.

THE MEMBERS WHO COMPOSED THE CONGRESS, AND WHO
ALL SIGNED THE DECLARATION, ARE THE FOLLOWING;

John Hancock, President.

NEW HAMPSHIRE.

JOSIAH BaRTLETT,

William Whipple,
Matthew Thornton.

MASSACHUSETTS.

Samdel Adams,
John Adams,
Robert Treat Paine,
Elbridge Gerrt.

RHODE ISLAND.

Stephen Hopkins,
William Ellery.

CONNECTICUT.

Roger Sherman,
Samuel Huntington,
William Williams,
Oliver Wolcott.

NEW YORK.

William Flotd,
Philip Livingston,
Francis Lewis,
Lewis Morris.

NEW JERSEY.

Richard Stockton,
John Witherspoon,
Francis Hopkinson,
John Hart,
Abraham Clark.

PENNSYLVANIA

Robert Morris,
Benjamin Rush,
Benjamin Franklin,
John Morton,
George Clymer,

James Smith,
George Tavlor,
James Wilson,
George Ross.

DELAWARE.

C;ESAR Rodney,
George Read,
Thomas M'Kean.

MARYLAND.

Samuel Chase,
William Paca,
Thomas Stone,
Charles Carroll, (of CarroUca.

VIRGINIA.

George Wythe,
Richard Henry Lee,
Thomas Jefferson,
Benjamin Harrison,
Thomas Nelson, Jun.
Francis Lightfoot Lee,
Carter Braxton,

NORTH CAROLINA.

William Hooper,
Joseph Hewes,
John Penn.

SOITH CAROLINA.

Edward Rutledge,
Thoma° \l s-.y ward, Jun.
Thomas Lynch, Jun.
Arthur Middleton.

GEORGIA.

Button Gwinnett.
Lyman Hall,
George Walvo:i.

362

THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VII.

BOOK SEVENTH.

1776. Having sketched the first two periods of this obstinate
contest, in the first of which we have seen the British minisiers pro-
voking the Americans, by oppressive laws, to resistance and revolt ;
and in the second, conducting the war which ensued with feeble
counsels and insufficient means ; the order of history requires that
we should now proceed to the recital of the events which signalized
the third, wherein, at length, displaying all their force, they pro-
posed to suppress the rebeUion entirely, and to reduce the colonists
to subjection.

General Howe, having arrived from Halifax, landed the twenty-
fifth of June at Sandy Hook, a point of land situated at the entrance
of the Gulf, comprehended between the main land of New Jersey,
the mouth of the Rariton, Staten Island, and the opening of the bay
of New York, on the one side, and Long Island on the other. On
the second of July, he took possession of Staten Island. The reso-
lution of independence may, therefore, be praised for its boldness,
or blamed for its temerity ; which was taken, as is seen, at the very
instant when England was preparing to attack, with formidable
forces, the most vulnerable parts of America. The general would
have preferred waiting at Halifax till the arrival of the re-inforce-
ments expected from Europe, with the fleet of his brother, the ad-
mnal, in order to repair, in concert with him, to the waters of New
York, and to terminate the war by a sudden and decisive blow. But
the English fleet delayed to appear, and the quarters of Halifax were
as inconvenient, as provisions were scarce there ; a part of the troops
had been compelled to remain on board the ships. The season far
operations also advancing, general Howe determined to go and wait
for his re-inforcements in the vicinity of New York ; the squadron
of convoy was commanded by admiral Shuldam.

He was joined in the passage by some regiments that, having been
separated from the flef t by contrary winds, were steering alone for
Halifax. Other corps fell into the power of the American cruisers.
The inhabitants of Staten Island received the English general with
great demonstrations of joy; the soldiers, being quartered about in
the villages, found, in abundance, the refreshments of which they
were in the greatest need. Here general Howe was visited by gov-
ernor Tryon, who gave him precise information with respect to the
state of the province, as also with regard to the forces and prepa-
rations of the enemy. Many inhabitants of New Jersey came lo

BOOK VH. THE AMERICAN WAR 363

offer themselves to be enrolled for the royal service ; even those of
Staten Island were forward to enlist under the English standard ;
every thing announced that the army had only to show itself in the
provinces to be assured of a prompt victory. Admiral Howe, after
touching at Halifax, where he found dispatches from his brother,
who urged him to come and join him at New York, made sail again
immediately, and landed, without accident, at Staten Island, the
twelfth of July. General Clinton arrived there about the same time,
with the troops he re-conducted from the unfortunate expedition of
Charleston, Commodore Hotham also appeared there with the re-
inforcements under his escort ; so that in a short time the army
amounted to about twenty-four thousand men, between Ei;j:lish,
Hessians, and Waldeckers. Several regiments of Hessian infantry
were expected to arrive shortly, when the army would be carried to
the number of thirty-five thousand combatants, of the best troops of
Europe. America had never seen such a display of forces.

It began now to appear that the ministers had at length adopted
vigorous measures, hoping to terminate the war at a blow, and to
repair the evils produced by their long hesitation and delays.

General and admiral Howe, both officers of high distinction, were
to combine their efforts against the province of New York ; which,
feeble by itself, broken by a great number of islands and large rivers,
and offering a great extent of coasts, was more exposed than any
other to the attacks of an enemy that was master at sea.

The English army was abundantly provided with arms and muni-
tions, and the soldiers manifested an extreme ardor for the service
of the king. The English, besides their particular hatred against
the insurgents, were also stimulated by their national jealousy towards
the Germans ; they considered the confidence placed by the gov-
ernment in these strangers as indicating a want of it in them.
They were eager to prove to the world that, without their assistance,
they were capable of subduing America. The Germans, on their
part, who justly thought themselves not inferior to the English,
would by no means appear to yield to them, and this reciprocal emu-
lation warranted the expectation of extreme efforts m the one part
and on the other. When the submission of the provin le of New York
should have given the English a firm footing in Am3rica, small gar-
risons, supported by a formidable maritime force, would be sufficient
to defend it against the insults of the enemy, and the army might
safely proceed to the conquest of the adjacent provinces.

New York forming the center of the American colonies, the Eng-
lish army would be able to turn at will, either upon the right, in or-
der to carry the war into Connecticut and all New England, or upon

361 THE AMERICA WAR. BOOK VII.

the left, to scour New Jersey and menace Philadelphia itself. It was
besides very easy, by means of frigates and other smaller vessels, to
maintain the communication between the two parts of the army upon
tlie right and left banks of the Hudson, and even to pass it upon
occasion, and promptly transport troops from one side to the other.

Finally, this position of New York, as well by its nature as by
reason of the numerous marine of the Enghsh, was for them a place
of arms, whence they could infest the neighboring places, attack
their enemies at their own time, combat them with success, and re-
treat without danger.

They resolved, accordingly, to make it the center of their opera-
tions ; the loyalists were also very numerous there, and in no city
of America was the party of the congress more feeble.

There occurred, also, another consideration of the highest impor-
tance. If general Carleton, after having passed, as was hoped, the
lakes of Canada, could penetrate to the banks of the Hudson, and
descend this river at the same time that general Howe should as-
cend it, their conjunction would have the immediate eflfect of inter-
rupting all communication between the provinces of New England,
situated upon the left bank, and those of the middle and south,
which are found upon the right ; and such had always been the
favorite plan of the ministry.

Finally, it was considered that Long Island, separated from the
island of New York only by the East river, and being abundant in
grains and in cattle, offered the means of subsistence for the most
numerous army. Its inhabitants, besides, were believed to be well
inclined towards the royal cause.

While general Howe was seconded in his invasion of New York
by the twelve or thirteen tliousand men coming from Canada under
governor Carleton, general Clinton was to operate in the provinces of
the south, and to attack Charleston. The American troops being
thus divided, and their generals surprised and pressed on so many
sides at once, it was not doubted but that the British arms would
soon obtain a complete triumph. But there happened in this oc-
currence what is often seen in the execution of human designs, when
their success depends upon the concurrence of a great number of
parts ; one proceeds towards the object, another recedes from it, and
all equally miss it.

A prosperous event in this business appeared the less probable,
since independently of the obstacles raised by men, it was necessary
also to combat the winds and the seasons. Would it not have been
calculating upon a scarcely possible contingency, to have expected
the arrival of three distinct corps of the army at their places of des-

BOOK VII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 365

tination at the hour prefixed, so as to operate in perfect concert?
Was it even certain that all the three would prove victorious ? This,
however, was necessary to secure the execution of the plan of the
campaign.

It happened, therefore, on the one part, that admiral Howe, having
been retarded by contrary wirfds, did not land his re-inforcements
till after the expedition of Charleston had totally miscarried, as we
have related. And on the other, the army of Canada encountered
so many obstacles to the passage of the lakes, tnat it was not able
to make its way this year to the banks of the Hudson. Whence it
resulted not only that Washington was not compelled to weaken the
already feeble army which he had upon the coasts, in order to send
succors into South Carolina, or towards Canada, but that the same
soldiers who had so valiantly defended Charleston, went to re-in-
force those who grarded the passage of ihc lakes, or joined the
principal army. But notwithstanding these failures, it was still con-
fidently hoped that general Howe would be able alone to make a
decisive campaign. This hope was not perhaps devoid of all foun-
dation. It is plain, therefore, how many probabilities the British
ministers and generals would have united in their favor, if, instead
of having scattered their forces upon several points, they had con-
centrated them in a single mass, leaving only sufficient garrisons in
the places necessary to their operations.

The Americans, on their part, had neglected no preparative in
order to resist the storm with which they were menaced. The con-
gress had ordained the construction of rafts, of gun boats, of galleys,
and of floating batteries, for the defense of the port of New York
and the mouths of the Pludson. But it could not be hoped that
such feeble preparations were competent to oppose, with any chance
of success, the formidable marine of England.

The congress had also decreed that thirteen thousand of the pro-
vincial militia should go and join the army of Washington, who, being
seasonably apprised of the danger of New York, had made a movement
into that quarter ; they also directed the organization of a corps of ten
thousand men, destined to serve as a reserve in the provinces of the
center. i\.ll the weakest posts had been carefully intrenched, and
furnished with artillery. A strong detachment occupied Long Island,
to prevent tlie English from landing there, or to repulse them if they
should eflfect a debarkation. But the army of the congress was very
far from having all the necessary means to support the burthen of so
terrible a war. It wanted arms, and it was wasted by diseases.
The reiterated instances of the commander-in-chief had drawn into
his camp the militia of the neighboring provinces, and some regular

366 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VII.

regiments from Maryland, from Pennsylvania, and from New Eng-
land, which had carried his army to the number of twenty-seven
thousand men ; but a fourth part of these troops was composed of
invalids, and scarcely was another fourth furnished with arms. The
greatest part, without order, as without discipline, could inspire
little confidence.

These inconveniences, so seriously alarming for the success of the
American cause, proceeded partly from the want of money, which
prevented the congress from paying regular troops and providing
for their equipment, and partly from an impolitic parsimony con-
tracted during peace, which withheld them from incurring, with
promptitude, the expenses rendered necessary by a state of war.
Their rooted jealousy of standing armies contributed also to the
same effect ; it had even inspired them with t!ie idle hope of being
able to organize every year an army sufficient to resist the forces of
the enemy.

Perhaps, finally, many of the colonists were reluctant to take
arms, because they still flattered themselves that the commissioners
of the king, being at the same time chiefs of the troops, and nego-
tiators of peace, might succeed in effecting a general reconciliation.

The American army, such as it was, occupied the positions most
suitable to cover the menaced points. The corps which had been
stationed on Long Island was commanded by major-general Greene,
who, on account of sickness, was afterwards succeeded by general
Sullivan. The main body of the army encamped on the island of
New York, which, it appeared, was destined to receive the first
blows of the English.

Two feeble detachments guarded Governor's Island, and the j^oint
of Paulus' Hook, situated in front of New York, upon the right
bank of the Hudson. The militia of the province, commanded by
the American general, Clinton, were posted upon the banks of the
Sound, where they occupied the two Chesters, East and West, and
New Rochclle. For it was to be feared that the enemy, landing in
force upon the north shore of the Sound, might penetrate to Kings-
bridge, and thus entirely lock up all the American troops on the
island of New York.

All being prepared on the one side for attack, on the other for
defense, and the two parties appearing equally decided to refer the
destiny of America to the chance of battles, the English commis-
sioners, before coming to this appeal, wished to make trial of the
pacific powers with which they were mvested. Already, in the
month of June, lord Howe, being upon the coasts of Massachusetts
in the Eagle ship of the line, had, in the name of the king, addressed

BOOK VII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 367

a letter to all the governors who had been expelled from their prov-
inces, enjoining them to use all possible means to spread it among
the mhabitants.

He therein announced that the king had authorized two com.mis-
sioners to grant general or particular pardons to all those who, dur-
ing the troubles, had departed from the obedience due to the crown,
but who now desired to return to their duty, and participate in the
benefits of the royal clemency. He also declared that the commis-
sioners were empowered to proclaim any province or city whatso-
ever to be in the king's peace, which immediately sheltered them
from the effect of the penal laws against rebellion. Finally, he prom-
ised large recompense to such as, by their services, should contribute
re-establish the royal authority. These writings, commonly brought
by flags, circulated in the country ; and general Washington sent
by express to congress a proclamation wiiich had br;f;a addressed to
the city of Amboy. That assembly took the noble resolution of
causing it to be printed in all the public papers, in order that the
good people of the United States— such were the words of the reso-
lution— might be informed of the powers of the commissioners, and
of the means by which Great Britain hoped to lull them into securi-
ty and to disarm them ; and also that the most obstinate might be
convinced that they could no longer expect the preservation of their
privileges, but from their arms alone.

In the meantime, a letter was brought from lord Howe, directed
simply to George Washington, Esq. The general refused to receive
it, alledging, that whoever had written it had not expressed his pub-
lic station, and that as a private individual he could not, and would
not, hold any communication, whether written or verbal, with the
commanders of the king. His conduct in this instance was much
applauded by the congress ; and they decreed that in future none
of their officers should receive letters or messages, on the part of the
enemy, that were not addressed to them according to their respective

rank.

The English commissioners were unwilling that a mere point of
ceremoniafshould interrupt negotiations from which they expected
some advantage. They could not, on the other hand, consent to
acknowledge in the generalissimo of congress a rank which had
been conferred, as they believed, by an unlawful authority.

They had recourse, therefore, to an expedient by which they
hoped to obviate all difficulty ; they changed the address of their let-
ter for the superscription following ; to George Washington, &fc. ^r.
Adjutant-general Patterson was sent with this dispatch. Being in-
troduced to Washington, he gave him in conversation the title of

368 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VII.

Excellency. The general received him with great politeness, but at
liie same time with much digniiy. The adjutant expressed great
concern in the behalf of his principals, on account of the difficulties
that had arisen about the superscription of the letter ; assured him
of their high regard for his personal character, and that they had no
intention to undervalue hia rank. It was hoped, therefore, that the
et ceteras, being in use between ambassadors when they were not
perfectly agreed upon points of etiquette, would remove all obstruc-
tions to their mutual intercourse.

Washington answered, that a letter written to a person invested
with a public character should specify it, otherwise it could not be
distinguished from a private letter ; that it was true the et ceteras
implied every thing ; but it was no less true that they implied any
thing ; and that, as to himself, he would never consent to receive
any letter, relating to public affairs, that should be directed to him,
without a designation of his rank and office. Patterson requested
that this question might be waved ; and turned the conversation up-
on prisoners of Avar. He expatiated in magnificent terms upon the
goodness and clemency of the king, who had chosen for negotiators
lord and general Howe. He affirmed that their desire to terminate
the differences which had arisen between the two people was as ear-
nest as their powers were ample ; and that he hoped the general
would consider this visit as the first step towards it. Washington
replied, that he was not authorized to negotiate ; but that it did not
appear that the powers of the commissioners consisted in any more
than in granting pardons ; that America, not having committed any
offense, asked for no forgiveness, and was only defending her un-
questionable rights. Patterson exclaimed that this subject would
open too vast a field of discussion ; and repeating his regrets that
a strict observation of formalities should interrupt the course of so
important an affair, he took leave of the general, and withdrew.
This conference thus remained without result, and all thoughts were
again concentrated in war. Tlie congress were perfectly aware, on
the one hand, of the shame they must incur by departing from the
resolution so recently taken ofasserting independence, and they feared
on the other that the propositions of England might contain some
secret poison. They caused an exact relation to be printed of the
interview between the commander-in-chief and the English adjutant-
general.

The British generals seemg that the obstinacy of the Americans
left them no longer any hope of an accommodation, directed their
entire attention to the prosecution of the tvar, and resolved to strike
the first blows without longer delay. Wishing, in the first place, to

BOOK VII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 369

secure a post which might serve in case of need as a place of re-
treat, and to furnish the means of subsistence for so powerful an
army, they decided to attack Long Island, in which they depended
for success upon the superiority of military talents which they be-
lieved themselves to have, and which they really had, over the
Americans. Accordingly, having made all their dispositions, the
twenty-second of August, the fleet approached the west coast of the
island near the strait, called the Narroivs, which separates it from
Staten Island ; all the troops found an easy and secure landing
place between the villages of Gravesend and New Utrecht, where
they debarked without meeting any resistance on the part of the
Americans.

A great part of their army, under the command of general Putnam,
encamped at Brookland or Brooklyn, on a part of the island itself
which forms a sort of peninsula. He had strongly fortified the en-
trance of it with moats and intrenchments ; his left wing rested
upon the Wailahout bay, and his right was covered by a marsh con-
tiguous to another bay, called Gowaii's Cove. Behind him he had
Governor's Island, and the arm of the sea which separates Long
Island from the island of New York, and which gave him a direct
communication with the city, where the other part of the army was
stationed under Washington himself. The commander-in-chief,
perceiving that battle was approaching, continually exhorted his men
to keep their ranks, and summon all their courage ; he reminded them
that in their valor rested the only hope that remained to American
liberty ; that upon their resistance depended the preservation or the
pillage of their property by barbarians ; that they were about to
combat in defense of their parents, their wives, their children, from
the outrages of a hcentious soldiery ; that the eyes of America were
fixed upon her champions, and expected from their success on this
day either safety or total destruction.

The English, having effected their landing, marched rapidly for-
ward. The two armies were separated by a chain of hills, covered
with woods, called the heights of Guan, and which, running from
west to east, divide the island into two parts. They are only prac-
ticable upon three points ; one of which is near the Narrows, the
road leading to that of the center passes by a village named Flat-
hush, and the third is approached, far to the right, by the route of
another village called Flatland. Upon the summit of the hills is
found a road which follows the length of the range, and leads from
Bedford to Jamaica, which is intersected by the two roads last de
scribed ; these ways are all mterrupted by precipices, and by exces
sively difiicult and narrow defiles.
VOL. I, 24

370 THE AMERICAN WAll. BOOK VII.

The American general, wishing to arrest the enemy upon these
heights, had carefully furnisiied them with troops, so that if all had
done their duty, the Englisii would not have been able to force the
passjiges without extreme difficulty and danger. The posts were so
frequent upon the road from Bedford to Jamaica, that it was easy to
transmit, from one of these points to the other, the most prompt in
telligence of what passed upon the three routes.

Colonel Miles, with his battalion, was to guard the road of Flat-
land, and to scour it continually with his scouts, as well as that of
Jamaica, in order to reconnoiter the movements of the enemy.
Meanwhile, the British army pressed forward, its left wing being to
the north, and its right to the south ; the village of Falmouth was
found in its center. The Hessians, commanded by general Heister,
formed the main body ; the English under major-general Grant,
the left ; and other corps, conducted by general Clinton, and the
two lords, Percy and Cornwallis, composed the right. In this wing
the British generals had placed their principal hope of success ; they
directed it upon Flotland. Their plan was, that while the corps of
general Grant, and the Hessians of general Heister, should disquiet
the enemy upon the first two defiles, the left wing, taking a circuit,
should march through Flatland, and endeavor to seize the point of
intersection of this road with that of Jamaica ; and then, rapidly de-
scending into the plain which extends to the foot of the heights, upon
the other side, should fall upon the Americans in flank and rear.
The English hoped, that as this post was the most distant from the
center of the army, the advanced guards would be found more feeble
there, and perhaps more negligent ; finally, they calculated that, in
all events, the Americans would not be able to defend it against a
force so superior. This right wing of the English was, in effect, the
most numerous, and entirely composed of select troops.

The evening of the twenty-sixth of August, general Clinton com-
manding the vanguard, which consisted in light infantry ; lord Percy
the center, where were found the grenadiers, the artillery, and the
cavalry ; and Cornwallis the rear guard, followed by the baggage,
some regiments of infantry and of heavy artillery ; all this part of
the English army put itself in motion with admirable order and
silence, and leaving Flatland, traversed the country called New Lots.
Colonel Miles, who this night performed his service with little exact-
ness, did not perceive the approach of the enemy ; so that two hours
before day the Enghsh were already arrived within half a mile of the
road of Jamaica, upon the heights. Then general Clinton halted,
and prepared himself for ttie attack. He had met one of the enemy's
patrols, and made him prisoner

BOOK VII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 37 J

General Sullivan, who commanded all the troops in advance of
the camp of Brooklyn, had no advice of what passed in this quarter.
He neglected to send out fresh scouts ; perhaps he supposed the
English would direct their principal efforts against his right wing,
as being the nearest to them.

General Clinton, learning from his prisoners that the road of Ja-
maica was not guarded, hastened to avail himself of the circum-
stance, and occupied it by a rapid movement. Without loss of
time, he immediately bore to his left towards Bedford, and seized
an important defile which the American generals had left unguard-
ed. From this moment the success of the day was decided in favor
of the English.

Lord Percy came up with his corps ; and the entire column de-
scended by the village of Bedford from the heights into the plain
which lay between the hills and the camp of the Americans. During
this time general Grant, in order to amuse the enemy and divert his
attention from the events which took place upon the route of Flat-
land, endeavored to disquiet him upon his right ; accordingly, as if
he intended to force the defile which led to it, he had put himself in
motion about midnight, and had attacked the militia of New York
and of Pennsylvania, who guarded it. They at first gave ground ;
but general Parsons being arrived, and having occupied an eminence,
he renewed the combat, and maintained his position till brigadier-
general lord Sterling came to his assistance with fifteen hundred
men. The action became extremely animated, and fortune favored
aeither the one side nor the other. The Hessians, on their part,
had attacked the center at break of day ; and the Americans, coni-
manded by general Sullivan in person, valiantly sustained their
efforts. At the same time the English ships, after having made
several movements, opened a very brisk cannonade against a bat-
tery estabhshed in the little island of Red Hook, upon the right
flank of the Americans, who combated against general Grant.

Tliis also was a diversion, the object of which was to prevent them
from attending to what passed in the center and on the left. The
Americans defended themselves, however, with extreme gallantry,
Ignorant that so much valor was exerted in vain, since victory was
already in the hands of the enemy. General Clinton, being descended
into the plain, fell upon the left flank of the center, which was
engaged with the Hessians. He had previously detached a strong
corps, in order to intercept the Americans.

As soon as the appearance of the English light infantry apprised
them of theii danger, they sounded the retreat, and retired in good
order towards their camp, bringing off their artillery. But they soon

372 THE AMEniCAN WAR. BOOK VII,

fell in with the party of royaì trooi)S whicli luul occupied the ground
on their rear, and w ho now cliarged them with fury ; they were
compelled to throw themselves into the neigliboring woods, where
they met again with the Hessians, who repulsed them upon the
English, and thus the Americans were driven several times by the
cne against the other with great loss.

They continued for some time in this desperate situation, till, at
length, several regiments, animated by an heroic valor, opened their
way through the midst of the enemy, and gained the camp of general
Putnam ; others escaped through the woods. The inequalit)' of the
ground, the great number of positions which it offered, and the
disorder which prevailed throughout the line, were the cause that
for several hours divers partial combats were maintained, in which
many of the Americans fell.

Their left wing and center being discomfited, the English, desirous
of a complete victory, made a rapid movement against the rear of
the right wing, which, in ignorance of the misfortune which had
befallen the other corps, was engaged with general Grant. Finally,
having received the intelligence, they retired. But encountering the
English, who cut off their retreat, a part of the soldiers took shelter
in the woods ; others endeavored to make their way through the
marshes of Gowan's Cove ; but here many were drowned in the
waters, or perished in the mud ; a very small number only escaped
the hot pursuit of the victors, and reached the camp in safety. The
total loss of the Americans, in this battle, was estimated at more than
three thousand men in killed, wounded, and prisoners. Among the
Ipf*, were found general Sullivan, and brigadier-generals lord Ster-
ling and Woodhull. Almost the entire regiment of Maryland, con-
sisting of young men of the best famihes in that province, was cut
m pieces. Six pieces of cannon fell into the power of the victors.
The loss of the English was very inconsiderable ; in killed, wounded,
and prisoners, it did not amount to four hundred men.

The Americans, in this day, assuredly committed a great fault,
since they were forced to combat with a part of their forces against
all those of the enemy. They omitted to use the requisite diligence
to inform themselves of the quantity of troops disembarked ; they
neglected to cause the roads of th.e heights to be properly scoured
by their scouts, and especially those upon their left, which was the
menaced part ; finally, they had not sufficiently guarded the difficult
passes upon the road of Jamaica. There even arose some rumors
which threw suspicions of treachery upon those who were charged
with this guard ; but it is certain that they were culpable rather of
negligence than of evil intentions. Colonel Miles enjoyed a reputa-

BOOK VII. THE AMEKICAN WAR.

tion .that placed him above suspicion. It appears, indeed, that
general Sullivan, either from too much confidence or too much
mildness, did not employ all the rigorous means which so important
a circumstance exacted, to prevent the secret intelligence of the
loyalists with the English ; these were, therefore, diligently informed
of the weakest places, and of the negligence with which the service
was performed. The English and the Hessians combated not only
with courage, but even with an impetuous ardor, excited by their
reciprocal emulation, and by the desire to efface the stains of former
defeats.

In the height of the engagement, general Washington had crossed
over to Brooklyn from New York, and seeing some of his best troops
slaughtered or taken, he uttered, it is said, an exclamation of
anguish. He could, if he saw fit, draw out of their encampment all
the troops, and send them to succor the corps that were engaged
with the enemy ; he might also call over all the forces he had in
New York, and order them to take part in the battle. But all
these re-inforcements would by no means have sufficed to render his
army equal to that of the English. Victory having already declared
in their favor, the courage with which it inspired them, and the
superiority of their discipline, cut off all hope of being able to restore
the battle. If Washington had engaged all his troops in the action,
it is probable that the entire army would have been destroyed on
this fatal day, and America reduced to subjection. Great praise,
therefore, is due him for not having allowed himself, in so grave an
occurrence, to be transported into an inconsiderate resolution, and
for having preserved himself and his army for a happier future.

The English were so elated with victory, that, eager to profit by
their advantages, they would fain have immediately assaulted the
American camp. But their general manifested more prudence;
whether he believed the intrenchments of the enemy stronger than
they really were, or whether he considered himself already suie of
entering New York without encountering new perils, he repressed
the ardor of his troops. Afterwards, having encamped in front of
the enemy's lines in the night of the twenty-eighth, he broke ground
wit lin six hundred paces of a bastion upon the left. His intention
was to approach by means of trenches, and to wait till the fleet could
co-operate with the land troops.

The situation of (he Americans in their camp became extremely
cntical. They had in front an enemy superior in number, and who
could attack them at every moment with a new advantage. Their
intrenchments were of little moment, and the English, pushing their
works with ardor, had every probability of success in their favor.

374 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VII.

For two days and two nights tlie rain had fallen by torrents-; the
arms and ammunition suflered from it alike. The soldiers, over-
whelmed with fatigue and discouraged by defeat, would have made
but a feeble resistance. The English ships were in readiness to
enter the East river. They had hitherto been prevented by a north-
east wind, which for them was as contrary as it was propitious for
the Americans. But it might change the next moment, and the
English once masters of this river, retreat was intercepted to the
soldiers of congress, and the whole army would have incurred the
danger of being forced to surrender to the superior force of the
enemy. The council of war being assembled, the American generals
resolved to evacuate their position, and to withdraw into New York.
All the dispositions having been made, the retreat across the East
river was undertaken. Colonel Glover commanded the vessels and
flat boats of transport, general Macdougall was charged with the
embarkation, and colonel Mifflin was to cover the rear guard. The
twenty-ninth, at eight in the evening, the troops began to move with
the greatest silence. But they were not on board before eleven.
A violent northeast wind and the ebb tide, which rendered the cur-
rent very rapid, prevented the passage ; the time pressed, however.
Fortunately, the wind suddenly veered to the northwest ; they im-
mediately made sail and landed in New York. Providence ap-
peared to have watched over the Americans ; about two o'clock in
the morning, a thick fog, and at this season of the year extraordi-
nary, covered all Long Island, whereas the air was perfectly clear
on the side of New York.

Notwithstanding the entreaties of his officers, Washington re-
mained the last upon the shore ; he refused to embark till he saw
his troops all on board. They amounted in all to nine thousand
men. V

The artillery, baggage, camp equipage, munitions, every thing
was safely transported to the other side. It was not till the next
morning, the sun being already high, and after the mist was dissi-
pated, that the English discovered, to their great surprise, that the
Americans had abandoned their camp, and were already sheltered
from all pursuit. They perceived only a part of the rear guard, out
of reach in their boats, who had returned to carry away some mu-
nitions which had been left on the island.

Whoever will attend to all the details of this retreat, wih easily
believe that no military operation was ever conducted oy great
captains with more ability and prudence, or under more favorable
auspices.

It &tUl remained to evacuate Governor's Island, situatea at the

BOOK VII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 375

mouth of the East river ; it was occupied by two regiments, with a
numerous artillery and abundant munitions. The Americans had
fortified it to interdict the entrance of this river to the English. But
after the loss of Long Island, it could not be hoped to defend the
passage, and the garrison was in danger of falling into the power of
the enemy. The evacuation of Governor's Island was also effected
without accident, notwithstanding the vicinity of the English ships.
Thus all the American army, after the defeat of Long Island, found
itself united on the island of New York.

The check of Brooklyn had made upon the Ameiicans a profound
impression of terror, and their position actually became very alarming.

Until then, they had flattered themselves that Heaven would con-
stantly favor their arms ; and it was, in truth, the first time that
fortune had betrayed them so cruelly. But not having been accus-
tomed to her rigors, from the excess of confidence which intoxicated
them in prosperity, they fell all at once into that of dejection.

They had persuaded themselves that personal valor completely
supplied the want of discipline ; and they had gone so far as even
to hold in derision the European system of tactics. But since they
had found, by fatal experience, of how much utility it was in regular
battles, their eyes were opened, and they had lost all confidence in
themselves. At first they had believed that courage, without disci-
pline, could do all ; they now thought it could do nothing. At every
moment they were apprehensive of some new surprise ; at every step
of falling into an ambuscade. Thus, from discouragement, they
became still more negligent of order. The militia, especially, ac-
cording to the usage of multitudes armed in moments of emergency,
became every day more disorderly and intractable. Not content
with enjoying a liberty without bounds in the camp, they abandoned
their colors by hundreds, and entire regiments deserted to return to
their provinces. Their example became fatal to the regular troops
themselves ; their subordination diminished, and desertion enfeebled
them daily. Their engagement was but for one year, and even iu
some corps only for a few weeks ; the hope of soon returning to
their families and friends so acted upon these soldiers, that they
avoided dangers. Ardor and enthusiasm had at first overruled these
domestic affections ; but they now triumphed over a zeal extinguish-
ed by ill fortune.

The fidelity of the generals was not suspected, but their talents
were distrusted, and every thing appeared to threaten a total dissolu-
tion. Confounded by the blows of fortune, and little used to sup-
port them, the Americans thus gave themselves up for lost. Wash-
ington contended earnestly, with exhortations, with persuasions, and

376 THE AMEUTCAN WAR. BOOK VII.

with promises, to arrest the progress of tlie disorganization. Wlierein,
if ho did not succeed according to his desires, he obtained, however,
more than his hopes. The greater part, yielding to his authority,
and the benevolence they bore him, consented to remain. He haa
not neglected to address tlie congress an energetic picture of the
deplorable situation of his army ; he represented to them how impor-
tant it was to accept no more engagements, but for the total duration
of the war : and he assured them that he must despair of American
liberty, unloss he was furnished with an army that should stand by
him till the conclusion of the enterprise. The remonstrances and
instances of the commander-in-chief, were seconded by all the mili-
tary chiefs of distinction that were found at that time in America,
and the congress at length yielded to their desires. They decreed
that a regular army should be formed, in which the soldiers should
be enlisted to serve during the present war ; and that it should be
composed of eighty-eight battalions, to be raised in all the provinces
according to their respective abilities.* To induce the inhabitants
to enlist, the congress decreed, besides, that a bounty of twenty
dollars should be given to each man at the time of engagement, and
portions of unoccupied lands were promised to the officers and sol-
diers.f But from the difficulty of finding men who would enlist for
the whole term of the war, this resolution was afterwards modified,
so as to admit of engagements either for three years or during the
War ; specifying, however, that such as enlisted only for three years
uad no right to grants of land. This measure was of great utility,
fiere also is seen the power of good or ill fortune over nations. If
those who allow themselves to be over elated by prosperity, are
without courage in adversity, those who use the favors of fortune
with moderation, are able to support its reverses with fortitude.

General Howe, wishing to take advantage of the terror which
victory inspires, and persuading himself that the Americans, dis-
heartened by so many checks, would be more modest in their pre-
tensions, dispatched general Sullivan to the congress with a message
purporting, that though he could not consistently treat with that as-
sembly in the character they had assumed, yet he would gladly con-
fer with some of their members in their private capacity, and would

* The eighly-cight battalions decreed h}' congress, were to be furnished in the follow-
ing proportion : Three in New Hampshire, fifteen in Massachusetts, two in Rhode
Island, eight in Connecticut, four in New York, four in New Jersey, twelve in Penn-
sylvania, one in Delaware, eight in Maryland, fifteen in Virginia, nine in North Caro-
lina, six in South Carolina, and one in Georgia.

f The grant of lands was thus regulated : Five hundred acres to a colonel, foul
hundred to a major, three hundred to a captain, two hundred to a lieutenant, one han
dred and iif^ to an ensign, and one hundred to noa-commissioned otficers and soldiers

BOOK VII. THE AMERICAN WAR. ^Vt

meet them at any place they would appoint. He informed them that
be was empowered, with the admiral his brother, to terminate the
contest feet'veen Great Britain and America, upon conditions equally
advantageous to both ; these conditions, he added, he had not been
able to obtain till after two months' delay, which had prevented him
from arriving before the declaration of independence. He express-
ed an earnest desire that an arrangement might take place before
the events of the war became so decisive as to render it no longer a
matter of choice for one of the parties to treat. He assured them,
that if they were inclined to enter into an agreement, much might
be granted to thera which they had not required. He concluded by
saying, that should the conference produce the probabihty of an ac-
commodation, the authority of congress would be acknowledged in
order to render the treaty valid and complete in every respect. The
commissioners hoped thus, by insidious words, to dispose the Amer-
icans to resume the yoke of England without dread.

It would be difficult to decide whether these propositions announc-
ed, on the pai-t of the English, more hope than despair of victory.
Perhaps the commissioners, not being authorized to grant all the
conditions they oflered, merely threw them out to create parties, or
to amuse the Americans and to divert them from their preparations
of war. However this may be, the congress deliberated maturely
upon this overture. Their refusal to listen to the proffered terms
might alienate the minds of many ; and their consenting to enter
into negotiation was a tacit admission that the declaration of inde-
pendence wa^ not irrevocable, or that ill fortune began to shake
their constancy. The congress, to avoid either of these inconve-
niences, though persuaded of the insincerity of the commissioners,
decided for a middle course. They made answer, through general
Sullivan, that the congress of the free and independent states of
America, could not, consistently with the trust reposed in them, send
their members to confer with any one whomsoever, otherwise than
in their public capacity. But that as they desired that peace might be
concluded upon equitable conditions, they would depute a commit-
tee of their body to learn whether the commissioners were authoriz-
ed to treat, and what proposals they had to offer. Washington was
instructed, at the same time, to answer any overtures that might be
made him, by saying that the United States having taken arms to
defend their existence and their liberty, would willingly consent to
peace, provided the terms of it were reasonable, and drawn up first
in writing, in order to be laid before congress.

Thus the Americans appeared to incline for independence, with-
out insisting, however, upon this point as an indispensable condition

378 THE AMERICAN WAR. iJOOK VIi.

of peace, m order to reserve a way open to reconciliation if the fate
of arms should prove too adverse. The deputies, appointed by
congress to hear the propositions of the commissioners, were Benja-
min Franklin, John Adams, and Edward Rutledge, all three zealous
partisans of independence. The interview took place the eleventh
of September, on Staten Island, opposite Amboy. Admiral Howe
spoke the first, saying, that though he could not treat with them as a
committee of congress, yet as he was authorized to confer with any
gentlemen of influence in the colonies, on the means of restoring
peace, he felt a real gratification in the present occasion to discourse
with them upon this important subject.

The deputies replied, that since they were come to hear him, he
was at liberty to look upon them in what light he pleased ; that they
could not, however, consider themselves in any other character than
that in which the congress had placed them. Howe then entered
upon the subject of the meeting ; he demanded that the colonies
shou" J return to their allegiance and duty towards the British crown ;
he assured them of the earnest desire of the king to make his gov-
ernment easy and acceptable to them in every respect ; that those
acts of parliament which were so obnoxious to them would undergo
a revisal, and the instructions to governors would be reconsidered ;
that if any just causes of complaint were found in the acts or in-
structions, they might be removed.

After having recounted the tyrannical acts of parliament, of
which all their supplications had failed to procure the repeal, the
deputies added, in reply, that a return to the domination of Greai
l?ritain was not now to be expected. ' There was no doubt, they
said, that the Americans were inclined to peace, and willing to enter
into any treaty with Britain that might be advantageous to both
countries. If there was the same good disposition on her part, it
would be easier for the commissioners, though not empowered at
present to treat with them as independent states, to obtain fresh
powers from their government for that purpose, than it would be
for the congress to procure them from the colonies to consent to
submission.'

Howe then put an end to the conference, by saying that he deeply
regretted there was no longer any hope of an accommodation.

The three deputies made their report to congress of the issue of
this interview, observing that the powers of the English commission-
ers were insufficient, and that it was impossible to place any depen-
dence upon their offers or their promises. The congress approved
their conduct. This attempt at negotiation, therefore, served only
to demonstrate, on the one hand, that the congress, persevering in

BOOK VII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 379

their resolution and undaunted by reverses, were determined not to
receive conditions from their enemies ; and on the other, how greatly
the English government was still deceived with respect to the spirit
which prevailed in America, and as to the means proper to be em-
ployed for the re-establishment of the ancient order of things.

But it seems in this revolution to have been the destiny of things,
that the remedies should always arrive after the evils were become
incurable ; and that the government, refusing, out of pride, at the fa-
vorable moment, to acquiesce in useful concessions, should after-
wards have to submit to the rejection of its useless propositions.

The English generals, convinced by experience, that they must
renounce all hope of accommodation, now turned their attention ex-
clusively to military operations. The royal army found itself sepa-
rated from that of the congress only by the East river, which, com-
municating with Harlem Creek, flows between Long Islaiid and
Morrisania on the one part, and the island of New York on the
other. The intention of the English was to land on some part of
this last, where the least resistance could be opposed to them. Their
ships cruised along the coasts, threatening sometimes one place and
sometimes another, in order to keep the enemy at all points in
uncertainty, and afterwards to attack upon one only with more ad-
vantage. A part of the fleet, having doubled Long Island, appeared
in the Sound, a gulf of great breadth which separates this island
from the coast of Connecticut, and communicates with the East
river, by means of a narrow channel, which a very dangerous navi-
gation and frequent shipwrecks have caused to receive the name
of Hell Gate.

The English had taken possession of the island of Montesoro,
situated in this strait, where they had erected a battery to answer
that which the Americans had planted upon the opposite side of the
river at Hovenshook. Two frigates, passing between Governor's
Island and the point of Bed Hook, had ascended into the East river,
without receiving any injury from the artillery of the enemy, and
had anchored out of its reach near a little island. The main body
of the English fleet was moored in the waters of Governor's Island,
ready to attack the city of New York itself, or to enter either the
East river, or the Hudson.

Meanwhile, the ships were continually engaged with the batteries
on shore, and frequent actions ensued for the possession of the little
islands which are found in the first of these rivers. The English
had need of them for the execution of their projects, and the Amer-
icans saw the necessity of defending them. But whether the Eng-
lish artillery was better served, or that the soldiers of this nation

380 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VII.

had acquired more confidence from their victory, and especially
owing to the assistance of their ships, they succeeded in carrying,
one after another, such of these islands, as their convenience re-
quired, and thus secured for themselves the entrance of \he East
river.

Washington had furnished the two shores of the island of New
York with a numerous artillery, and had thrown up intrcnchments
in different places. He had four thousand five hundred men in the
city ; six thousand five hundred at Harlem, a village situated in front
of the opening of the sound ; and twelve thousand at Kingsbridge,
at the extremity of the island. He had been particularly careful to
fortify this passage, in order to secure a free communication with the
continent, and to prevent the enemy from seizing it by surprise, and
thus entirely locking up the American army within the island it-
self. But the commander-in-chief felt extreme apprehensions for
the city, and began to despair of preserving it in the power of the
confederation. The enemy being considerably re-inforced in the
northern parts of Long Island, and having the command of the
sound, it was to be feared he might disembark on the center of the
island of New York, near the mouth of the sound, in which case
the garrison of the city, and all the troops encamped in its environs,
having their retreat intercepted, would have been compelled to sur-
render ; or else that, traversing the sound and Morrisania, he would
go and establish himself with the greater part of his army in the
rear of Kingsbridge.

In this last hypothesis the Americans, losing all communication
with the continent, would be forced either to capitulate, or to fight
a battle whose success appeared secure in advance to the English
by the choice of ground and of time, and *he discouragement which
still prevailed among the troops of the congress.

The fortune of the Americans would then be past all hope, as well
in consequence of the terror with which they would be seized, as
from the loss of arms, of munitions, and of baggage. Washington
had, therefore, signified to congress his apprehensions, praying them
to inform him of their intentions relative to the city of New York, if
he found himself constrained to evacuate it. The congress humane-
ly replied, that it should be left entire and safe. Having afterwards
assembled a council of war, he invited them to deliberate upon the
necessity of an immediate evacuation of the city, and it evidently
appeared that he was himself in favor of this measure. Some were
of the same opinion, for the reasons above mentioned, in which they
were confirmed by another consideration ; they calculated, that by
retiring further into the country, the English would be deprived of

BOOK VII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 381

the important advantage they derived from the co-operation of their
fleets. Other members of the council manifested a contrary senti-
ment, because they considered that the defense of New Fork would
cause the enemy to consume time, and that, in the meanwhile, the
season for military operations would have elapsed. They also thought
that the evacuation of New York would have too much the appearance
of cowardice, and that it might have the most fatal influence upon
the spirit of the soldiers and of the inhabitants ; the opinion of these
prevailed. But at length the Enghsh, having re-inforced themselves
greatly at the entrance of the sound, and in the islands of Movtcisoio
and of Buchanan, a second council of war decided that it was nor
only prudent but even necessary to abandon New York. Accord-
ingly, no time was lost in removing, by way of the Hudson river, the
sick, the baggage, and the munitions, which were landed far above,
upon the shore of New Jersey. Some days after, the garrison march -
ed out of the city, leaving it entirely m the power of the enemy.

While this evacuation was effected with great order on the part of
the troops, but with much terror on the part of the inhabitants, a
report was suddenly spread that the enemy had landed on the island .
The soldiers hastened to make their junction with those stationed
at Harlem.

While some of the Enghsh ships had entered the Hudson river, in
order to draw the attention of the American generals on that side,
and to interrupt the transportation of baggage and munitions, the first
division of the British army, commanded by general Clinton, had
embarked at the head of the bay at Newtown, and proceeding by the
sound, entered the East river through Hell Gate ; thence descending
with the current, it had gone to disembark at Kipps Bay, three miles
n^rth of New York.- This point was the weakest of all ; and the
English troops, protected by the fire of the ships, effected a landing
there almost without resistance. When Washington was apprised of
the debarkation, he detached the brigades of generals Parsons and
Fellows to re-inforce the corps that defended Kipps Bay. But they
Iiad already turned their backs; the others imitated them, and shame-
fully fled, in defiance of the efforts of their officers to retain them.
Washington arrived himself, and rallied them ; but at sight of the
English troops these mihtia disbanded anew. If the English had
immediately pressed forward, they would, without any doubt, have
intercepted the retreat of the garrison of New York. But whether
their generals covild not credit so much pusillanimity on the part of
the Americans, and were unwilling to risk themselves between two
fires ; or whether, as some writers assert, being elated with their suc-
cess, they halted for the space of full two hours to divert tliemselvcs

882 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VII.

in the house of a gentlewoman of the country, it is certain that they
gave time to general Putnam, who commanded the garrison, to de-
file and to rejoin the rest of the army. The Americans, however,
left in the power of the enemy their heavy artillery, a great propor-
tion of their baggage and munitions, and particularly their tents, of
which they had the greatest need. They lost but few soldiers, and
those in a skirmish near Bloomingdale.

The British army having dispatched a strong detachment to take
possession of the city of New York, which affords accommodation
for a considerable garrison, went to encamp in the center of the island,
its right wing being posted at Horen's Hook, upon the East river, and
its left at Bloomingdale, upon the Hudson. It thus occupied the
entire breadth of the island, from one shore to the other, which in
this place is more than a mile. The Americans were strongly in-
trenched in the northern part of the island, and especially at Kings-
bridge ; they had, besides, a position upon the heights of Harlem,
distant only a mile and a half from the English outposts. They
occupied another difficult passage between Harlem and Kingsbridge,
as well as the fort they had named Washington, upon the left bank
of the Hudson.

There resulted, from the respective situation of the armies, fre-
quent rencounters, in which the Americans gradually resumed cour-
age, and accustomed themselves anew to look the enemy in the face.
Washington ardently desired that his troops should often have these
aflfairs with \he English. Among others, there ensued a very hot
action in the plain of Harlem, where some corps of English and
Hessians, led on too far by their ardor, fell into an ambuscade which
the Americans had laid for them, and were handled very roughly.
Washington, in his official letters, highly commended the valor dis-
played by his troops on this occasion.

A few days after the important position of New York had come
into the power of the royal troops, there broke out in it a conflagra-
tion, which some attributed to the malice of certain individuals among
the inhabitants themselves, to deprive the English of the resources
offered them by this great city ; others merely to chance. It was
published at the time, that the fire had been kindled in various places
at once, by means of combustibles disposed with great dexterity ;
but the Americans positively denied it. Such was the rapidity of
the flames, the wind being violent and the weather very dry, that
notwithstanding the speed and activity with which the garrison exert-
ed themselves, a fourth part of the city was consumed. In the fury
which transported them, they seized several of those whom they con-

BOOK Vn. THE AMKRICAN WAR. 383

sidered as tlie authors of this disaster, and precipitated them into
the midst of the fire.

The Enghsh general, perceiving that the strength of the enemy's
intrenchments was such as to render the attempt to dislodge him by
an attack, both extremely hazardous and of doubtful success, took
the resolution which, perhaps, he should have taken at first, that is,
to go and encamp behind the position which the Americans occupied
at Kingsbridge, and thus compel him to combat with disadvantage,
to retire with loss, or to remain with peril. Accordingly, having left
lord Percy with two English brigades, and one of Hessians in the
encampment of Harlem, for the protection of New York, he embark-
ed with the rest of the army in flat-bottomed boats ; and having
safely entered the sound through Hell Gate, proceeded to disembark
at Frogs Neck, in the vicinity of West Chester, upon the confines of
New York and Connecticut.

This movement of general Howe has been the object of some
criticisms ; it was pretended that the Americans might have over-
whelmed, by a sudden attack, the corps left at Harlem, and thus re-
covered possession of New York. But, perhaps, he founded the
success of his operation upon the discouragement of the colonial
troops, and upon the presence of the fleet, which in any event could
afford a shelter to the corps of Harlem, if they should find them-
selves too hard pressed. General Howe had also strongly fortified
Go wans Hill in order to cover the city. Then, with a view to pre-
vent the enemy from receiving provisions from New Jersey by means
of the Hudson river, he had ordered three frigates to pass up the
river above forts Washington and Lee ; the first situated upon the
left bank, and the second upon the right. This order was executed
with extreme ability, notwithstanding the artillery of the two forts,
and the obstructions with which the Americans had endeavored to
impede the navigation.

The English general remained several days at Frogs Neck, as well
to repair the bridges which the enemy had broken, as to wait for a
considerable re-inforcement which he had called from Staten Islarid.
The road from Frogs Neck to Kingsbridge is excessively rough with
continual masses of small stones, and the Americans had also ob-
structed it in many places. Washington, who had assembled all his
army at Kingsbridge, sent forward his light infantry to scour the
country, and to harass the enemy in his march.

General Howe, having received his re-inforcements, put himself in
motion with all his troops ; he crossed Pelham Manor, and went to
encamp at New Rochelle, where he was joined by the second divis-
ion of Hessians, and of the troops of Waldeck under general Knyp-

384 THE AMERICAN WAR BOOK VII.

hausen, and by a regiment of cavalry lately arrived at New York
from Ireland. As the principal project of the expedition was to in-
tercept the communication of Washington with the eastern provinces,
and then, if he declined to venture an engagement, to shut him up
on the island of New York, consequently it was necessary to occu-
py the two roads leading into Connecticut ; the one upon the coast
of the sound, and the other more inland. The first was already in
the power of the English ; but in attempting to occupy the second,
it was requisite to traverse the difficult country of which we have
already made mention, in order to secure the post of the highlands,
known by tiie name of White Plains, upon the rear of Kingsbridge.

General Howe determined to take this route ; he marched, how-
ever, slowly and with extreme caution, after leaving at New Ro-
chelle the German corps, lately arrived, to secure the lower road,
and the communication with those places whence stores and neces-
saries were to arrive.

Washington examined, with attention, the danger of his position.
He penetrated the designs of the enemy, and consequently decided
to abandon, with the main body of his army, the encampment of
IGngsbridge. Extending, therefore, his left wing, he took post with
it in the White Plains, while the right 'occupied the heights of Val-
entine's Hill, near Kingsbridge ; the center exactly filled the space
comprehended between these tw o points. Here he intrenched him
self with the greatest care. His army thus formed a well secured
line, parallel to the river BruMX, which lay on its front, and separated
it from the English, who marched up along the left bank of this
stream.

Washington had behind him the great river Hudson, mto which
the English frigates had not yet been able to penetrate so far as to
intercept the supplies of provisions which he received from the up-
per parts. With his left wing he occupied the upper road of Con-
necticut, by which he was also abundantly supplied with provisions
and munitions. He had left sufficient garrisons at Kingsbridge, at
Harlem, and in fort Washington ; in this last place, however, against
his own opinion. Meanwhile, he detached numerous parties, over
the Brunx, in order to retard tlie motions of the enemy. Hence
frequent skirmishes ensued, and though the royalists had generally
the advantage in these rencounters, they still served to dissipate the
terror of the Americans, v.'ho every day showed themselves more
bold in defying the enemy.

Upon the approach of the English to the White Plains, Washing-
ton, all at once, called in his detachments, and abandoning the posi-
tions he had occupied along the Brunx, assembled all his troops in a

BOOK A*I1. THE AMERICAN WAK 385

strong camp upon the heights, near these plains, in front of the ene-
my. His riglit flank was protected by the Bronx, which, by its
windings, also covered the front of the right wing. The main body
was nearly parallel to the river, and the left wing being placed at a
right angle upon the center, and consequently parallel to the right,
extended towards the north upon the hills, as much as was necessary
to guard the defiles leading ^o the upper mountainous regions, into
which the army, if expedient, might retire. But the right wing,
being posted in more level and less difficult ground, found itself
more exposed ; wherefore general Macdougall was ordered to oc-
cupy, with a strong detachment, a mountain about a mile distant
from the camp ; he intrenched himself there as well as the time
would admit of.

Such was the position of the American army when the English
arrived within seven or eight miles of White Plains, and prepared
themselves to attack without loss of time. On the morning of the
twenty-eighth of October, they advanced in two columns, the right
commanded by general Chnton, and the left by general Heister.
At noon, all the outposts being driven back by the English and
Hessian light Infantry, the British army appeared before the Ameri-
can camp. Immediately there ensued a cannonade, but to very
little effect. The EngUsh drew up in order of battle ; their right
occupied the road which leads to Merrineck, about a mile distant
from the center of the enemy ; while the left, equally distant from
his right, bordered the Brunx. The English general having observed
the importance of the position taken by general Macdougall, and
being persuaded that the right of the enemy, which was his only
assailable point, could not be forced so long as it should be protected
by a post of such strength, resolved to wrest it from the Americans.,
He ordered a Hessian regiment, commanded by colonel Ralle, to
ford the Brunx, and by a circuitous movement to fall upon the flank
of general Macdougall, while general Leslie should attack him in
front with a brigade of English and Hessians. Colonel R-alle having
arrived at the point indicated, Leslie, who had also crossed the
Brunx, furiously assaulted the intrenchments of Macdougall. The
militia soon fled, but the regular troops made a valiant resistance.
A regiment of Maryland, conducted by colonel Smallwood, and a
regiment of ?few York, under colonel Ratzemfr, ventured even to
ccmie out of the lines, and to cliarge the enemy at the very foot of
the mountain, but they were overpowered by number and forced to
retire. Then the English and Hessians ascended the heights with
smgular intrepidity, and took possession of them after a vigorous
struggle. The Americans, however, continued for some time to fire
VOL. 1. 25

386 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VII.

from behind the walls of inclosures, and thus retarded the progress
of the assailants. But general Putnam, who had been sent to their
succor, could not arrive in season. The loss of men in this action
was great on the one part as well as on the other.

Washington, calmly expecting that the enemy would come to
attack him next, had already sent into his rear the sick and the
baggage ; but as it grew towards the close of day, the English
general determined to defer the assault till the next morning. He
caused his troops to encamp within cannon shot of the American
lines. Washington took advantage of the night to strengthen them
with additional works, and to occupy a stronger position in the rear
with his left wing, which, by the loss of the m(5untain, had become
more exposed. When the light appeared, general Howe reconnoi-
tered the intrenchments of the enemy, and found them sufficiently
formidable to determine him to wait the arrival of some battalions
that had been left at New York, under the command of lord I'ercy,
and of several companies from Merrineck. These re-inforcements
being received on the evening of the thirtieth, he appointed the fol-
lowing morning for the assault, but the excessive rain which fell during
the night and also in the morning, compelled him to defer it. The
American general, in the mean time, examined his position with
his accustomed prudence ; he was decided not to risk a pitched bat-
tle without the strongest hope of success. He perceived that the
Eriglish had already erected four or five batteries, and that by turn-
ing his right flank they might get possession of the heights situated
upon his rear. He concluded, therefore, to break up his camp in
the night of the first of November. He removed it into a countiy
still more mountainous in the vicinity of North Castle ; having pre-
viously set fire to the houses in White Plains, and the neighborhood,
and to the forage that was found in the camp. He immediately
detached a strong corps to occupy the bridge over the Croton river,
which leads to the upper parts of the Hudson. On the following
morning the English took possession of the American camp.

General Howe, perceiving that his enemy declined an engage-
ment, and that from the situation of the country, and his knowledge
of every advantageous position, it would be impossible to compel
him to fight but upon the most unequal and hazardous terms, took
the determination to discontinue the pursuit, and to turn his atten-
tion to the reduction of the forts and fastnesses still occupied by the
Americans in the neighborhood of New York. His views were
particularly directed upon fort Washington, which was its principal
bulwark. But, though the ground where this fortress had been
erected was very rough and difficult, its fortifications were not suffi-

BOOK VII. THE AMERTCAN WAR. ,3S7

ciently strong to resist heavy artillery. It was incapable, froin its
little extent, of containing more than a thousand defenders ; the out-
works that surrounded it, especially to the south, towards New York,
might lodge, it is true, a much stronger garrison.

The commander-in-chief, as if he had foreseen the event, had
written to general Greene, who commanded in this part, enjoining
him to reflect maturely upon his position, and in case he should find
that fort Washington was not in a situation to sustain an assault, to
cause it to be forthwith evacuated ; and to transport the garrison to
the right bank of the Hudson. But this general, either believing
that the strength of the place and the valor of the troops would
assure him a long defense, or from the apprehension that his retreat
would increase the already too general discouragement of the Amer-
icans, took the resolution to hold out to the last. He was herein
the more easily determined, as he believed that the garrison would
always be able to retreat into fort Lee, situated upon the other
bank of the river. But Washington judged less favv»rably of the
future ; he vi^as persuaded that the English would not remain satis-
fied with the reduction of the first fort ; but that, crossing the river,
and maldng themselves masters of the second, which was not tenable,
they would spread themselves in the province of New Jersey. He
left therefore general Lee, with the militia of the eastern provinces,
upon the left bank of the Hudson, and having secured the strong
positions towards the Croton river, and especially that of Peeks Kill,
near the Hudson itself, he crossed that river with the main body of
his army, and went to rejoin general Greene in his camp under fort
Lee. General Lee himself had orders to come with all speed and
join him, in case the enemy, after having taken the forts, should
show himself upon the right bank of the Hudson. He afterwards
wrote to the governor of New Jersey, requesting him to remove
the magazines of provisions into the most remote parts, and to call
out all the militia. All these dispositions being made to his wish,
Washington watched with an attentive eye the movements of the
enemy.

Meanwhile, general Howe had ordered general Knyphausen to
march from New Rochelle, and to occupy Kingsbridge. This he
executed without obstacles, the Americans, who guarded this posi-
tion, having fallen back upon fort Washington. The corps of gen-
eral Knyphausen consequently penetrated into the island of New
Vork, and proceeded to invest the fort, on the part of the north.

A short time after, the English general himself abandoned the
While Plams, and descending along the banks of the Hudson, con-
ducted the rest of the army to Kingsbridge. He pitched his camp

388 TUE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VII,

upon the heights of Fordhani, his right wing bchig covered by the
Hudson, and his left by the Brunx.

The royalists then prepared to attack fort Washington ; its inte-
rior and appertenances were defended by full three thousand men,
under the command of colonel ISIagaw, a brave and experienced
officer. He was summoned in vain to surrender. The besiegers
proceeded to the assault in four divisions, the first from the north,
commanded by general Knyphausen, and consisting of Hessians
and the troops of Waldeck ; the second from the east, composed of
English light inflmtry and two battalions of guards, conducted by
general Matthews. This corps was to attack the intrenchments
which extended from fort Washington almost to the East river ; the
third, commanded by colonel Sterling, was destined to pass this riv-
er lower down than the second, in order to assail the fort more to
the south ; but this was only a feint. The fourth, which obeyed the
orders of Ir-rd Percy, a very strong corps, was directed to aim its as-
sault against the western flank of the fortress. These different di-
visions were provided with a numerous and excellent artillery. Thj
Hessiaus, under general Knyphausen, were to pass through a very
thick ibrest. where colonel Rawlings was already posted with his regi-
ment of riflemen. An extremely warm affair was engaged, in which
the Germans sustained a severe loss. The Americans, ambushed
behind the trees and racks, fired in security ; but at last, the Hes-
sians, redoubling their efforts, gained a -".ery steep ascent, whence
they came down upon the enemy v.'ith an irresistible impetuosity ;
the divisions -which followed them were thus enabled to land without
molestation. Colonel Rawlings retreated under the cannon of the
fort. Lord Percy, on his part, had carried an advanced work, which
facihtated the debarkation of the party under colonel Sterling, who,
the moment he had landed, forced his way up a difficult height, which
was very resolutely defended ; he gained the summit, where he took
a considerable number of prit^oners, notwithstanding their gallant
resistance. Colonel Cadwallader, who was charged with the defense
of this part, retired also into the fort.

Colonel Ralle, who led the right column of general Knyphausen's
attack, surmounted all obstacles with admirable valor, and lodged
his column within one hundred yards of the fort. Soon after gene-
ral Knyphausen joined him witli the left column ; having at length
extricated himself from the difficulties encountered in the forest.
The garrison having thus lost, though not without glory, all their
advanced works, found themselves closely invested within the body
of the fortress. The besiegers then summoned colonel Magavv to
surrender. He had already consumed near/y all his ammunition.

BOOK VII. THE AMEP.ICAN WAR. 389

The very mullitude of defenders pressed into so narrow a space,
was prejudicial to defense, and every thing demonstrated that he
could not sustain an assault. Accordingly he decided to capitulate.
The garrison, amounting to two thousand six hundred men, inclu-
sive of the country militia, surrendered prisoners of war. The Amer-
icans had few killed ; the royalists lost about eight hundred, the
greater part Germans.

The reduction of fort Washington thus gave the royal army entire
possession of the island of New York.

Wishing to avail himself to the utir.ost of the defeat of the Amer-
icans, and to prevent them from rallymg at another point, general
Howe confided to lord Cornwallis the command of a corps of about
six thousand men, directing him to pass the Hudson at Dobb's Ferry,
and forthwith to invest fort Lee, in order, if possible, to surprise the
garrison, which consisted in two thousand men. They had scarcely
time to save themselves by abandoning the place, the moment they
heard of the surrender of fort Washington, of the passage of the
enemy, and of his force. Their artillery and military stores, their
baggage, and particularly their tents, a loss the most sensible, fell into
the power of the victors. The vanquished retired to the other side
of the Hackensack. Tho British could now penetrate into the very
heart of JNew Jersey.

These successive checks, the loss of the two forts, Washington
and Lee, and especially the excessive vigor of the attack, which had
constrained the first to surrender, produced a deplorable change in
the fortune of the Americans. They beheld all at once what the
fatal battle of Brooklyn had not been able to operate; the dissolution
of their army.

The militia disbanded and precipitately retired to their habita-
tions ; even the regular troops, as if struck with despair, also filed
oflT, and deserted in parties.

Every thing, at this period of the war, threatened America with an
inevitable catastrophe.

The army of Washington was so enfeebled that it scarcely
amounted to three thousand men, who had lost all courage and
all energy, and were exposed in an open country, without instru-
ments to intrench themselves, without tents to shelter them from the
inclemency of the season, and in the midst of a population httle
zealous, or rather hostile towards the republic.

The general of congress had to face a victorious army, more than
twenty thousand strong, composed entirely of disciplined and vet-
eran troops. The excellent generals wlio commanded it, using the
ardor inspired by victory, pursued their advantages with vivaci t}', and

390 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOR VII

flattered themselves that a few days would suffice to crush the wrecks
of the republican army, and put an end to the war. To all the
difficulties against which Washington had to contend, should be
added, that the English cavalry, though without being very numer-
ous, scoured all the flat country, whereas he had nothing to oppose
to it except a few diminutive and feeble hackneys from Connecticut,
commanded by major Sheldon. So total a deficiency of cavalry, in
the immense plains of this country, appeared to extinguish for the
Americans their little chance of success. They were no better pro-
vided with artillery than with horses. The greater part of their
feeble army consisted in militia, almost all from New Jersey. These
were either of suspicious fidelity, or desirous of returning to their
habitations, to rescue their property and families from the perils that
menaced them. The few regular soldiers who still remained with
their colors, completed their term of service with the expiration of
the year ; it was therefore to be feared that this phantom of an army
would vanish entirely in the space of a few days.

In so profound a distress, the American general could not hope to
receive prompt or sufficient re-inforcements. Consternation reigned
in all the contiguous provinces ; so that each, trembling for himself,
refused to succor others. There still remained a few regiments of
regular troops upon the frontiers of Canada ; but they were neces-
sary there to arrest the progress of the enemy ; and, besides, the
term of engagement was about to dissolve them shortly. Upon the
heel of so many disasters was the imminent danger of seditions on
the part of the disaffected, who in various places loudly invoked the
name of England. An insurrection appeared ready to explode in
the county of Monmouth, in this very province of New Jersey, so
that Washington found himself constrained to detach a part of his
army, already a mere skeleton, to overawe the agitators. The pres-
ence of a victorious royal army had dissipated the terror with which
the patriots at first had inspired the loyalists. They began to aban-
don themselves without reserve :o all the fury which animated them
against their adversaries. The Gnglisli commissioners determined
to avail themselves of this disposition of the inhabitants to revolt
against the authority of congress. Accordingly the two brothers
Howe drew up a proclamation, which they circulated profisely
throughout the country. They commanded all those who had arms
in iiand to disperse and return to their habitations ; and all those who
exercised civil magistracies to cease their functions and divest them-
selves of their usurped authorit) But, at the same time, they offer-
ed a full pardon to all such as v i;hin the space of sixty days should
present themselves before the civ.l or military officers of the crown.

BOOK VII. THE AMERICAN WAR ,'Ì9]

declaring their intention to take the benefit of the amnesty, and
promising a sincere return to the obedience due to the laws and to
the royal authority. This proclamation had the effect which the
commissioners had promised themselves from it. A multitude of
persons of every rank, availing themselves of the clemency of the
victor, came daily to implore his forgiveness, and to protest their
submission.

It was remarked, however, that they belonged, for the greater part,
to the class of the very poor, or of the very rich. The inhabitants
of a middle condition manifested more constancy in their opinions.
Several of the newly reconciled had occupied the first stations in the
popular order of things ; they had been members either of the pro-
vincial government, or of the council of general safety, or of the
tribunals of justice. They excused themselves by saying that they
liad only acted, in what they had hitherto done, with a view to pro-
mote the pubhc welfare, and to prevent greater disorders ; they al-
ledged, finally, that they had been drawn in by their parents and
friends, whom they were unable to refuse. Those who had contem-
plated them in all their arrogance, and who saw them then so meek,
so submissive, and so humble in their words, could scarcely persuade
themselves that they were indeed the same individuals. But men of
this stamp dread much less to be considered inconstant and per-
fidious, than rebels to the laws of the strongest ; they much prefer to
escape danger with infamy, than to encounter it with honor. Nor was
it only in New Jersey, and in the midst of the victorious royal troops,
tliat these abrupt changes of party were observed ; the inhabitants
of Pennsylvania flocked in like manner to humble themselves at the
feet of the English commissioners, and to promise them fealty and
obedience. Among others there came the Galloways, the family of
the Aliens, and some others of the most wealthy and reputable.
The example became pernicious, and the most prejudicial effects
were to be apprehended from it. Every day ushered in some new
calamity ; the cause of America seemed hastening to irretrievable
ruin. The most discreet no longer dissembled that the term of the
war was at hand ; and that the hour was come in which the colonies
were about to resume the yoke. But Washington, in the midst of
so much adversity, did not despair of the public safety. His con-
stancy was an object of admiration. Far from betraying any symp-
toms of hesitation or of fear, he showed himself to his dejected sol-
diers with a serene countenance, and radiant, as it were, with a cer-
tain hope of a better future. Adverse fortune had not been able to
vanquisii, nay, not even to shake this invincible spirit. Firmly re-
solved to pursue their object through every fortune, the congress

392 THE AMERICAN WAIl. BOOK VII.

manifested a similar constancy. It appeared as if the spirit of these
great iriinds increused with adversity.

America is assuredly indebted to the magnanimity of her cJiicfs
for the victory and independence which have crowned her efforts.

Thus pressed by time and circumstances, Washington took all the
measures suggested by prudence in order to rc-inforce his army, not
with the hope of being able to arrest the enemy in his triumphant
march, but at least that he might not appear to have entirely aban-
doned the republic: and, finally, to keep his standard waving till
Divine Providence, or the benignity of fortune, should offer him an
occasion to retrieve the affairs of his country.

He had some time before, as we have already related, directed
general Lee to occupy, with a part of the army, the country watered
by the Upper Hudson, in order to be at hand to succor the corps of
Canada which opposed general Carleton upon the lakes. But on
seeing New Jersey unguarded, and the danger which instantly men-
aced the city of Philadelphia itself, he ordered him to come, by
forced marches, to rejoin him. This order was the mose easy to be
executed, as it was soon known that general Carleton, after having
occupied Crown Point and made himself master of Lake Champlain,
as will be seen in the course of this history, had retired without
having ventured to attack Ticonderoga. The commander-in-chief,
therefore, instructed general Schuyler to send him, without delay,
the troops of Pennsylvania and of New Jersey, that were upon the
frontiers of Canada. General Mercer, who commanded a corps of
light infantry at Berghen, likewise, received orders to rejoin the prin-
cipal army with all speed. Little calculation, however, could be
made upon these re-info rcements in the present state of things ; the
march was long, the road difficult, the engagement of the soldiers
almost expired, and the victorious enemy menaced upon all points
at once. The American general neglected not to resort to the suc-
cors of the militia. He had represented to the principal authorities of
Pennsylvania the critical situation of Philadelphia, which could not
be saved unless his army was promptly re-inforced ; he therefore
earnestly pressed them to send him the militia of the province.
Washington, findirghis letters nearly without cflect,dispatched gene-
ral Mifflin, who enjoyed great popular favor in this province, to paint,
with vivid coloring, the urgency of the danger, and the necessity of
a general effort to avert it. He wrote also to the governor of New
Jersey, apprising him that unless he assembled the militia and caus-
ed them to join the army immediately, he must expect to see the
enemy overrun the entire provine^' as a conqueror, {>ass the Dela-
ware, and seize Philadelphia.

BOOK VII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 3^3

AI! his efforts were equally ineffectual in this part. T!ie lower
districts of the province, either wanting zeal or chilled with terror,
made no movement ; and it was not without a sort of repugnance
that the inhabitants of the upper countries took arras for the defense
of country.

Reduced to the uncertain hope of these feeble re-inforcements,
the Americans saw their enemies redoubling activity to render their
triumph more complete. The army of congress, after its retreat,
had the Hackensack upon its front ; but this narrow stream could
not be considered as a sufficient defense against the keen pursuit ol
the English. Besides, as the Passaick flowed at no great distance
in the rear of Washington, and the light troops of the enemy inun-
dated the country, he ran the risk of being locked in between these
two rivers. He therefore crossed the Passaick over the bridge of
Aquakannunk, and took up his quarters at Newark, upon the right
bank. The English immediately also passed the Hackensack, and
overran the country up to the Passaick. Washington, seeing lord
Cornwallis approach with rapidity, abandoned the borders of thif?
river, and retiring behind the Rariton, took post at New Brunswick.
Here the troops of Maryland and of New Jersey declared their
term of engagement was expired, and deserting the rest of the army,
retired to their respective 1 omes. Some corps of the Pennsylvania
militia followed this example ; and the army, already so feeble, found
itself upon the point of ceasing to exist. The English shov/ed them-
selves every where, and always equally animated.

Washington, with the few regiments he had left, ventured to make
some demonstrations as if he intended to resume the offensive ; but
this maneuver was, in fact, designed to cover his retreat to Trenton.
upon the left bank of the Delaware. Lord Sterling was left at
Princeton, with twelve hundred men, to observe the motions of the
enemy. Having little hope of being able to maintain even this po-
sition long, he sent across the river the sick, the baggage, and the
munitions, and caused all the boats to be withdrawn to the opposite
bank, that the English might not use them to effect their passage.
He determined, however, to remain upon the frontiers of New Jer-
sey, in order to be always at hand to retard the progress of the ene-
my. At length, having received a re-inforcement of two thousand
men, composed of the armed citizens of Philadelphia, and of the
German battalion already mentioned, he pressed forward with the
intention of returning to Princeton. But upon the rumor, contin-
ually increasing, that lord Cornwallis was on his march from New
Brunswick with a formidable force, divided in several columns so as
to endanger his communications with the river, he retreated anew,

394 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VII.

and the eighth of December, leaving the frontiers of New Jersey
entirely in the power of the enemy, he withdrew upon the right
bank of the Delaware, having first, however, cut the bridges, broken
the roads, and removed all the ferry boats. Scarcely had the rear
guard gained the right bank, when the English light troops began
to appear upon the left ; but finding no means to cross the river,
they could pursue no further.

The river Delaware was now the last defense that remained to
the American troops ; if the English could pass it, they infallibly
became masters of PhiJadelphia. And the acquisition of a city of
such importance, which was at once the capital of the confederation,
the seat of governrnent, as well as of the principal authorities, and
the central repository of military stores and provisions, must have
produced such an effect upon the minds of the people, as perhaps
would have given the English a complete triumph, or at least would
have authorized them to expect a prompt termination of the war in
their favor.

But lord Cornwallis, following the orders of general Howe, who
did not proceed in this operation with the requisite ardor, had re
mained too long at New Brunswick ; he thus left Washington at
liberty to interpose every obstacle to the passage of the river. It is
imposs ble here not to blame the neglige ice of the Engli >h generals,
who had not seasonably collected all the materials for laying bridges.
and who even never thought of constructing rafts in order to gain
the other bank. They might have done it in these first moments.
Perhaps, no longer doubting of the certain success of their arms,
they imagined they could pass the river whenever they pleased, and
that Philadelphia would immediately open its gates to them — a
memorable example, which proves that in war, more than in any
other circumstance of life, it should never be thought that all is done,
while there still remains something to do ! It is perfectly certain
that this unexpected delay of the EngUsh operated to their preju-
dice through the whole course of the war, and that it was to this
capital fault the Americans owed their safety.

The English general established his head-quarters at Trenton, ex-
tending his two wings, above and below, along the left bank of the
Delaware. This river, after having run from northwest to southeast
till it roaches Bordentown, there makes a sudden bend, and flows
to the southwest towards Philadelphia; if the English, therefore, had
passed it above Trenton, at a place called CorielVs Ferry, or in its
vicinity, they would have found themselves as near to this capital as
the Americans themselves, who guarded the banks of the Delaware
opposite Trenton. That they had formed this design is demon-

BOOK Vn. THE AMERICAN WAR. 395

strated by the attempt they made to seize certain boats at CorielPa
Ferry, which, however, was defeated by the vigilance of lord Ster-
hng. To oppose an obstacle to this passage, the commander-in-
chief directed general Putnam, an engineer of great ability, to draw
lines from the Schuylkill to the heights of Springatsburgh. Put as the
enemy had repaired the bridges below Trenton, and the corps he
had at Bordentown were daily re-inforced, the Americans became
apprehensive that he would attempt to pass the river at once above
them at Coriell's Ferry and below them at Burlington ; which would
have enabled him to close upon their rear, and thus to shut up their
whole army in the point of land formed by the flexure of the Dela-
ware. To obviate this danger, Washington stationed his galleys in
places the most proper to observe the motions of the English, and
to repulse them if they attempted the passage. The upper parts
being the most menaced, he detached his best troops to guard them.
Redoubts were erected from distance to distance, and furnished
with artillery. Finally, the order was given, in case of misfortune,
and if the enemy passed the river, that all the troops should fall back
upon German town, a large village, but a few miles distant from
Philadelphia.

The English generals, seeing the enemy's preparations of defense,
and perhaps hoping to be able to pass the Delaware in safety, when
it should be frozen, which, as the season was now advanced, might
be expected very shortly, instead of following the Americans in
their retreat, and of allowing them no time to rally, distributed tiieir
troops in winter quarters. Four thousand men took their lodgings
upon the very bank of the river, at Trenton, at Bordentown, at Black
horse and at Burlington. Strong detachments occupied Princeton
and New Brunswick, where were found their magazines of provis-
ions and of munitions. The rest of the troops were cantoned about
in the villages of New Jersey.

While the English army was thus arrested upon the banks of the
Delaware, either by the negligence or presumption of its chiefs, or
by the firmness and prudence of Washington, this general omitted
no exertions to re-inforce his urmy with militia, as well as with
regular troops.

Generals Mifflin and Armstrong, who both enjoyed a great in-
fluence in Pennsylvania, went through the province, exhorting the
people to take arms and fly to the defense of the capital, and of the
country. Their exhortations and the approach of danger produced
the desired eflect. Many of the inhabitants repaired to the republi-
can standard, though without manifesting all of them a very ardent
zeal. That the regular troops might serve as a nucleus, for the

396 THK AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VII.

militia to rally about, Wasliing*on ordered general Gates to briug
him promptly the best of the troops he commanded in Canada, after
having posted the militia of New England to guard the most impor-
tant passes. Gates arrived the twentieth of December at the army
of Pennsylvania. General Lee had received the same order ; but he
executed it with great slowness and a sort of repugnance ; whether
his ambition led him to prefer the command of a separate army, or
that he considered it as more advisable to maintain himself in the
upper and mountainous j)arts of New Jersey, in order to be always
ready to annoy the right flank of the British army. He Vt^as drawn
from this languor by an event which threw him into a painful cap-
tivity, and which filled all America with profound regret, where his
zeal, his intelligence, and his military skill, v.ere held in the highest
consideration.

Being at a place called Baskinbridgc, distant about twenty miles
from the quarters of the enemy, he thought himself so out of all
danger that he neglected the usual precautions. He took up his
quarters at a house considerably removed from the main body, where
he remained with a slender guard. Colonel Harcourt, who scoured
the country with his cavalry, was informed of this circumstance by a
loyalist; and immediately galloped towards tiie place where Lee was
so incautiously lodged. The colonel, appearing suddenly, secured
the sentinels without noise, and darting into the house, arrested the
general. He caused him immediately to mount a very swift horse,
and with the same promptness and good fortune conducted him
prisoner to New York. This news spread as much consternation
among the Americans, as alacrity among the English ; who boasted
that tiiey had seized the Palladium of America. This capture of
general Lee occasioned transports of joy even at the court of Saint
James, as if some great victory had been obtained, or as if this inci-
dent was more fortunate than the conquest of New Jersey itself, and
the fair prospect opened of soon entering the city of Philadelphia.
From this time there arose a violent controversy between the chiefs
of the two parties, relative to the manner in which general Lee and
the other prisoners of war should ho treated. General Gage, when
he was invested with the command, had always refused to consent
to the exchange of prisoners. There resulted from it a deplorable
system of cruelty on the one part as v/ell as on the other. But when
general Howe appeared at the head of the British army, either be-
cause his character was more humane than that of his predecessor
or that he had received particular instructions from his government,
or, finally, that he was constrained to it by the great number of Eiig-
lish who were fallen into the power of the Americans, he had agreed

BOOK Vn. THE AMERICAN WAR. 397

from time to time to make exchanges. But when he found himself
in possession of general Lee, he refused to fulfill with respect to him
the laws of war, and caused him to be closely confined, as if he had
been a prisoner of state. He advanced as a reason for his conduct
that Lee being invested with the rank of an officer in the English
army, he was to be considered as a deserter and a traitor. He had
formerly received, it is true, his half pay as a British officer ; but
upon the breaking out of hostilities, he had resigned his rank in Eng-
land, to be at liberty to enter the service of America. But tins res-
ignation had not perhaps arrived seasonably ; or the hatred borne
him by the government and British generals having more power over
them than the usage of civilized nations, they affected to consider
and treat him rather as a prisoner of state than as a prisoner of war.
As Washington had no British officer in his power of equal rank
with general Lee, he had proposed to general Howe to give six Hes-
sian officers in exchange for him ; adding, that in case this offer
should not be accepted, he demanded at least that Lee should be
treated in a manner suitable to his rank, and this not only in con-
formity with the laws of nations, but also in reciprocity for the good
treatment which the English officers that were prisoners received on
the part of the Americans. General Howe persisted in his refusal ;
the congress then resorted to reprisals. They ordered that lieuten-
ant-colonel Campbell and five Hessian officers should be imprisoned
and treated as general Lee. This order was executed even with
more rigor than it prescribed. The lieutenant-colonel, being then
at Boston, was thrown into a dungeon destined for malefactors.
Washington blamed this excess ; he knew that Lee was detained,
but not ill treated. He also apprehended reprisals, since there were
more Americans in the hands of the Enghsh, than English in the
hands of the Americans. He wrote with great earnestness to con-
gress upon this subject, but without effect; lieutenant-colonel Camp-
bell and the Hessians were not liberated until general Howe had
consented to consider Lee as a prisoner of war.

During these altercations the exchange of prisoners was entirely
suspended. Those in the hands of the English at New York had
to experience every sort of ill treatment. They were shut up in
churches and in other places, exposed to all the inclemency of the
air. They were not allowed sufficient nourishment ; their fare was
scanted even of coarse bread, and certain aliments which excited
disgust. The sick were confounded with the healthy, both equally
a prey to the most shocking defect of cleanliness, and exposed to
the outrages of the soldiers, and especially of the loyalists. Nothing
alleviated their sufferings A confined and impure air engendered

398 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VH.

mortal diseases; moie than fifteen hundred of these unfortunate
men perished in a few weeks. It was beheved that so much cruelty
was purposely exercised with a view of constraining the prisoners to
enlist under the royal standard. It is certain at least, that the offi-
cers of the king incessantly exhorted them to it. But they all re-
fused ; preferring a certain death to the desertion of their country.
The fate of the officers was not much less deplorable. Despoiled
of every thing by the rapacity of the English soldiers, they were
abandoned to all wants. Some of them, though wounded and with-
out clothing, were carted through the streets of New York for the
sport of the populace. In the midst of hisses and imprecations, they
were denominated rebels and traitors. Several were even caned for
having attempted to procure some relief for their soldiers, who were
perishing with hunger and disease in their infected dungeons.
Washington had addressed frequent and bitter complaints to general
Howe of this barbarous conduct towards prisoners of war. The
English general answered by denials, by excuses, and even by re-
criminations. But that he was culpable, is proved by his having
refused the offer of the American general, who proposed to send
an agent to New York to provide for the wants of the prisoners.
Hence the hatred between the two people acquired a new degree
of violence. At length, those who had survived so many evils, were
exchanged, and set at liberty. But such was their miserable con-
dition that many died on the way before they could revisit their
country and all the objects of their affection. There arose new
difficulties upon this subject between the two generals ; the English-
man insisting that his prisoners should be restored even in exchange
for the dead, and the American refusing it. All this affair of pris-
oners proves but too clearly that in civil wars, friends become worse
than natural enemies, and the most civihzed nations no better than
barbarians. But the greater part of these inhuman excesses are
incontestably attributable to the English.

After general Lee had fallen into the hands of the enemy, general
Sullivan, who succeeded him, manifested greater promptitude in
obeying the orders of Washington. He crossed the Delaware at
Phillipsburgh, and joined him about the last of December ; this re-
inforcement carried the American army to not far from seven thou-
sand men. But the greater part of these troops completed their
engcigements with the year, and they were upon the point of a totaj
dissolution.

While the English pursued the relics of the American army
through the plains of New Jersey, and the latter, happy in having
been able to cross the Delaware, found itself almost without hope,

BOOK VII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 399

fortune did not show herself more propitious to the cause of the
revolution upon the coasts of Rhode Island. Admiral sir Peter
Parker, and general Clinton, with four brigades of English as well
as Hessians, had undertaken an expedition against this province, on
board a numerous squadron. The provincials, not expecting this
attack, were totally unprepared for defense ; they consequently
abandoned Rhode Island without resistance to the English, who oc-
cupied it the same day that Washington passed the Delaware.
This loss was of great importance, as well from the situation of the
province as because the American squadron, under commodore
Hopkins, was compelled to withdraw as far up the Providence river
as it was practicable, and to continue there blocked up and useless
for a long time. The English also occupied the two neighboring
islands of Conanicut and of Prudence. Two pieces of cannon fell
into their power, but they made few prisoners. The conquest of
Rhode Island was of great utility for their ulterior operations ; from
*Jiis province they could harass Massachusetts ; and the re-inforce-
ments that general Lincoln had assembled with the intention of con-
ducting them to the army of Washington, were detained in that
province, to observe general Clinton, and prevent him from disturb-
ing its tranquiUity. Even Connecticut shared the alarm, and retained
the re-inforcements it was upon the point of sending to the camp of
the Delaware.

The English, in like manner desirous to prevent the colonies of the
south from transmitting succors to those of the middle, which they
intended to attack, renewed, during the summer of the present year,
their negotiations with the loyalists and with the savages of the upper
parts, in order to induce them to act against Georgia, the two Caro-
linas and Virginia. Notwithstanding the little success which had,
in the preceding year, attended the enterprises of the Regulators
and the Scotch emigrants, the English agents, and particularly one
Stuart, a man of extreme activity and audacity, flattered themselves
with the hope of obtaining a more efiicacious co-operation on the
part of the Indian tribes. They were as lavish of exhortations and
promises as of gold and presents. They gave out that a strong corps
of English would disembark in West Florida ; that traversing the
territory of the Creeks, the Chickasaws, and the Cherokees. they
would join with the warriors of these nations, and invade the two
Carolinas and Virginia ; while, at the same time, a numerous fleet
and powerful army should attack the coasts. Stuart addressed cir-
culars to the loyalists, inviting them to come and put themselves un-
der the royal standard, erected in the country of the Cherokees ; he
urged them to bring with them their horses, their cattle, and provis-

400 TUE A.'^IERICAN \VAU. BOOK VIJ.

ions of every sort, for which tliey should be paid a Uberai price. The
loyalists, who rcinembered too well their recent defeat, made no
movement of importance. But the Indians, excited by the words
and presents of the emissaries, no less than by the probabilities of
success, and their thirst of pillage, assembled in considerable num-
bers, and manifested great animosity against the colonies. The Six
Nations themselves, who, till this epoch, had observed a strict neu-
trality, began to waver, and had already committed hostilities upon
their borders. The Creeks, still more audacious, took the field, and
displayed their accustomed ferocity. But having found that deeds
did not correspond with words, and that the promised succors did
not appear, they desisted, and demanded a pardon, which was easily
granted them. They manifested afterwards so much regard for their
oaths, or so much distrust for the promises of the English, or, finally,
such profound terror, that when the Cherokees not long after urged
them for succors, they answered that they had buried the hatchet so
deep that it could not be found. But the Cherokees listened only
to their fury ; they fell furiously upon the colonies, exei'cising fright-
ful ravages, scalping and mutilating their prisoners. They massa-
cred with the same barbarity those who were able to carry arms, and
those who were not ; old men, women, and children, v/ere butcher-
ed without discrimination. Their security was increased by the ap-
pearance of the fleet under sir Peter Parker, which had arrived in the
waters of Charleston. But when this fleet, after the unsuccessful
attack of fort Moultrie, had abandoned the shores of Carolina, the
Cherokees found themselves in a very critical situation.

Having no longer any thing to fear, upon their coasts, the inhab-
itants of the two Carolinas and of Virginia, devoting all their cares
to free themselves from this scourge, turned their forces against the
sav?ges, who devastated their country. These barbarians were not
only defeated in several rencounters, but the Americans pursued
them even into their own territory, putting all to fire and sword,
burning their habitations, cutting their trees, destroying their corn,
and slaying all those who had borne, or still bore arms. This expe-
dition v/as almost the total ruin of the nation of Cherokees. Those
who survived it, submitted to all the conditions of the conqueror, or,
wanting provisions, took refuge with this Stuart, the author of the
war and of their disasters, in West Florida, where the British govern-
ment was forced to support them. Thus terminated this year the
campaign against the savages ; it may be observed, that no chastise-
ment was ever more severe, or more deserved, than that which was
inflicted upon the nation of the Cherokees. The avaricious and
cruel men who excited these barbarians to commit so many horrors,

BOOK. VII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 401

were the more inexcusable, inasmuch as they had received their birth
and education under the more clement sky of Europe.

But the order of events recalls us to Canada, where military op-
erations, far from being suspended, were pursued with extre^pe
vigor. We have related in the preceding book, that the Americans
had been constrained by the superiority of the British arms, to
evacuate all Lower Canada, and even Montreal and fort St. John.
They had retired to Crown Point, whither the English were unable
to follow them, for want of the necessary vessels, not only to cross
Lake Champlain, but also to combat those the Americans had armed
for their defense. Such, however, was the importance to the de-
signs of the English of obtaining an absolute control of the lakes, that
general Carleton set himself with all diligence to the equipment of a-
fleet. His plan was, according to the instructions of the ministry,
to penetrate by way of the lakes to the Hudson river, and thus to
effect a junction with the army of New York, at Albany. By the
execution of this plan, the provinces of New England would have
found themselves separated from the others by a powerful and
victorious army, and the cause of America would have been ex-
posed to the most imminent perils. Long deliberated in the coun
cils of the British ministers, it was their favorite scheme. And, in
effect, the very nature of the places between Canada and New
York, appeared to favor this enterprise. With the exception of the
heights which are found between the upper extremity of Lake
George and the left bank of the Hudson, and which only occupy a
space of sixteen miles, the entire passage from one of these provinces
to the other, can easily be made by water, first by ascending from the
Saint Lawrence into the Sorel, and then traversing the Lakes Cham-
plain and George, or Wood Creek, to the lands which separate it
from the Hudson. This river afterwards leads directly to the city of
New York. The English having an immense superiority at sea, Can-
ada being entirely in their power, and as the principal seat of resist-
ance was found in the provinces of New England, while the coasts
of New York were peculiarly accessible to maritime attacks, it can-
not be denied that this plan of campaign presented great advantages.
But the difficulty of the enterprise of general Carleton was equal
to Us importance. It was requisite to construct, or at least to equip
a fleet of thirty vessels of different dimensions, and to arm them
with artillery ; the want of materials rendered either of these objects
difficult to accomplish. The transportation afterwards in certain
places by land, and drawing up the rapids of Saint Theresa and
Saint John, of thirty large long boats, a gondola of thirty ions, a
number of flat bottomed boats of considerable burthen, with above
VOL. I. 26

402 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VII.

four hundred batteaux, was an operation which offered not only great
obstacles, but even an appearance of impossibility. But the English
seamen, from their skill and patience, were not intimidated by it.
The soldiers seconded them, and the peasants, taken from their rustic
labors, were compelled to share the toil. The generals urged foi-
ward this laborious undertaking on account of the lateness of the
season ; as the winter already approached. It was necessary to pass
two lakes of considerable extent ; they had no certain intelligence
respecting the force of the enemj in the fortresses of Crown Point
and Ticonderoga ; finally, after having worsted him upon Lake
Champlain, by means of large vessels, it was to be feared that the
squadron would not be able to pass the strait which joins this lake
to Lake George, into which, however, it was absolutely necessary
that it should enter. Meanwhile, if it should be possible to surmount
so many obstacles, there still would remain to be effected the pas-
sage of the woods, the marshes, and the defiles which are found
between the point of debarkation and the banks of the Hudson, in
order to gain the city of Albany, where only they could meet with
such accommodations as would enable them to winter commodious-
ly. But far from appearing discouraged, the English seemed to be
animated with new ardor, and the soldiers rivaled their officers in
zeal. They felt all the importance of the enterprise, and persuaded
themselves that if they could reach Albany before winter, their de-
finitive success would be secured . The brilliant advantages obtained
by the army of New Jersey, filled them with emulation ; they were
eager to share them, and fearful of arriving too late upon the theatre
of glory. They labored therefore with incredible activity ; but not-
withstanding all their efforts, the preparations could not be complet-
ed, nor the armament fully equipped, till the middle of the month
of October. It was numerous, and superior in strength to any that
had ever been seen upon these lakes, and would have made no
contemptible figure even upon the European seas. The admiral's
ship, called the Injlexihh, carried eighteen twelve pounders, and
was followed by two stout schooners, the one mounting fourteen,
the other twelve six pounders ; a large flat bottomed radeau, with
six twenty-four and six twelve pounders. Twenty vessels of less size
carried each a brass piece of ordnance, from nine to twenty-four
pounders, or howitzers. Several long boats were equipped in the
same manner. Besides these, there was a great number of boats
and tenders of various sizes, to serve as transports for the troops,
baggage, warlike stores, provisions, and arms of every sort.

The whole fleet was commanded by captain IVingle, a sea officer

BOOK VII. THE AMERICAN WAR'. 403

of great experience ; it was manned by a select body of seamen,
animated with an extreme desire of victory. The land troops, en-
camped in the environs, prepared, as soon as the navigation of the
lake should be secured, to fall upon the enemy. Three thousand
men occupied lie aux Noix, and as many were stationed at Fort
Saint John ; the remainder were distributed either in the vessels or
in the neighboring garrisons.

The Americans united all their forces to resist such formidable
preparations. Generals Schuyler and Gates were at their headj and
Arnold showed himself every where, inspiring the soldiers with that
ardent courage for which he was himself distinguished.

As the event of the campaign upon this frontier depended totally
upon naval operations, the Americans exerted themselves to the
utmost of their power to arm and equip a fleet capable of opposing
that of the enemy. But their success httle corresponded with their
efforts. Besides the want of materials for construction, they had not
a sufficiency of other stores, and their seaports were so occupied in
the building of privateers and ships for the service of congress, that
few carpenters could be spared. Accordingly, notwithstanding the
activity and perseverance of the American generals, their squadron
amounted to no more than fifteen vessels of different sizes, two brigs,
one corvette, one sloop, three galleys, and eight gondolas. Their
largest vessel mounted only twelve six and four pounders. But
that this armament might not want a chief whose intrepidity equaled
the danger of the enterprise, the command of it was given to general
Arnold. It was expected of him to maintain, upon this new element,
the reputation he had acquired upon land. The American army,
notwithstanding all the obstacles it had encountered, and the ravages
of the small-pox, still amounted to eight or nine thousand men ; it
was assembled under the cannon of Ticonderoga, after having left a
sufficient garrison at Crown Point.

All the dispositions being made on both sides, general Carleton,
impatient to conquer, ordered all his naval forces to advance towards
Crown Point, intending to attack the enemy there. He had already
reached the middle of the lake without having been able to discover
him, and was proceeding without any distrust, when all at once the
English perceived the American squadron, which was drawn up with
great skill, behind the Island of Valincour, and occupied the passage
between the island and the western shore of the lake. This unex-
pected interview caused a violent agitation on both sides. A fierce
engagement immediately ensued. But the wind being unfavorable
to the English, they could not display their whole line ; the Inflexi-
ble, and their other vessels of the largest class, took no part in tlie

404 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VII.

action. The brig Carleton, accompanied by several gun boats, as-
sailcil the enemy with singular courage and ability. The Americans
supported the combat with equal bravery ; it lasted above four hours.
The wild continuing to be contrary for the English, captain Pringle
perceived that he could not hope to obtain advantages with a part
of his forces against all those of the enemy, and accordingly gave
the signal of retreat ; ordering the fleet to be anchored in a line, in
presence of the American squadron.

The Americans had lost in the action their largest brig, which
took fire and was consumed, as also a gondola which went to the
bottom. They considered it as extremely dangerous to await a
second engagement in the anchorage they occupied, and consequent-
ly determined to retire under the walls of Crown Point, hoping
that the artillery of the fortress would counterbalance the superiori-
ty of the enemy's force. Fortune seemed incHned to favor this de-
sign of general Arnold ; and already his vessels, having lost sight of
those of the English, sailed rapidly towards their new station ; when
suddenly the wind became favorable to the enemy, who pursued
and came up with them before their arrival at Crown Point. The
battle was immediately renewed with greater fury than at first ; il
continued upwards of two hours. Those vessels in the meanwhile
which were most ahead, crowded sail, and passing Crown Point, ran
for Ticonderoga. Only two galleys and five gondolas, remained
with general Arnold. With these he made a desperate defense ;
but his second in command, brigadier-general Waterburgh, being
taken with his vessel, and the others making but a faint resistance,
he determined, in order to prevent his people and shipping from fall-
ing into the power of the enemy, to run these ashore and set them
on fire. He executed his intention with great address. He remain-
ed on board the vessel he commanded, and kept her colors flying,
till she was on fire. Though he had been unsuccessful on this occa-
sion, the disparity of strength duly considered, he lost no reputation,
but rose, on the contrary, in the estimation of his countrymen. He
had, in their opinion, acquitted himself with no less ability in this
raval encounter, than he had done at land before. The Americans,
having destroyed whatever could not be carried off", evacuated Crown
Point and withdrew to Ticonderoga. General Carleton occupied
the former immediately, and the rest of the army came soon after to
join him there.

Such was the issue of the expedition which the Americans had
undertaken in Canada, with a view of establishing the theatre of war
upon the territory of their enemies, before they could attempt to in-
vade their own. Completely masters of Lake Champlain, the Eug-

BOOK VII. THE AMERICAN WAR 405

llsh hud no other obstacle to surmount besides the fortress of Ticon-
deioga, in order to penetrate i^to Lake George. If Carleton, rap-
idly availing himself of his advantage, had pushed forward against
the enemy, thrown into confusion by defeat, perhaps he might have
seized this important place without difficulty. But he was prevent-
ed from doing it by a south wind, which prevailed for several days.
The Americans made the best use of this time in preparing and in-
creasing their means of defense. They mounted their cannon, con-
structed new works, and repaired the old, surrounding them with
moats and palisades. The garrison was re-inforced with extreme
expedition ; and conformably to the orders of Washington, the ox-
en and horses were removed into distant places, that the English
might not seize them for provision or draught. Meanwhile, gene-
ral Carleton had not neglected to detach scouting parties upon the
two banks of the lake ; and, when the wind permitted, some light
vessels were also sent towards Ticonderoga to reconnoiter the force
of the enemy and the state of the fortress. All the reports agreed
that the fortifications were formidable, and the garrison full of ardor
He reflected, therefore, that the siege must be long, difficult, and san-
guinary, and concluded, accordingly, that the possession of this for
tress w^ould not indemnify him for all it might cost. The severe sea-
son approached ; the want of provisions, the difficulty of direct com-
munication with Canada, and the little hope of success from an ex-
pedition in the cold and desert regions which separate the river Hud-
son from Lake George, rendered the wintering upon this lake ex-
tremely perilous. In consequence of these considerations, the Eng-
lish general deemed the reduction of Ticonderoga of little utility in
his present circumstances, whereas the command of the lakes secured
him a clear passage to return in the spring to the attack of this
fortress, without exposing his troops to the hardships of a siege, un-
dertaken in the midst of the rigors of winter. After having taken
the advice of a council of war, he renounced the project of an at-
tack, and early in November conducted his army back towards
Montreal, leaving his advanced posts in He aux Noix. But prior to
his retreat, from the singular courtesy and humanity of his charac-
ter, he sent to their homes the American officers who had fallen m-
to his power, administering generously to all their wants. He exer-
cised the same liberality towards the common soldiers. The greater
part were almost naked ; he caused them to be completely clothed,
and set them at liberty, after ht^ving taken their oath that tiiey
woiild not serve against the armies of the king. General Carleton
was blamed for having taken winter quarters ; this resolution *vas
considered as a mark of weakness, and as highly prejudicial to the

406 THL AMEIUCAX WAU. BOOK VII.

success of ulterior operations ; since, if he had immediately made
himself master of Ticonderoga, his troops, after having passed the
winter in its vicinity, would have been able to enter the field early
the following spring. It is probable, in effect, that the war would,
in that case, have had a very different result from what it actually
had. But the conquest of a place so strong by nature and by art as
Ticonderoga, depended on the resistance which the Americans would
have made ; and certainly their number, the valor they had display-
ed in the naval actions, the extreme confidence they had in their
chiefs, all announced that their defense would have been long and
obstinate. Nor should the consideration be omitted of the difficul-
ty of subsistence, and of the communications with Canada. Be this
as it may, the retreat of the English general, and his inaction during
the winter, had the most happy results for the Americans. The ar-
my which had made the campaign under general Lee, was enabled
to effect its junction with that of Washington, upon the banks of the
Delaware ; and a part of the army of Canada itself could take the
same direction, under the conduct of general Gates.

It cannot be doubted, however, that the Americans at this time
trod upon the brink of precipices ; a single reverse might have com-
pleted their ruin. Two important provinces, New York and Rhode
Island, as well as the greater part of New Jersey, were fallen into
the power of the victorious army. And though the arms of Clin-
ton, equally successful, had arrested their course under the walls of
Ticonderoga, it was but too probable that on the return of spring he
would make a new effort to carry this fortress, and to penetrate to
the banks of the Hudson, in order to operate his junction with the
army of New York. As to Washington, it was not to be expected
that, while inferior himself to his adversary, he would be in a situa-
tion to send back to the army of Canada the troops that were enabled
by th:^ cessation of hostilities upon the lakes, to come to join him
upon the Delaware.

Thf-.r,f!-h he had received, as we have seen, some re-inforcemcnts,
he was still us far from being able to match the enemy either in the
number, spirit, or discipline of his soldiers, as in the quantity and
quality of his munitions of every sort. He was also continually
subject to that scourge of the American army, desertion, authorized
by the expiration of engagements, which incessantly menaced it with
an approaching, and almost total dissolution. It was no slight mo-
live of alarm for the most influential members of congress, to remark
the promptitude with which the inhabitants of the conquered prov-
inces, and especially of New York, hastened to change sides and to
take advantage of the proffeied pardon.

BOOK Vii. ^UE AMERICAN WAR. 407

Some individuals were even seen to enroll themselves under the
royal standard ; it seemed that they were determined to add to Eng-
lish civil war, the horrors of American civil war. It was to be fear-
ed that their example would prove contagious for the other provinces,
and that disaifection would manifest itself on all parts.

The intrigues of governor Try on, to compass this object, were no
longer a secret ; for this very purpose he had been appointed briga-
dier-general, and his maneuvers had already succeeded in many
places. On the contrary, the business of recruiting moved very
lieavily on the part of the Americans, whereas desertion enfeebled
their armies from day to day. To so many evils was joined another
more fatal still ; the bills of credit began to depreciate. The govern-
ment, however, had no other source of revenue. It was not yet
sufficiently confirmed to hazard the imposition of taxes, payable in
specie ; and this measure would besides have produced only an in-
crease of the evil, by augmenting the discredit of paper ; it was
therefore much to be apprehended that money, this principal sinew
of war, would ere long be totally wanting. The emission of new
bills of credit would infallibly accelerate their daily depreciation ;
and yet it was impossible, by reason of the ever increasing exigen-
cies of tiie public service, to abstain from continual issues. Already
there were not wanting those who refused not only to receive them
at a discount, but even at any rate whatever. The present time was
painful, and the future appeared still more alarming. It was feared
by all, and asserted by many, that the tomb of independence was not
far from its cradle ; some even openly blamed the congress for hav-
ing declared independence, and thereby closed all avenue to an hon-
orable accommodation ; before this declaration, they said, we could
treat with honor, but since, not without shame, and even becoming
the fable of the universe.

Surrounded by obstacles so numerous and so fearful, the congress
lost none of their firmness, and resolved to set fortune at defiance.
Far from betraying any symptoms of despair, they manifested great-
er confidence than ever, and appeared to admit no doubt respect-
ing the eventual success of the great enterprise in which they were
engaged. They knew that constancy triumphs ovei fate. Full of
a noble ardor, they preferred the dangers of war to those of peace.
The admirable fortitude with which they sustained the assaults of
adverse fortune, when a common ruin seemed ready to ingulf them
with the cause they supported, must eternally attach to their names
the glory of having laid the foundations of a new state. The na-
tions of the earth rendered the homage of their admiration to so
much magnanunity.

403 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VII.

When at first, the ship of America, impeHed by propitious breezes,
seemed about to enter the port in safety, the wisdom of the pilots
was universally applauded ; but in the midst of a tremendous tern
pest, their intrepidity and their constancy shone with a splendor still
more dazzling. The people of Europe felt an increase of affection
for the Americans, and of hatred against England, for attempting to
reduce to slavery so generous a nation. So natural it is to the hu-
man heart to take an interest, from the sentiment of its indepen-
dence, in the efforts made by the weak against the powerful, or from
commiseration, to sympathize with the brave in their struggles
against the perversity of fate. Thus the Americans honored their
reverses by virtues, at the epoch when the public fortune appeared
upon the verge of ruin, and no cheering ray was seen to gleam in the
perspective.

We have already mentioned the measures taken by the congress,
in order to re-inforce the army by new levies, to remedy the danger
resulting from the shortness of engagements, and to call into the
field the provincial militia. As if they had intended to defy the pres-
ence and the menaces of a formidable enemy, they employed them-
selves in drawing up various articles of confederation and perpetual
union between the states, that each of them might know its particu-
lar authority within, and its reciprocal duties towards the others ; as
also to ascxjrtain the extent of executive power with which it was
requisite that congress should be invested. These articles were
adopted in the sitting of the fourth of October, and immediate-
ly sent to the respective assemblies of each state for approbation.
The principal were the following:

The thirteen states confederated under the name of the United
States of America.

' They all and each obligated themselves to contribute for the
common defense, and for the maintenance of their liberties.

' Each particular state preserved the exclusive right of regulating
its internal government, and of framing laws in all matters not in-
cluded in the articles of the confederation, and which could not any
way be prejudicial to it.

* No particular state was either to send or receive ambassadors,
enter into negotiations, contract engagements, form alliances, or
make war, except in case of sudden attack, with any king, prince,
or power whatsoever, without the consent of the United States.

* No individual holding any magistracy, office or commission what-
soever from the United States, or from any one of them, was allow-
ed to accept of any presents, nor any offices, or titles of any kind
whatever, from any foreign king, prince, or potentate.

BOOK VII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 409

* No assembly was to confer titles of nobility

' No state was to make alliances or treaties of what kind soever
with another, without the consent of all.

' Each particular state had authority to maintain in peace as well
as in war the number of armed ships and of land troops, judged
necessary by the general assembly of all the states, and no more.

' There should be a public treasury for the service of the confede-
ration, which was to be replenished by the particular contributions
of each state ; the same to be proportioned according to the number
of inhabitants of every age, sex or condition, with the exception,
however, of Indians.

' A general congress was to be convoked every year on the first
Monday of November, to be composed of deputies from all the
states ; it was invested with all the powers that belong to the
sovereigns of other nations.' These powers were exactly enu-
merated.

' Every individual holding any office, and receiving either salary,
wages, or emolument whatsoever, was thereby excluded from con-
gress.

' There was to be a council of state, composed of one deputy for
each province, nominated annually by his colleagues of the same
state, and in case these should not agree, by the general congress.'
Each state was to have but one vote.

' During the session as well as the recess of the general congress,
the council of state was to be charged with the management of the
public affairs of the confederation, always restricting itself, however,
within the limits prescribed by the laws, and particularly by the
articles of the confederation itself.'

The province of Canada was invited to enter into the Union.

The congress afterwards desiring to revive the courage of those
who had suffered themselves to be intimidated by reverses, and to
prevent their sentiments from changing with fortune, issued a proc-
lamation, wherein they represented anew the justice of their cause,
their long and fruitless supplications, the cruel proceedings of the
ministers, the necessity of the declaration of independence, and the
unanimous approbation with which it had been received. Then fol-
lowed the enumeration of all the successes which had attended the
American arms in the northern provinces ; the English driven from
Boston, repulsed before Charleston, arrested in their progress at
Ticonderoga. Finally, the American people were invited to consider
the immense value of the prizes made at sea, the abundance of pro-
visions, and the probability of soon seeing the army suitably clothed
and equipped. All the citizens, and especially those of Pennsylva-

410 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VII.

nia, of New Jersey, and of the neighboring states, were exhorted to
show themselves united and firm in the defense of country. * Con-
sider,' said the proclamation, ' that the present state of our affairs
is not to be attributed to any faults of the generals, or want of valor
in the soldiers, but to the shortness of the term of enlistments. Re-
flect, that foreign princes have already furnished us with a multitude
of articles necessary to war, and be assured that we shall receive
from them succors still more efficacious. Be not wanting to your-
selves, nor suff'er the rich and populous city of Philadelphia to fall
into the power of the enemy ; let not the occasion escape of over-
whelming his j)rincipal army, now it is far from the ships which form
so great a part of its force. The loss of Philadelphia would not be
followed by the ruin of our cause, but wherefore should the enemy
enjoy this triumph ? Let us arrest his career, let us baffle his efforts ;
let us prove to the friends of America, even the most distant, that
we are all animated with one same spirit, and with one only will, to
defend against cruel enemies what man holds, and ought to hold,
the most dear. Remember, that the success of our efforts will
secure the eternal repose and safety of the United States, and
attach to our names an immortal glory ; stand firm, therefore, and
preserve yourselves for the day of victory ; be prepared for a hap-
pier destiny.'

Desirous that the authority of religion should encourage and con-
firm the people in their fidelity, the congress recommended, that the
assemblies of the different states should appoint a day of fasting,
humiliation and prayer, to obtain from the clemency of the Most
High, prosperity for the arms and success for the just cause of
America.

But the danger mcreasing continually, and the enemy approach-
ing the banks of the Delaware, the congress, upon the representa-
tions of generals Putnam and Mifflin, took the resolution, on the
twelfth of December, to withdraw from Philadelphia, and adjourned
themselves to the twentieth of the same month at Baltimore, in
Maryland.

The dej)arture of congress spread great consternation in the city,
from fear as well of the English as of the loyalists, who were very
numerous there, though a part of them had repaired to the commis-
sioners to avail themselves of the amnesty. It was greatly appre-
hended that they would seek to disturb the public tranquillity ;
already by their cries and menaces, they had prevented the fortifi-
cation of the city, which it had been intended to accomplish. The
greater part of the Quakers belonged to this party. Washington had
found it necessary to send to Philadelphia a numerous corps under

BOOK VII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 411

the command of lord Sterling, in order to support the friends of the
revolution, and to repress its adversaries.

The congress being assembled at Baltimore, in consideration of
the imminent peril, which seemed to exact the dictatorial authority
decreed, that having the most entire confidence m the wisdom, vigor,
and uprightness of general Washington, they invested him with the
most ample and complete powers to levy and organize in the most
expeditious mode, from any or all of the United States, sixteen bat-
talions of infantry, in addition to those already voted by congress,
and to appoint the officers ; to raise, equip, and provide with officers,
three thousand light horse, three regiments of artillery, and a corps
of engineers ; and to establish their pay ; to call into service the
militia of the several states ; to form such magazines of provisions,
and in such places as he should think proper ; to displace and appoint
all officers under the rank of brigadier-general, and to fill up all va-
cancies in every other department in the American armies ; to take,
wherever he might be, whatever he might want for the use of the
army, if the inhabitants would not sell it, allowing a reasonable price
for the same ; to arrest and confine persons who refused to take the
continental currency, or were otherwise disaffiscted to the American
cause : returning to the states of which they were citizens, their
names and the nature of their offenses, with the proofs to substan
tiate them. It was resolved that these extraordinary powers should
be vested in general Washington during the term of six nioo'ths,
unless sooner determined by congress.

Thus the rulers of America, urged by extreme peril, and confiding
in the virtue of the captain-general; reposed on him alone the entire
weight of the war. In the midst of so many reverses, not a single
American was heard to hint a suspicion of treason, or even of neg-
ligence or incapacity in the chiefs of the army ; nothing especially
diminished the respect and confidence of which the commander-in-
chief was the object — a remarkable example of moderation and
popular reserve. Pride had not persuaded this people that they were
invincible, and ambition had not rendered them suspicious. They
attributed their defeats to the force of things, and not to the faults
of their generals. This confidence in the good faith of their defend-
ers entitled them to find, and they did find, those that were faitiiful.
Too often, on the contrary, the people of other countries, prone to
suspicions, lending a credulous ear to the suggestions of envy, irri-
tated by reverses, or intoxicated by success, experience, to their cost
tnat whoever has no confidence in others, finds none in return.

As it was essential to provide pecuniary resources, the congress
passed a law authorizing a loan of five millions of dollars, at the an-

412 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VII.

nual interest of four per cent The faith of the United States wag
pledged for the reinibursement of the capital, at the end of three
years, and of the interest annually. For this purpose they estab-
lished a loan office in each of the United States, to be superintend-
ed by a commissioner appointed by the said states respectively, who
should receive a commission of one eighth per cent, on all moneys
that should be brought into the office. A short time after, observ-
ing that the loan made little progress, the interest was raised to six
per cent.

With the same intention, the congress also created a lottery, con-
sisting of one hundred thousand tickets, each ticket divided into four
billets at ten twenty, thirty or forty dollars each, and to be drawn in
four classes. This lottery, after deduction of the prizes, was to raise
the sum of fifteen hundred thousand dollars. The holders of the
fortunate billets might receive, under certain conditions, a treasury
bajik note for the prize or prizes drawn, payable at the end of five
years, and an annual interest on the same of four per cent. It was
hoped thus to amass a considerable sum, as well by the gain of the
lottery, as by the loan of the prizes. These operations had besides
another object ; by obviating the necessity of emitting new bills of
credit, they tended to enhance the value of those in circulation. But
the evil was already so great, that if these remedies were not alto-
gether useless, at least they could afford but little palliation. It was
therefore deemed necessary to resort to more efficacious means.
As it was especially in Pennsylvania that the paper money was
depreciated, the congress decreed, that the council of safety of this
province, should take the most prompt and effectual measures for
punishing those who should refuse the bills, and that the general
should lend assistance to carry into effect the resolutions of the coun-
cil. This committee resolved that whoever should refuse to receive
the bills of credit in payment of any debt or contract, or as the price
of any commodity or merchandise whatsoever, or who should demand
a greater price in bills, than in coined money, should be considered,
for the first time, as an enemy of society, and should lose either the
amount of his debt, or of the article sold ; which should be consid-
ered thenceforth as the property of the debtor or of the purchaser.
He was punished besides with a fine more or less considerable, ac-
cording to the value of the sums stipulated. But in case of relapse,
independently of the penalties above mentioned, the delinquents were
to be banished or confined in such mode and place as the council of
safety should think proper. Several ofTenders against this law hav-
ing been condemned to shut their shops and to cease their traffic,
some even having been banished ; the former were permitted to

BOOK VII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 413

return to their commerce, and the latter to their homes, in the hope
that the remembrance of past punishment, and the apprehension of
future, would determine them to abstain from these practices, so
prejudicial to the public credit, and to the cause of independence.
A short time after, the congress perceived that not only the author-
ity of the council of safety in Pennsylvania, had proved insufficient
to check the depreciation of the continental paper in that province,
but that the evil began to manifest itself also in the others. They
deemed it therefore expedient to labor directly themselves to prevent
this scourge, and decreed that whoever in any purchase, sale cr bar-
gain, of whatsoever nature, should presume to rate gold and silver
coin at a higher value than the bills of credit issued by congress,
should be declared an enemy to the liberty of the United States,
and should lose the price stipulated of the transaction in which this
difference of value should have been made. They further decreed,
that the provincial assemblies should be requested to constitute the
bills lawful money, that could not be refused in payment of debts,
whether public or private ; and that the refusal should operate the
extinction of the debt. The assemblies took the measures which
appeared to them proper to fulfill the intentions of congress. The
first effect of these different regulations was, that all vendible articles
rose in proportion to the depreciation of paper ; which seemed to
increase in the ratio of the efforts that were made to prevent it. An-
other consequence was, that the debtors liberated themselves from
the claims of their creditors with a money continually declining in
value ; and though this year the discount was not considerable, since
an hundred dollars in specie might be had for one hundred and four
in paper, many private fortunes suffered from it ; and the example
became pernicious. In order to arrest so serious an evil, the con-
gress invited the provincial assemblies to become responsible for the
redemption of the bills it had emitted, hoping that the guaranty of
each state for its proportional part, added to that of congress, might
restore the public confidence. It was also thought very proper that
the assemblies of the several states should impose, without delay, such
taxes' as they might judge, from the condition of the people, could
be best supported, and collected with the least difficulty. The con-
gress promised, that the sums produced by these taxes should be
passed to the credit of each state in liquidation 'of their proportion
of the public debt. The assemblies conformed to the recommenda-
tions of congress ; and this body also decreed another loan of two
millions of dollars. But all these measures produced little or no
effect, from the pressure of the times, the uncertainty of tlie future,
and the abundance of bills already emitted from tbp facility and the

414 THE AMERICAN WAH. BOOK VII.

need, which the congress had. as well as the particular states, to put
more into circulation every day.

But whatever might prove to be the success of the efforts of con-
gress to raise troops, to maintain the public credit, and to wrest vic-
tory from the hands of the enemy, they well knew that if the Eu-
ropean poAvers came not promptly to the succor of America, she
could cherish but a feeble hope of triumph. Fortunately it was
known that these powers, and especially those whose naval forces
rendered their assistance of the most importance, at the head of whom
was France, were all disposed to favor America, either out of hatred
towards England, or from the prospect of private advantages. In-
de''>endently of the general inclinations of the European nations,
these political sentiments manifested themselves by no equivocal to-
kens The American ships were received in the French and Span-
ish ports, in Europe as well as in the West Indies, as belonging to a
nation iiot only friendly, but moreover as belonging to a nation really
and absolutely independent. The French and the Spaniards deriv-
ed an immense advantage from it ; they began to reap the fruits of
this commerce with America, Avhereof England had hither monopo-
lized the exclusive benefit. Nor did they restrict themselves to
receiving the Americans with cordiality in their ports; they also
permitted their privateers publicly to sell therein the prizes they had
taken from the English, whether in Europe or in the West Indies.
The remonstrances which the British ministers had addressed upon
this subject to the courts of Versailles and of Madrid, had not pro-
duced any sensible effect. It was no longer a secret that there daily
departed from the ports of France, ships laden with munitions of
war for America. There was also a fact which the English could
in no shape endure, and against which they raised a violent clamor ;
not only, as we have related, were the American privateers received
into the ports of the French West Indies, where they sold their
prizes, and provided themselves with all necessary articles, but no
small nmnber of the French themselves fitted out privateers under
the American flag, and, furnished with the commissions of con-
gress, infested every sea, and depredated upon the English commerce,
which procedure, as the French government did not interdict, it
was necessary to conclude that it approved. There was remarked
also in France a general inclination in all classes, and especially
among the noblesse, to enter into the service of the United States ;
already several of these last were arrived in America, and had treat-
ed with the congress ; among others, the Chevalier de Fermoij, ap-
pointed brigadier-general in the American armies, and M. de Portail,
an orficer of distinguished talents and valor, who was placed at the

BOOK VII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 415

head of the engineers, a corps as yet very imperfectly organized in
America. Never, in any other war, had the French, naturally so
propense to military enterprises, manifested an equal ardor to place
themselves under the colors of a foreign power. If this enthusiasm
may be attributed in part to the political opinions which tiien pre-
vailed generally in Europe, nevertheless, it must chiefly be imputed
to the known disposition of the government. It is even extremely
probable that France would have declared war against Great Britain
sooner than she did, if Louis XVI. had been of a less pacific char-
acter. England saw with as much solicitude, as the Americans with
hope, the preparations that were made with incredible activity in
the ports of France and of Spain.

If the British ministers demanded the reason of them, they were
answered, that a discussion with Portugal rendered an approaching
rupture with that kingdom a thing to be apprehended ; that the seas
were covered with English fleets and American privateers, and that
independently of so furious a maritime war, such armies were sent
by England into the New World as there never had been example
of ; that consequently France and Spain ov/ed it to themselves to
increase tb r forces, for the protection of their commerce and the
secuiity of their colonies. It was observed, also, that it appeared
sufficiently surprising that those, who, not content with putting in
motion all their national troops, had also dispatched to America a
large army of foreign niercenaries, should find it extraordinary that
their neighbors should stand upon their guard against all the events
with which they might be menaced. These explanations were by
no means satisfactory to the English government, and in no degree
diminished the hopes of the Americans, who saw clearly that the
motives alledged were far from corresponding with the immensity
of the preparations. It had never been questioned that the family
compact, concluded in 17G1, between his most christian majestj
and the catholic king, was chiefly designed to unite and confeder-
ate aU the branches of the house of Bourbon, in order to reduce
the power of England ; and what more favorable occasion could
present itself than the American war?

Such evidently was the object of the extraordinary preparations
of France and Spain ; and if, instead of those profound lawyers who
then directed the councils of England, the energetic earl of Chatham
or some other statesman of his stamp, had guided the helm of state
it is impossible to doubt that England would at that very tmie have
declared war against the house of Bourbon. Experience has proved,
this time, that fortune assists the bold, and that this world belongs to
him that can seize it. As to Holland, if, being less wavlike than

416 THE AMERICAN WAP. BCOK VH.

France and Spain, she made no armaments that could give umbrage,
at least her merchants, attracted by the lure of gain, supplied the
Americans abundantly with munitions, with arms, and with whatever
they had need of to sustain the war. All the other powers of Eu-
rope appeared to be animated, more or less, with the same spirit.
Portugal alone persisted in fidelity to England, and would never
consent to supply the Americans with arms or munitions, or thai
their privateers should be received into any Portuguese port.

Maturely reflecting upon this state of things, and urged by neces-
sityj the congress resolved to make the most of the present occasion
The entire league that was forming against England, had France for
its foundation, or rather for its heart ; accordingly, so early as the
beginning of the year 1776, the congress had sent Silas Deane to
reside near the French government, in order to penetrate its inten-
tions respecting America. He was instructed to neglect no efforts
to dispose minds in her favor, and to obtain immediately all the suc-
cors of arms and munitions that circumstances might admit of. He
acquitted himself of his mission with extreme diligence, especially
in what related to the material part. He succeeded in obtaining
supplies from private companies as well as from indivii lal contrac-
tors, among whom should be mentioned Caron de Bcaumarchais,
who manifested in this transaction an activity no less advantageous
to himself, than to the Americans. These arms and warlike stores
were openly shipped in American vessels, or privately put on board
those of France. Silas Deane did more ; he found means to obtain
them from the royal arsenals. They delivered him fifteen thousand
muskets, which he hastened to expedite for America, where they
were of essential utility. He treated with all those French gentle-
men v.'ho were desirous of serving under the standard of Washing-
ton, but not always to the satisfaction of congress, who sometimes
could not confirm tho conditions, or even the choice of persons,
made by their envoy.

But independence being declared, and military operations liaving
taken an alarming turn, the congress had thought it expedient to
send men of greater authority, that a solemn embassy, Vv'orthy to rep-
resent the republic, might bear to the king, Louis XVI., the homage
of their singular attachment and respect. They wished, especially,
that, by the agency of these new ministers, what was only a simple
desire, might be rendered an efficacious will, and that the effeci
should finally follow ihe intention. Accordingly, in their sitting ol
the twenty-sixth of September, they appointed commissioners to the
court of France, Franklin, Jefferson and Deane, all men of singular
address and excellent judgment. But Jefferson having excused him-

BOOK VI'.

THE AMERICAN WAR. 417

self, lie was replaced by Arthur Lee. Their instructions were, to
continue to procure arms and munitions ; to obtain permission from
the government to fit out in the French ports, at the expense of the
United States, a number of ships of war, in order to harass the com-
merce of England ; and, finally, to use all proper means to induce
the court of France to conclude a treaty of alliance, of which the
congress had communicated the plan to their commissioners. They
were also diiected to solicit a loan of ten millions of francs, or at
least of six, and even of four, in case they should not be able to ob-
tain more. But, above all thmgs, they were to endeavor to procure
the recognition of the independence of the United States. The con-
gress, knowing that what caused the indecision of foreign princes on
this point, was the fear that the Americans might abandon them all
at once, after having engaged them to espouse their cause, and re-
turn to their ancient submission, enjoined it upon their commission-
ers to exert all their endeavors to persuade his most christian majes-
ty that the United States would never again come under the scepter
of the king of England; that the confidence he might deign to
place in their efforts and constancy, should not in any time be de-
ceived ; tliat there never should be granted to the English any ex-
clusive traffic, or any commercial advantages and privileges greater
than those that should be conceded to the subjects of France. The
congress proposed, besides, that, in case of war between France and
Great Britain, the United States and France siiould reciprocally ob-
ligate themselves to communicate to each other the negotiations of
peace that might,take place, in order that each party might, if so dis-
posed, participate therein. The commissioners were ordered to soli-
cit a new supply of twenty or thirty thousand muskets, with a cer-
tain quantity of artillery, and abundant munitions, all to be convey-
ed to America in French vessels, but at the expense of the United
States. Finally, that the hopes of advantages to be derived from an.
alliance with the Americans, might be seconded by the fear of the
detriment that would result from their re-union with England, the
congress strictly charged their envoys to give out that notwithstand-
ing the good will of the United States, they would not be able, un-
assisted, to hold out for any length of time against the greatly supe-
rior power of Great Britain ; that therefore it was to be feared, if
they v,%re abandoned to themselves, that they would be forced to
submit, and that the British government would gain by cor.quest
what would ne << i nave been yielded by consent. Then, as to Spain,
in order to re:n<. ve the apprehensions she might have conceived of a
revolt I.Ì iitjr, colonies, the commissioners were authorized to assure
her by the most energetic protestations, and to persuade her, that
VOL. I. 27

418 THE AMERICa-V WAR BOOK VII.

the Spanish colonies should, in no event, ever receive any molesta-
tion from tlie United States. Finally, it was prescribed them to use
all vigilance, in order to discover whether the British cabinet had
opened any new negotiations in Europe for subsidizing still other
mercenary troops to be sent against America ; and in such case they
were to endeavor to obtain the interference of France, to defeat so
pernicious a design.

Furnished with these instructions, the American envoys com-
menced their voyage. Franklin arrived at Nantz the thirteenth of
December, and a few days after, at Paris. For a long time there had
not appeared in this city a man more venerable or more venerated.
as well in consideration of his age, which already exceeded seventy
years, as for the superiority of his genius, the vast extent of his
knowledge, and the brilliant renown of his virtues. At no epoch,
perhaps, have the French, naturally so fond of novelties, manifested
an equal expectation. Their conversations, their writings, even their
thoughts, appeared to have no other object but the cause of America.
It found among them only admirers and zealous partisans. Accord-
ingly, from the moment the American envoy was arrived in their
capital, his person, his actions, his words, his opinions, became the
object of public curiosity. Nor can it be denied that he assumed
with sagacity a demeanor well suited to the situation of his country
and to his own. He presented himself in every place as the citizen
of an unfortunate country, reduced to extremities by the cruelty of
England. Who could remark his hoary locks, and tottering walk,
without reflecting that this aged man had traversed an immense
ocean to recommend the cause of his country to those who were
able to embrace its defense ? ' Never before,' it was exclaimed, ' has
so meritorious a work been proposed to French generosity ; France
is the refuge of the unfortunate, the protectress of the oppressed.
The war waged by England aj^ainst her colonies is impious and bar-
barous ; the blood she sheds, is innocent blood ; it is only by the
tutelary assistance of our king that the Americans can hope to be
extricated from their cruel embarrassments, and to enjoy at length a
secure and tranquil existence.' Franklin soon made choice of a re-
treat at Passy, situated near Paris ; he appeared to deplore in this re-
tirement the misfortunes of America. A rumor got abroad, and
perhaps it was purposely circulated, that the British government,
taking umbrage at his presence, had demanded of the court of France
that he should be sent away. Hence that compassion which is natu-
rally felt for persecuted virtue, was excited among all classes. He
became the object of a still more eager curiosity. Whether accom-
panied by several of his countrymen, cruelly banished or proscribed

BOOK VII.

THE AMERICAN WAR. 419

by the English government, he appeared in tne public walks, or
whether he presented himself in places of public or private resort, or
in the meetings of the literary academies, the multitude thronged to
get sight of him. In all places the portraits of Franklin were ex-
hibited ; they represented him with a venerable countenance, and
dressed, as usual, in rather a singular costume, the more to attract
attention. He lived at Passy in a certain style of simplicity, much
resembling that of the ancient philosophers. His humorous sayings,
and grave aphorisms, caused many to compare him to Socrates. The
name of FrankHn was upon the lips of every body ; and the mode,
which so often in France directs public attention upon vain frivoli-
ties, had this time attached itself to an object worthy of all the con-
sideration of the observer.

But the politic sage, however he might have been gratified in hav-
ing drawn upon himself and upon his country the attention and in-
terest of a people so renowned for the gentleness of their manners,
desired to obtain more real advantages. Employing as much dex-
terity as mystery, he visited the ministers assiduously, and availed
himself of the distinguished reception he found with them, to pro-
mote the interests of his constituents. His efforts were crowned
with the most rapid success ; and the moment appeared already at
hand, when France would no longer dissemble the vigorous co-ope-
ration she had determined to afford the Americans.

But, in the meantime, fortune had shown herself so unpropitious
to the Americans in New York and New Jersey, that even the capi-
tal of the confederation was in great danger of falling into the hands
of the victor. The congress became apprehensive that when this
disastrous intelligence should arrive in Europe, it might have a fatal
influence upon the negotiations opened by their envoys with the gov-
ernments of France and of Spain ; and that the interest they had
hitherto manifested in favoi of America, might be totally extinguish-
ed. The congress therefore determined to renew their protestations
to the courts of Versailles and Madrid, and with more energy than
before, to assure them that the Americans would persist in their en-
terprise at all hazards ; and at the same time to suggest to these
powers that the advantages they would derive from their co-operation
should be more considerable than had been promised them at first.
The envoys of congress were instructed to use all their endeavors
that France should declare herself against England, by attacking the
electorate of Hemover, or any other part of the British possessions,
as well in Europe as in the East or 'West Indies. To arrive at this
object, they were ordered to promise the most christian king, that if
his majesty consented to break with Great Britain, the United States

420 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VII.

would join their forces with his to effect the conquest of the island of
Newfoundland and of Cape Breton ; that the subjects of the British
king, as well as those of every other power, should Le forever ex-
cluded from the cod fishery upon these banks, so that the French
and the Americans only should have the right to carry it on ; that the
king of France should possess in absolute property the half of the
island of Newfoundland, provided he would furnish the United States
with the na'val forces necessary to subdue the province of Nova
Scotia ; and that this province, as well as the remaining part of New-
foundland, and the island of Cape Breton, should belong to the
American republic. If these offers proved insufficient to decide
France, they were to propose further, that the United States were
ready to consent that all the English islands of the West Indies that
should be conquered in the course of the war by the joint forces of
France and America, should become the entire property of his most
christian majesty, and moreover, to effectuate these different con-
quests, that the Americans would furnish provisions at their own
expense, to the value of two millions of dollars, as also six frigates,
completely rigged and equipped, ready for sea ; in a word, that tliey
would deport themselves in all respects as good and faithful allies.
Finally, thpy were authorized to stipulate that all the commerce
which shou'.d in future be carried on between the United States and
the French West Indies, should be exercised exclusively by the
vessels belonging to the subjects of his most christian majesty, or to
the citizens of the United States. As to the king of Spain, the
congress proposed to engage, in case he would declare war against
Great Britain, to assist him in reducing the city and port of Pensa-
cela ; they offered, oesides, to conclude with him a treaty of alliance
and commerce, similar to that which had been proposed to the king
of France. The Americans added, that in case it was true, as it was
already ••eported, that the king of Portugal had driven from his ports
<vith outrage, or confiscated their vessels, i.ie United States would
immediately declare war against him, if such was the desire of the
courts of France and of Spain. The congress extended their views
still further ; they sent commissioners to the courts of Vienna, of
Berlin, and of Tuscany, i*" all of which they had recognized a sincere
interest for the cause of America. They desired that these sove-
reigns should be persuaded of the determination of the United States
to maintain their independence. Their agents were ordered, espe-
cially, to exert themselves with assiduity, in order to induce the
emperor of Germany and the king of Prussia to interfere in behalf
of America to prevent new levies of German or Russian troops, to
its prejudice. They had it also in charge to propose to the court of

BOOK VII. THE AMERICAN WAR> 42.1

Berlin a treaty of commerce and amity, provided it was perfectly
agreeable to the kings of France and of Spain. Such were the
resolutions adopted by the congress to confirm tiie state, thrieatened,
in its infancy, with approaching ruin. But the assiduity with which
they prosecuted their political negotiations, in no degree diminished
the vigor of their military preparations. Tiiey not only manifested
no disposition to abandon the design of independence, and come to
an arrangement with England, but it is also seen that they made no
proposition to the foreign powers that was either demonstrative of
despair, or unworthy of a state enjoying the entire plenitude of its
force and of its freedom. Certain members of congress, it is true,
proposed resolutions that denoted less confidence and firmness ; one,
for example, was disposed to authorize the commissioners at the court
of France to transfer in favor of that power the absolute monopoly
of commerce which had been enjoyed by England ; another suggest-
ed that France should be offered the exclusive commerce of certain
articles ; others, finally, proposed a treaty of alliance, offensive and
defensive. But the fortune of the republic prevailed, which had
reserved it a higher destiny. All these propositions we«-e rejected by
the iviser and more numerous part of the members of congress.
It was evident that if they had been adopted, they might have been
considered as a tacit avowal of the desperate state of affairs, and
must consequently have produced an effect directly contrary to that
which their authors expected from them. Besides, France had quite
other and far more cogent motives for breaking with England, and
such as would suffice to induce her to take this resolution, provided
the Americans only manifested a determination to combat to the last
with unshaken constancy.

The instructions sent by the congress to their commissioners,
were intercepted by the English, who caused them to be published.
This gave the congress no regret ; they had no doubt that such an
evidence of their unalterable resolution to maintain their indepen-
dence, in the midst of so many reverses, would convince the Euro-
pea .i princes who desired the dismemberment of the British empire,
that it was time to declare themselves, unless they were willing to
see the resistance of the Americans rendered fruitless by the inferi-
ority of their forces, and the conquest of their country.

But whatever was the constancy of congress, or the attraction of
their proposals to foreign sovereigns, they could little expect that, in
so deplorable a state of their aflfairs, they would consent to espouse
the cause of the Americans ; it being but too natural, in policy, to
abandon those who. appear to be sinking. Words little avail, when
they are unsupported by arms and the smiles of fortune. But she

422 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VII.

had shov/n herself so hostile to America towards the conclusion of
the present year, as to render it but too probable that two or three
cold nights, by freezing the waters of the Delaware, would place in
the power of the English, in spite of all the Americans could do to
prevent it, the capital of the entire confederation. And even if the
cold should not prove so rigorous as was usual at this season, the
army of Washington, already so weak, would be dissolved with the
expiration of the engagement of the soldiers, at the end of the year.
Nor could it be expected, that in so much adversity new recruits
would come forward to replace the disbanded troops. In this state
of things, the best that could be expected was, that after the entire
submission of the more open provinces, the miserable fragments of
the American army would seek refuge in the strongest places, in
the forests and inaccessible mountains, when a partisan war would
commence, that could have no decisive effect upon the final issue of
the war. But Washington was not discouraged ; and before the
coming of severe frost, or the departure of the greater part of his
soldiers deprived him of all power, he resolved, by a bold and well
directed movement, to make a new trial of the fortune of the re-
public, by attacking a strong and victorious enemy, who was far from
suspecting that he could have the thought of such an attempt — an
heroic resolution, for which posterity ought to bear him an eternal
gratitude ! From this moment, the war suddenly assunied a new
face, and victory began at length to incline in favor of the Amer-
icans.

"Washington had observed that general Howe, either to procure
more commodious quarters for his troops in this rigorous season, or
to impede the Americans in recruiting, or finally because he believed
the war at an end, and his enemy no longer in a condition to act,
had too far extended the wings of his army, which occupied the
entire province of New Jersey and the left bank of the Delaware,
from Trenton down to Burlington. Colonel Ralle, a Hessian officer
of great merit, was cantoned in the first of these places, with his
brigade of infantry and a detachment of English dragoons, the whole
constituting a corps of fourteen or fifteen hundred nicn. Borden-
town, a few miles below, was occupied by colonel Donop, with
another brigade of Hessians ; and still lower down, within twenty
miles of Philadelphia, was stationed another corps of Hessians and
English. Knowing the extreme weakness of their enemy, and
holding him as it were degraded by his recent defeats, they kept
a negligent guard. The rest of the army was lodged in places
more distant, and principally at Princeton, at New Brunswick, and
at Amboy. Washington having attentively considered the extejit of

BOOK VII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 423

tlie enemy's quarters, conceived the hope of surprising the corps
that were nearest to the river, and too remote from the others to be
succored in season. In order to make his attack with more order
and effect, he divided his army, which consisted almost entirely in
the militia of Pennsylvania and Virginia, into three corps, the first
and most considerable of which was to pass the Delaware at Mac-
kenky's Ferry, about nine miles above Trenton. The commander
in-chief, accompanied by generals Sullivan and Greene, had reserved
to himself the conduct of this corps, to which a few pieces of artillery
were attached. It was destined to attack Trenton. The second
division, under the command of general Irwin, was directed to cross
at Trenton Ferry, about a mile below the village of this name, and
having reached the left bank, to seize, without loss of time, the bridge
over the little river Assumpink, in order to intercept the retreat of
the enemy when he should be dislodged from Trenton by the di-
vision under Washington. Finally, the third corps, commanded by
general Cadwallader, was ordered to pass the river at Bristol, and
proceed to take post at Burlington. The night of Christmas was
appointed for the expedition. The dispositions being made accord-
ing to the plan above mentioned, the Americans proceeded with
admirable order and silence towards the Delaware. The chiefs
exhorted their soldiers to be firm and valiant, to wash out the stains
of Long Island, of New York, and of New Jersey ; they represented
to them the necessity, the glory, and the brilliant fruits of victory ;
they incessantly reminded them that this night was about to decide
the fate of their country. An extreme ardor manifested itself
throughout the ranks. The three columns arrived in the dusk of
evening at the bank of the river. Washington had hoped that the
passage of the troops, and transportation of the artillery, might have
been effectuated before midnight, so as to have time to reach the
destined points by break of day, and to surprise the enemy at
Trenton. But the cold was so intense, and the river so obstructed
with floating ice, that it was impossible to cross and to land the
artillery earlier than four in the morning. All the troops having at
length gained the left bank, the first corps was parted into two divis-
ions, one of which, turning to the right, marched towards Trenton,
by the road which runs along the river ; the other, guided by Wash-
ington in person, took the upper or Pennington road. The distance,
by their route, being nearly equal, it was hoped that the two columns
might arrive at the same time. It was enjoined them to engage in
combat without any delay, and after having driven in the outposts,
to fall immediately upon the main body of the enemy, at Trenton,
without giving him time to recover from his surprise. They ex-

424 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VII.

erted all their efforts to arrive before day ; but a thick fog, and a
mist mingled with sleet, which rendered the road slippery, retarded
their march. The two divisions, however, reached Trenton at eight
o'clock. Notwithstanding so many obstacles, and the hour already
so late, the Hessians of colonel Ralle had no suspicion of the ap-
proach of the enemy.

The Americans having, therefore, fallen unexpectedly upon the
advanced guards, routed them immediately. Colonel Ralle sent his
regiment to their succor, in order to sustain the first shock, and to
Ctive time for the rest of his forces to arrange themselves for defense.
But the first fine involved the second in disorder, and both fell back
tumultuously upon Trenton. Colonel Ralle, having hastily dra'vn
out his Hessians, advanced to encounter the enemy in +he open
field ; but he was mortally wounded in the first onset, and the
Americans charging the Germans with great fury, the latter betook
themselves to flight, leaving upon the field six pieces of light artillery.
They attempted to escape by the road of Princeton, but Washington,
perceiving it, dispatched several companies to pre-occupy the way,
who received the fugitives in front. Thus surrounded on every
side, the three German regiments of Ralle, of Anspach, and of
Knyphausen, were constrained to lay down arms and surrender at
discretion. Some few, and chiefly cavalry or light infantry, in all
not exceeding five hundred men, succeeded in effecting their escape
by the lower road which leads to Bordentown. Another detachment
of Hessians, wlio were out this same morning upon a foraging excur-
sion, at some distance from their camp, warned by the noise, and af-
terwards by the flight of their countrymen, retired precipitately to
Princeton. General Irwin had exerted his utmost endeavors to pass
the river at the time prescribed, in order to take part in the action ;
but the floating ice was so accumulated, in this part of the river, as
to render the passage absolutely impracticable. This part of the
Hessians, therefore, had the facility of retiring in safety to Borden-
town. General Cad wallader was not more fortunate in the attempt
he made to cross lower down, and to take post at Burilngton, pursu-
ant to the plan of attack. When a part of his infantry had reached
the left bank, it was found impossible to advance with the artillery ;
unable, therefore, to act with any effect, and finding himself in a
perilous situation, he re-passed to the right bank of the Delaware.
Thus the design of the commander-in-chief was accomplished only
in part ; but the event demonstrated, that if the rigorous cold of this
night had not prevented its entire execution, all the royal troops that
were stationed in the vicinity of the river, would have been sur-
rounded and taken The loss of the Hessians, in killed and wounded,

BOOK VII. THE AMERICAN WXR.

425

omounted only to thirty or forty, but the number of prisoners was at
first upwards of nine hundred, and even exceeded a thousand, when
all those were collected who had concealed themselves in the houses.
After having obtained this success, Washington paused ; not willing
to lose by imprudence the advantages he owed to the wisdom of his
measures. His forces were not sufficient to cope with those which
the English generals could have assembled in a few hours. A strong
corps of light infantry was quartered at Princeton, a town only a
few miles distant from Trenton : to this might easily have been
joined the brigade of Donop, and other battalions that were cantoned
in the neighboring places. The Americans consequently evacuated
Trenton, and passed over to the right bank of the river, with their
prisoners, and the trophies of their victory. Their generals resolved
to make the most of it, in order to revive the courage and confidence
of the dispirited people. They caused the captive Hessians to
defile, with a sort of triumphal pomp, through the streets of Phila-
delphia, followed by their arms and banners. And yet such was the
terror inspired by the very name of these Germans, that even at the
moment in which they traversed the city as vanquished and prison-
ers, many of the inhabitants suspected it was only a stratagem of
their own leaders to animate them ; so impossible it seemed to them
that warriors from Germany should have been overcome by Ameri-
can soldiers. The English appeared to them far less formidable,
because they knew them. IVIan is naturally disposed to fear most
those objects of which he has the least knowledge; the uncouth
language, the novel manners, and even the dress of the German
soldiers, inspired a certain dread. But when they were satisfied that
the spectacle they beheld was not an illusion, words cannot describe
their exultation at so unexpected a success ; having at first rated the
Hessians far above the EngHsh. they now held them as much below.
And, in effect, this affair of Trenton had so changed the face of
things, that the public mind was rapidly elevated from despondency
to an extreme confidence. The English themselves could not re-
mark without astonishment this sudden metamorphosis in an enemy
whom they considered as already vanquished and quelled. They
were unable to conceive how troops of such high renown had been
compelled to lay down arms before militia, hastily collected, ill pro-
vided with arms, and totally devoid of discipline. Hence, as it
happens in reverses, suspicions, reproaches, and accusations arose
on all parts. It was vociferated that the English general had too far
extended his quarters ; that colonel Ralle had committed an impru-
dence, finding himself the weaker, in marching out of his quarters to
charge the enemy ; that he had, besides, neglected his guard ; and

426 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK Til.

that his soldiers, instead of being at their posts, were gone out in
quest of plunder. However this might have been, the entire British
army put itself in motion ; colonel Donop, trembling for himself and
for his corps, retired with precipimtion, by the way of Amboy, to
unite with general Leslie at Princeton ; and general Grant, who
with the main body of the army occupied New Brunswick, advanced
upon Princeton to join the vanguard, stationed at that place. Lord
Cornwallis himself, who was then at New York, on the point of
embarking for England, at the news of this fatal event, returned with
the utmost expedition into New Jersey. But the Americans felt
their courage revive ; on all parts they ran to arms, and the forces
of Washington were so increased that he conceived the design of
more extensive operations, and thought himself in a situation to
attempt an expedition upon the frontiers of New Jersey. Accord-
ingly, he ordered general Cadwallader to pass the Delaware, and
take a strong position upon the left bank ; but to advance with ex-
treme caution, and to avoid unexpected rencounters. General
Mifflin, with a considerable corps of Pennsylvania militia, had joined
general Irwin, and they both crossed the river. Washington himself
followed them immediately, and concentrated all his troops at Tren-
ton. Here the miUtia of New England, whose term of service was
expired, were inclined to quit the army, and go to their homes ; but
the instances of their generals, and a bounty of ten dollars, induced
the greater part of them to remain. The English, who had assem-
bled in great strength in Princeton, resolved to lose no time, but to
go and attack Washington in his quarters at Trenton, before he
should receive new re-inforcements ; they also hoped that the expi-
ration of engagements would greatly reduce the number of his sol-
diers.

1777. The second of January, lord Cornwallis marched with the
vanguard towards Trenton, where he arrived about four in the morn-
ing. The rear guard was posted at Maidenhead, a village situated
half way between Princeton and Trenton ; other regiments were on
the march from New Brunswick, to re-inforce the principal army.
Washington, finding the enemy in such force, and so near, retired
behind the river of Trenton, also called the Assumpink, where he
set about intrenching himself, having first secured the bridge. The
English attempted the passage at various points, but every where
without success ; all the fords being diligently guarded. A cannon-
ade was engaged, which produced little effect, though it lasted until
night ; the Americans stood firm in their intrenchments. Cornwallis
waited for re-inforcements, intending to advance to the assault the
day following ; but his adversary was not disposed to put so much

BOOK VII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 4iì7

at stake. On the other hand, to re-pass the Delaware, then more
than ever obstructed with floating ice, in the presence of a formida-
ble enemy, was too perilous an operation to be attempted without
temerity. Washington therefore found himself anew in a very criti-
cal position ; but it was then that he embraced a resolution remark-
able for its intrepidity. Reflecting that he was advanced too far to
be able to retreat without manifest danger, he determined to abandon
all at once the banks of the Delaware, and to carry the war into the
very heart of New Jersey. He considered that Cornwallis, in all
probability, would apprehend being cut oflf from the province of New
York, and fearing, besides, for the magazines at New Brunswick^
v\hich were abundantly stocked for the service of the whole British
army, would himself also retire from the river ; and thus the city of
Philadelphia would be preserved, a great part of New Jersey recov-
ered, and defensive war changed into offensive ; advantages which
could not but animate the inhabitants with new courage. If the
English general persisted in his design, he passed the river, indeed»
without obstacle, and became master of Philadelphia. But whatever
were to be the eflfects of this disastrous event, it was better to aban
don Philadelphia, and preserve the army entire, than to lose at th«
same time both the one and the other. This plan having been
approved in a council of war, composed of all the generals of the
army, dispositions were immediately commenced for carrying it
promptly into eflfect. The baggage was sent down to Burlington ;
and at one o'clock in the morning, the enemy appearing perfectly
tranquil, the Americans rekindled the fires of their camp, and leav-
ing guards at the bridge and fords, with orders to continue the usual
rounds and patrols, they defiled with equal promptitude and silence.
Taking the road of Allentown, which is the longest, in order to
avoid the Assumpink, and the encounter of the enemy at Maiden-
head, they proceeded towards Princeton. Three English regiments
had lodged there this same night ; two of them, at break of day,
had renewed their march for Maidenhead. The Americans suddenly
appeared and charged them with great impetuosity. But the Eng-
lish defended themselves so vigorously, that the American militia
faced about, and retired in disorder. General Mercer, in attempting
to rally them, was mortally wounded. Washington, seeing the rout
oi the vanguard, and perfectly aware that the loss of the day would
involve the total ruin of his army, immediately advanced at the head
of his select corps, composed of the conquerors of Trenton, and
restored the battle. The two English regiments, overwhelmed by
the number and fury of the assailants, were separated, the one from
the other and found themselves in the most perilous position. Colo-

428 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VÌI.

nel Mawlìood, who commanded one of them, after having intrepidly
sustained the attack for some moments, made a violent effort, and
opening hij way with the bayonet through the ranks of the enemy,
retired in safety to Maidenhead. The other, which formed the rear
guard, finding itself, after a vigorous struggle, unable to follow the
first, returned by the waj' of Hillsborough to New Brunswick. The
third, which was found still at Princeton, retreated also, after a light
conflict, with great precipitation, to Brunswick. About one hundred
of tlie English were killed in this affair, and upwards of three hun-
dred made prisoners. The loss of the Americans in slain, was near-
ly equal ; but of this number was general Mercer, an able and ex-
perienced officer of tlie province of Virginia. He was universally
regretted, but especially by Washington, who bore him great esteem
and affection.

After the combat, the Americans occupied Princeton. At break
of day, lord Cornwallis, having perceived that the Americans had
deserteii their camp of Trenton, and soon penetrating what was
their design, abandoned in like manner his own, and marched with
all expedition towards Brunswick, fearing, lest the baggage and
munitions he had accumulated there, should fall into the hands of
the enemy. He arrived at Princeton almost at the same time with
the American rear guard. Washington found himself again in
imminent danger. His soldiers fell with sleep, having taken no
repose for the two preceding days ; hunger tormented them, and
they were almost naked in this rigorous season. The enemy who
pursued them, besides the advantage of number, had every thing in
abundance. Thus situated, far from the hope of continuing to act
offensively, it was much for him if he could retire without loss to a
place of security ; wherefore, departing abruptly from Princeton, he
moved with rapidity towards the upper and mountainous parts of
New Jersey. To retard the enemy, he destroyed the bridges over
the Millstone river, which runs between Princeton and Brunswick.
Having afterwards passed the Rariton, a more considerable river, he
proceeded to occupy Pluckemin, where his troops refreshed them-
selves, after so many toils and sufferings. But soon finding that his
army was too feeble, and also that it was daily diminished by mala-
dies and desertion, he resolved to encamp higher up, and in a place
of more security. After necessity had constrained him to make trial
of fortune by adventurous feats, he was disposed to become again
the master of his movements, and take counsel of prudence alone.
He retired, accordingly, to INIorristown, in upper Jersey. Cornwal-
lis, despairing of being able to continue the pursuit with success,
directed his march to New Brunswick, where he found general

BOOK VII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 429

Matthews, who, in the violence of his terror, had commenced the
removal of the baggage and warlike stores. But Washington, hav-
ing received the few fresh battalions of infantry, and his little army
being recovered from their fatigues, soon entered the field anew,
and scoured the whole country as far as the Rariton. He even
crossed this river, and penetrating into the county of Essex, made
himself master of Newark, of Elizabethtown, and, finally, of Wood-
bridge ; so that he commanded the entire coast of New Jersey, in
front of Staten Island. He so judiciously selected his positions, and
fortified them so formidably, that the royalists shrunk from all attempt
to dislodge him from any of them. Thus the British army, after
having overrun victoriously the whole of New Jersey, quite to the
Delaware, and caused even the city of Philadelphia to tremble for
its safety, found itself now restricted to the two only posts of New
Brunswick and Amboy, which, moreover, could have no communi-
cation with New York, except by sea. Thus, by an army almost re-
duced to extremity, Philadelphia was saved, Pennsylvania protected,
New Jersey nearly recovered, and a victorious and powerful enemy
laid under the necessity of quitting all thoughts of acting oflTensively,
in order to defend himself.

Achievements so astonishing acquired an immense glory for the
captain-general of the United States. All nations shared in the sur-
prise of the Americans ; all equally admired and applauded the
prudence, the constancy, and the noble intrepidity of general Wash-
ington. An unanimous voice pronounced him the savior of his
country ; all extolled him as equal to the most celebrated command-
ers of antiquity ; all proclaimed him the Fabius of America. His
name was in the mouth of all ; he was celebrated by the pens of the
most distinguished writers. The most illustrious personages of Eu
rope lavished upon him their praises and their congratulations. The
American general, therefore, wanted neither a cause full of grandeur
to defend, nor occasion for the acquisition of glory, nor genius to
avail himself of it, nor the renown due to his triumphs, nor an entire
generation of men perfectly well disposed to render him homage.

Reposing new confidence in their general, and having seen that it
was his arm which had retrieved the public fortune, the congress
decreed that in all councils of war, Washington should not be bound
by the plurality of voices, nor by the opinion of the general officers
he might think proper to consult. They even preferred that in all
circumstances he should take such resolutions as might appear to
him the most likely to prove advantageous. The congress immedi-
ately after returned to Philadelphia, with a view of encouraging the
people still more. There passed nothing of importance during the

430 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VII.

rest of the winter and the greater part of the spring, with the excep-
tion of some skirmishes, of which the usual effect was to harass and
fatigue the Enghsh army, and to inspire the Americans with greater
confidence in themselves. The royal troops, as we have said, were
locked up in the two villages of Brunswick and Amboy, whence they
rarely ventured to make excursions ; they could not go out to plun-
der, nor even to forage, without extreme peril. Not only the soldiers
of Washington, but even the inhabitants of New Jersey, transported
A'ith rage at the shocking excesses committed by the English, and es-
pecially by the Hessians, prepared frequent ambuscades for these
predatory bands, and exterminated them by surprise. Those who
could not bear arms performed the office of spies, so that whenever
the royalists made a movement, the republicans were apprised of it,
and prepared to oppose it. This sudden change in the disposition
of the inhabitants, who, after the occupation of New York, had shown
themselves so favorable to the royal cause, must be attributed entire-
ly to the unheard of ferocity with which the English carried on the war.
An universal cry was heard in America, against the cruelties, the
massacres, the rapes, and the ravages, perpetrated by their soldiers.
And even supposing that their crimes were exaggerated, the truth is
still but too horrible. The Hessians, as if they had believed them-
selves released from all respect for humanity and justice, knew no
other mode of making war but that of carrying devastation into the
midst of all the property, whether public or private, of their adver-
saries. It was published at the time, that the Germans had been
taught to believe, that all the lands they could conquer in America
should become their own property, which led them to consider the
possessors of them as their natural enemies, whom they were bound
to exterminate in every possible mode. But, that finding themselves
not likely to profit by this expectation, they set about plundering and
destroying whatever they could lay their hands upon. It was also
affirmed, that this rapacious soldiery had so burthened themselves
with booty, as to become almost incapable of service. The violent
hatred which the Americans manifested for the Hessians, rendered
them but the more outrageous in their depredations. Men accustomed
to liberty, could not behold without abhorrence these brutal merce-
naries, ' who, not content,' they said, ' with submitting to be slaves in
their own country, are willing, for a few pence, to become the instru-
ments of tyranny with others, and come to interfere in a domestic
quarrel, in which they have no interest.' ' Why,' added the Ameri-
cans, * have they left their homes in the old world to contribute in the
new to the butchery of an innocent and generous people, who had
never offended them ; who, on the contrary, had exercised a nobie

BOOK VII.

THE AMERICAN WAR. 431

hospitality towards a multitude of their ancestors, who sought refuge
from a tyranny similar to what their countrymen were now attempt-
ing to establish m America ? ' This language did but the more exas-
perate the Germans , they manifested their fury by the most atrocious
actions. It was a terrible and lamentable spectacle, to behold these
fertile fields covered with ashes and with ruins. Friends and foes,
republicans and loyalists, all shared a common fate. Wives and
daughters suffered violence in the houses, and even before the eyes
of their husbands and fathers ; many fled into the forests ; but could
find no refuge even there from the brutal rage of these barbarians,
who pursued them. The houses were either burnt or demolished ;
the cattle either driven off or killed ; nothing escaped their thirst of
devastation. The Hessian general Heister, far from endeavoring to
repress this licentious soldiery, seemed to have given them a free
rein. The English general wished, but had not the power, to curb
them. The Hessians were as numerous as the English themselves,
and it was not thought prudent to offend them. Their example be-
came infectious for the British troops, and they were soon found to
vie with the Germans in all the scenes of violence, outrage, cruelty,
and plunder. New Jersey presented only the vestiges of havoc and
desolation. Complaints arose from all parts of America ; and they
were echoed throughout Europe, to the heavy reproach of England.
Among the indignant nations, the French were especially distinguish-
ed ; naturally humane, enemies to the English, and partisans of the
Americans. It was exclaimed every where, that the English gov-
ernment had revived in the new world the fury of the Goths, anc
the barbarity of the northern Hordes. But so much immanity re-
turned upon its source, and became more fatal to its authors than to
their victims. The few remaining friends that England had, became
enemies, and her enemies were filled with new hatred, and a more
vehement desire of vengeance.

Citizens of all classes flew to arms with a sort of rage, to expe
from their territory, as they said, these infamous robbers. Thus the
excesses of the royal army were not less, and perhaps more, preju-
dicial to the British cause than even the efforts of Washington and
the resolutions of congress. But it must be admitted, that this ardor
of pillage had also contaminated the American army. The houses
and property of the unfortunate inhabitants of New Jersey were
sacked under pretext that they belonged to loyalists ; the officers
themselves gave their soldiers the example of depredation. Thus
they were pillaged by the Hessians and English as rebels to the king,
and by the Americans as being his partisans. These excesses be-
came so revolting, that Washington, to whom they caused infinite

432 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VII,

pair;, was constrained, in order to put a stop to them, to issue a proc-
lamation, denouncing the most rigorous penalties against the perpe-
trators of such enormities.

At this epoch, tlie loyahsts manifested a spirit of revolt in the
counties of Somerset and Worcester, in IMaryland, and in that of
Sussex, in the state of Delaware ; as also in the neighborhood of
Albany, and in the country of the Mohawks. Troops were sent to
these places, in order to overawe the disaffected ; the congress or-
dered that suspected persons should be arrested and detained in se-
cure places.

About the same time, general Heath, vviio guarded the high lands
of New York, summoned Fort Independence, situated in the vicinity
of Kingsbridge. But the commander of the garrison answered with
intrepidity, and prepared himself for a vigorous resistance. The
Americans, despairing of success by assault, abandoned the enter-
prise, and returned to their high and inaccessible positions.

General Howe not making any movement at the commencement
of the year, indicative of an intention to enter the field very shortly,
Washington resolved to avail himself of this interval of repose to
deliver his army from the small-pox, a scourge so formidable in these
climates. It had made such terrible ravages the preceding year in
the army of the north, that but for the obstacles the English had
encountered upon the lakes, nothing would have prevented them from
penetratmg to the Hudson. The army of the middle was threatened
with a similar calamity. W'ashington therefore judged it necessary
to subject all his troops, as well as the militia that joined him from
different parts, to a general inoculation. The affair was conducted
with so much prudence in the camp that no occasion v/as offered the
enemy to disturb its tranquillity. The physicians of the hospital of
Philadelphia were ordered, at the same time, to moculate all the sol-
diers who traversed that city, on their way to join the army. The
same precautions were taken in the other military stations, and thus
the army was totally exempted from an evil, which might have clash-
ed with the success of the ensuing campaign. The example of the
soldiery proved a signal benefit to the entire population ; the salutary
practice of inoculation soon became general ; and, by little and little,
this fatal malady disappeared entirely.

IMeanwhile, the month of March was near its conclusion, and the
defect of tents and other camp equipage which general Howe ex-
pected from England, had not yet permitted him to open the cam-
paign. He resolved, nevertheless, to attempt some expedition, which
might occasion a sensible prejudice to the enemy. I'he Americans,
during the winter, had formed immense magazines of provisions,

MAP

Showing the route
of

GEN. BURGOYNE

previous
to his surrender at

SARATOGA

Octo'ier \7ih,
1777.

Note. The route of the. army
under Gen. Bursoyne is

Nubbahon ^ dffbrl *^*'* '^ '''* '^""'^^ '"'* =

BOOK VII. THE AMERICAN WAR 433

forage, and stores of all sorts, in that rough and mountainous tract
called Courtland Manor. The great natural strength of the country,
the vicinity of the Hudson river, with its convenience in respect to
the seat of war, had induced the American generals to make choice
of these heights for their general repository. A little town called
Peek's Kill, which lies about fifty miles up the river from New York,
served as a kind of port to this natural citadel, by which it both
received provisions, and dispensed supplies. As a general attempt
upon Courtland Manor presented insurmountable difficulties, notonl)
from the strength of the country and impracticability of the ground,
but from the force of the corps that were stationed in that quarter
tlie English general confined his views to an attack upon Peek's Kill
His troops were sent on board transports up the river for this service j
the Americans, upon the approach of the British armament, finding
themselves unequal to the defense of the place, and that there was
no possible time to evacuate the magazines, set fire to them, and
retired. The Enghsh landed without delay. The damage was
considerable ; but not so great as general Howe had been led to
expect, though greater than the Americans would acknowledge. The
English a few days after undertook a similar expedition, upon the
borders of Connecticut. The Americans had deposited large quan-^
titles of stores and provisions in the town or village of Danbury, in
the county of Fairfield. The charge of this enterprise was com-
mitted to general Tryon; who, besides the destruction of these
stores, had flattered himself with finding a junction of many loyalists
in that quarter, as soon as he should appear with the troops of the
king. He appeared not to doubt it, in consequence of the confi-
dence he placed in the assertions of the refugees ; always prompt to
believe what they strongly desire. The twenty-fifth of April, a de-
tachment of two thousand men, having passed through the Sound,
landed after sunset upon the coast of Connecticut, between Fair-
field and Norwalk. They advanced without interruption, and arrived
at Danbury the following day. Colonel Huntingdon, who occupied
this place with a feeble garrison, retired, at the approach of the ene
my, to a stronger position in the rear. As the English could pro-
cure no carriages, to bring off the stores and provisions, they imme-
diately proceeded to the destruction of the magazine. The loss was
serious to the American army, and particularly in the article of seve-
ral hundred tents, of which it had great need, and which were the
more regretted as the materials were wanting to replace them. The
loyalists made not the leaf movement.

Meanwhile, the whole country was in agitation. The militia,
eager to manifest their devotion to the republic, had assembled at

VOL. I. 28

434 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VII.

Reading under the banners of congress. Arnold, who happened to
be in the vicinity, engaged in the business of recruiting, at the sound
'of arms, always so grateful to his ear, had hastened to join the com-
panies at Reading. General Wooster, who from the immediate
service of congress had passed into that of the state of Connecti-
cut, as brigadier-general of militia, arrived from another quarter,
with considerable re-inforcements. AH these troops were impatient
to engage the enemy. The English, perceiving their danger, retreat-
ed with great precipitation, by the way of Ridgefield. The Ameri-
cans endeavored by every possible means to interrupt their march,
until a greater force could arrive to support them with effect in the
design of cutting off their retreat. General Wooster hung upon
the rear of the British, and using every advantage of ground, har-
assed them exceedingly, notwithstanding they had large covering
parties, well furnished with field pieces, both on their flanks and
rear. In one of these skirmishes. Wooster, at an age approaching
closely to seventy, and in the active exertion of a valor which savored
more of youthful temerity than of the temperance and discretion of
that time of life, was mortally wounded, and being carried out of the
field, died shortly after, with the same resolution that lie had lived.
Filled with consternation at the loss of their commander, his soldiers
immediately dispersed. But in the meantime, Arnold had got pos-
session of Ridgefield, where he had already thrown up some sort of
an intrenchment, to cover his front. The English presented them-
selves, and a hot action ensued, which lasted a considerable time.
'The English, having carried the heights which covered the flanks of
the Americans, overwhelmed them with their fire. The latter were
immediately thrown into confusion, and notwithstanding the efforts of
Arnold to rally them, retired with extreme precipitation to Pauga-
!tùck, three miles from Norwalk. Tryon lay that night at Ridgefield,
and having set fire to some houses, renewed his march on the morn-
ing of the twenty-eighth towards the Sound. He was again en-
countered by Arnold, who had assembled fresh troops, with some
pieces of artillery. Continual skirmishes took place from the one
bank to the other of the river Sagatuck, and a sharp contest at the
bridge across this stream. But, finally, the English, superior in
number and discipline, surmounted all obstacles, and arrived at the
place where their ships waited to receive them ; they were unable
to embark, however, without new difficulties and other combats.

The congress decreed that a monument should be erected lo
Wooster, and testified their satisfaction towards Arnold by the gift
of a horse, richly caparisoned

BOOK VII. THE AMERICAN WAR.

435

This expedition, entered upon with so much parade, furnished
little indemnity for the expense it had occasioned.

The stores destroyed, with the exception of the tents, were of
inconsiderable value ; and the burning of the houses of Danbury
and Ridgefield, together with the other brutalities committed by the
royal troops, did but increase the fury of the people, and confirm
them in resistance. This occasion served also to demonstrate, how
vain were the hopes which general Tryon had placed in the loyal-
ists. Not one of them ventured to declare himself in favor of the
Enghsh ; the inhabitants rose, on the contrary, in all parts, to repulse
tlie assailants. It is even probable, that this enterprise of the
English gave origin to another, full of audacity, on the part of the
Americans. The generals of Connecticut had been informed that
a commissary of the British army had formed immense magazines
of forage, grain, and other necessaries for the troops, at a little port
called Sagg Harbor, on Long Island ; it was defended only by a
detachment of infantry, and a sloop of twelve guns. The English,
however, believed themselves sufficiently protected by their armed
vessels which cruised in the Sound; they could never persuade
themselves that the Americans would dare to pass it, and attempt
any thing upon Long Island. But the latter were nowise intimidated
by the obstacles, and resolved to surprise Sagg Harbor, by a sudden
incursion. Accordingly, colonel Meigs, one of the intrepid com-
panions of Arnold in the expedition of Canada, crossed the Sound
with as much rapidity as ability, and arrived before day at the place
where the magazines were situated. Notwithstanding the resistance
of the garrison and the crews of the vessels, he burned a dozen brigs
and sloops which lay at the wharf, and entirely destroyed every
thing on shore. Having accomplished the object of the expedition,
he returned without loss to Guilford, in Connecticut, bringing with
him many prisoners. The Americans manifested, in this enterprise,
the greatest humanity ; they abstained from the pillage of private
property, and even permitted the prisoners to retain their effects.

The winter had completely elapsed in the midst of these opera-
tions, and the season approached in which the armies were about to
take the field anew. No one doubted that the English would exert
their utmost endeavors to terminate the war in the present year. A
formidable corps was prepared to attack the American provinces on
the side of Canada, and a still more numerous army menaced those
of the middle. All minds were suspended with the expectation of
approaching events.

Jf the English generals could have commenced the campaign as
soon as the season for action was arrived, it is certain, they might

436 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VII.

have obtained the most important advantages. When the spring
opened, the army of Washington was still extremely feeble. If a
part of those whose term of service was expired, had been induced
to remain from a consideration of the weakness of the army, and the
ruin which must attend their departure before it was re-inforced, the
greater number, unable to endure the severity of winter in the fields,
had returned home. In the mean time, the business of recruiting
under an engagement to serve during the war, or even for three
years, went on but slowly, notwithstanding the promised advantages ;
the genius and habits of the people being averse to all subjection.
The making of drafts from the militia, which w^as the final resource
was considered as a dangerous innovation.

Asa further check upon the increase of the force in New Jersey,
the New England provinces, which abounded with men of a warlike
spirit, were taken up with their domestic concerns, fearing for Ticon-
deroga, the river Hudson, and even for Boston itself. A multitude
of American privateers had gone into that port with their prizes, and
the English retained all their ancient hatred against the inhabitants.
The British troops cantoned in Rhode Island, afforded continual
room for apprehension ; they might attack INIassachusetts in flank,
and make inroads with impunity into the neighboring provinces.
Such, in eflfect, was the difficulty of raising men, that in some of the
provinces the enlisting of apprentices and Irish indented servants
was permitted, contrary to the former resolutions and decrees, with
a promise of indemnification to their masters. The winter and
spring had been employed in these preparations, but towards the lat-
ter end of May, the mild w^eather having commenced, the Americans
took arms with promptitude, and Washington found himself daily
re-inforced from all quarters. The English thus lost the occasion of
an easy victory ; perhaps, as som.e have written, by the delay of
tents. However this may have been, they deferred taking the field
till obstacles were multiphed around them.

Washington, unable as yet to penetrate the designs of general
Howe, sought with vigilance to observe the direc^on he was about
to give to his arms. It was apprehended that renewing the Mar in
New Jersey, he would endeavor to penetrate to the Delaware ; and,
passing the river by means of a bridge, known to be constructed for
the purpose, make himself master of Philadelphia. It was conjec-
tured also, and this was the expectation of Washington, that the
English general would proceed up the Hudson river into the uppei
parts of the province of New York, in order to co-operate with the
British army of Canada, which was at the same time to attack the
fortress of Ticonderoga, and after its reduction, to operate a junc-

BOOK VII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 437

tion with general Howe in the vicinity of Albany. This movement
of the enemy was the more to be apprehended, as besides the ad-
vantages it promised, it was known to have been prescribed by the
instructions of the British ministers. General Howe had been di-
verted from following them by the successes he had obtained in New
Jersey, and the hope he had conceived of being able, of himself, to
bring the war to a successful conclusion.

In so great an uncertainty in respect to the future operations of
the enemy, Washington, having received his re-inforcements, deter-
mined to take such positions as should be equallj' proper to oppose
them, whether the English should move towards Albany, or should
resolve to march against Philadelphia, by way of New Jersey. Ac-
cording to this plan, the troops raised in the northern provinces,
were stationed partly at Ticonderoga, and partly at Peek's Kill ; those
of the middle and southern provinces, as far as North Carolina, oc-
cupied New Jersey, leaving a few corps for the protection of the
more western provinces.

In this manner, if general Howe moved against Philadelphia, he
found in front all the forces assembled in New Jersey, and in addi-
tion, those encamped at Peek's Kill, who would have descended to
harass his right flank. If, on the other hand, he took the direction
of Albany, the corps of Peek's Kill defended the passages in front,
while his left flank might also be attacked by the troops of New
Jersey, upon the banks of the Hudson. If, on the contrary, the
English army of Canada came by way of the sea, to join that of
general Howe upon the shores of New Jersey, the troops of Peek's
Kill could immediately unite with those that occupied the same prov-
ince, and thus compose a formidable army for the defense of Phil-
adelphia. If, finally, the ai'my of Canada attacked Ticonderoga,
the camp of Peek's Kill might carry succors to those who were
charged with the defense of that fortress. But as it was of inex-
pressible importance to preserve Philadelphia in the power of the
United States, the congress ordained the formation of a camp upon
the western bank of the Delaware, with the double object of receiv-
ing all the troops that arrived from the south and west, and of serv-
mg, in case of need, as a reserve. Here also were to assemble all
the recruits of Pennsylvania, re-inforced by several regiments of reg-
ular troops. This army was placed under the command of general
Arnold, who was then at Philadelphia. All these arrangements
being made, on the twenty-eighth of May, Washington quitted his
former position in the neighborhood of Morristown, and advancing
within a few miles of Brunswick, upon the left bank of the Rariton,
took possession of the strong country along Middlebrook He

438 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VII

turned this advantageous situation to every account of which it was
capable ; his camp, winding along the course of the hills, was strong-
ly intrenched and covered with artillery ; nor was it better secured
by its immediate natural or artificial advantages, than by the difficul.
ties of approach which the ground in front threw in the way of an
enemy. In this situation, he commanded a view of the British en-
campment on the hills of Brunswick, and of most of the intermediate
country towards that place and Amboy. The American army, at
this epoch, an|,ounted to fifteen thousand men, inclusive of the North
Carolinians, and the militia of New Jersey ; but this number com-
prehended many apprentices, and some totally undisciplined com-
panies.

Always controlled by a sort of fatal necessity, which was the
manifest cause of all the reverses of his party, general Howe would
never ascend the river Hudson towards Canada, to co-operate and
join with the northern British army. He persisted in his favorite
object of invading New Jersey and Pennsylvania, according to the
design he had conceived of penetrating through the first of these
provinces to the Delaware, driving Washington before him, and
reducing the whole country to so effectual a state of subjection as
to establish a safe and open communication between the army and
New York.

He presumed either that Washington ^\ould hazard a battle, and
in that case he entertained no doubt of success ; or that the Ameri-
cans would constantly retire, which appeared to him the most proba-
ble. In the latter case, having, by the reduction of New Jersey, left
every thing safe iii his rear, and secured the passage of the Dela-
ware ; he became, of course, master of Philadelphia, vv Inch, from its
situation^ was incapable of any effectual defence, and could only
be protected by Washington at the certain expense and hazard of a
battle ; than which nothing was more coveted by the English.

If the obstacles in New Jersey were found so great that they
could not be overcome without much loss of time and expense of
blood, his intention was to profit of the powerful naval force, and the
great number of transports and vessels of all sorts which lay at New
York. By means of this numerous marine, the army might be con-
veyed either to the mouth of the Delaware and thence to Philadel-
phia, or into the bay of Chesapeake, which opened the way into the
heart of the central provinces, and led either directly, or by crossing
a country of no great extent, to the possession of that city. That
point gained, Philadelphia was to become the place of arms and
center of action, while every part of the hostile provinces of Penn-
sylvania, Virginia, and Maryland would, from their deep ba} s. and

BOOK VII.

THE AMEBIC A.N WAR. 439

navigable rivers, be exposed to the continuil attacks of an enemy so
powerful by sea. But it is evident that the first object of the views
of the English general, was the destruction of the army of Washing-
ton, and therefore before resorting to the aid of his marine, he resolved
to make trial of fortune in New Jersey, by using all the resources
of art to force the enemy to an action. Accordingly, having received
from Europe his tents, and other field equipage, with some re-inforce-
ments composed principally of German troops, he passed over to the
frontiers of New Jersey, and moved with his whole army to Bruns-
wick, having left, however, a sufficient garrison at Amboy. When he
had accurately examined the strength of the posts which Washington
occupied, he renounced the scheme of assaulting him in his camp.
He continued for several days in front of his lines, offering him bat-
tle ; but the American general refusing it, he pushed on detachments,
and made movements as if he intended to pass him, and auvanced to
the Delaware, hoping that his enemy, alarmed for the safety of Phil-
adelphia, would have abandoned this impregnable post to follow
him. But Washington, firm in his resolution of never committing
the fortune of America to the hazard of a single action, made no
movement.

Meanwhile, having observed by the demonstrations of the English,
that their design was to prosecute their operations, not against the
passages leading to Canada, but in the province of New Jersey, he
ordered the troops at Peek's Kill to march to his succor. He gave
colonel Morgan, the same who had displayed so brilliant a valor at
the assault of Quebec, the command of a troop of light horse, destined
to annoy the left flank of the English army, and to repress, or cut off",
its advanced parties. General Sullivan, who occupied Princeton
with a strong detachment, was ordered to fall back to a more secure
position, upon the heights of Rocky Hill. But general Howe, per-
ceiving that Washington was not to be enticed by these demonstra-
tions to quit his fastnesses, resolved to put himself in motion and to
approach nearer to the Delaware. Accordingly, in the night of the
fourteenth of June, the entire British army, with the exception of two
thousand soldiers, who remained for the protection of Brunswick,
began to move, in two columns, towards the river. The van of the
first, conducted by lord Cornwallis, and which had taken the road to
the right, arrived by break of day at Somerset Court House, nine
miles distant from New Brunswick, having passed without obstacle
the little river Millstone. The column of the left, under general
Heister, reached at the same time the village of Middlebush, situated
lower down upon the road of Princeton. But Washington, faithful
to his temporizing plan, had too much penetrai' on to be diverted

440 THE AMERJCAN WAR.

BOOK VII,

from it by circumvention or sleight. He reflected, that without
supposing in the enemy a temerity, which was absolutely foreign to
the prudent and circumspect character of general Howe, it could
not be imagined that he would venture to advance upon the Delaware,
and to cross that river, having to combat an army on the opposite
bank, and another, still more formidable, in his rear. It was, l>esides,
evident, that if the real intention of the English had hitherto been
to pass the Delaware, they would have marched rapidly towards it,
without halting, as they had done, at halfway. He was not ignorant,
moreover, that they had advanced light to this point, leaving at
Brunswick their baggage, batteaux, and bridge equipage. Having
well pondered these circumstances, Washington concluded that the
project of the enemy was not to proceed to the Delaware, but to al-
lure him from his camp of Middlebrook, in order to reduce him to
the necessity of fighting. Wherefore he made no movement, but
continued to remain quietly w'ithin his intrenchments. Only, as the
enemy was so near, he drew up his army in order of battle, upon the
heights which defended the front of his camp, and kept it all the fol-
lowing night under arms.

Meanwhile the militia of New Jersey assembled from every quar-
ter, with great alacrity ; and general Sullivan, with his detachment,
marching upon the left bank of the Millstone, had approached the
Rariton, so as to be able to disquiet the enemy by frequent skirmishes
in front, and to join, if necessary, with the commander-in-chief.

General Howe, having ascertained that his adversary was too wary
to be caught in the snares that he had hitherto laid for him, and that
his menaces to pass the Delaware would be fruitless, resolved next
to try whether the appearance of fear, and a precipitate retreat to-
wards Amboy, might not have the effect of drawing him into the
plain, and, consequently, of forcing him to an engagement. Accord-
ing to this new plan, in the night of the nineteenth, he suddenly
quitted his position in front of the enemy, where he had begun to
intrench himself; he retired in haste to Brunswick, and thence, with
the same marks of precipitation, towards Amboy. The English, as
they retreated, burned a great number of houses, either from personal
rage, or with a view to inflame the passions of the Americans, and
increase the ardor of their pursuit. When they had gained Amboy,
they threw the bridge, which was intended for the Delaware, over
the channel which separates the continent from Staten Island, and
immediately passed over it their heavy baggage, and all the mcum-
brances of the army. Some of the troops followed, and every thing
was in immediate preparation for the passage of the rest of the ar-
my, as if all hope had been lost of its making any further progress

BOOK VII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 441

in New Jersey. Washington, with all his caution and penetration,
allowed himself to be jmposed upon by this stratagem of his adver-
sary. He ordered generals Greene, Sullivan, and Maxwell, to pur-
sue the enemy with strong detachments ; but the two latter were
not in season. Colonel Morgan infested the rear of the letreating
army with his cavalry ; and lord Sterling, with colonel Conway, har-
assed its left flank. The advantages they gained, however, were
trifling, as the English marched in good order, and had taken care
to place a great part of their forces in the rear guard. Finally,
Washington himself, to be more at hand for the protection and sup-
port of his advanced parties, descended from the impregnable heights
of Middlebrook, and advanced to a place called Quibbletown, six
or seven miles nearer to Amboy.

Lord Sterling, with a strong division, occupied the village of Me-
tuckin, lower down towards that city.

General Howe lost no time in endeavoring to profit of the occa-
sion he had opened for himself so shrewdly. In the night of the
twenty-fifth of June, he drew back his troops from Staten Island to
the continent, and on the morning of the twenty-sixth, marched
them with great expedition against the Americans. His army form-
ed two distinct divisions. He had three objects in view. To cut
ofi" some of the principal advanced parties of the enemy ; to bring
his main body to an engagement ; and finally, by a rapid movement
upon his left, to seize the defiles of the mountains which led to the
encampment of Middlebrook, in order to prevent Washington from
resuming that strong position. The column of the right, command-
ed by lord Cornwallis, was destined to accomplish this last operation ;
accordingly it moved with extreme celerity, by the way of Wood-
bridge, to the Scotch Plains. The left, under the immediate orders
of general Howe, took the route of Metuckin. It was the intention
of the English generals, that these two corps should re-unite beyond
the village of Metuckin, upon the road leading from that place to
the Scotch Plains, and that thence, having separated anew, the left
should rapidly turn against the left flank of the American army,
posted at Quibbletown, while the right should endeavor to occupy
the hills situated upon the left of the camp of Middlebrook. Four
battalions, with six pieces of artillery, remained at Bonhampton tc
secure Amboy against any unforeseen attack.

According to these dispositions, the English army advanced with
a rapid step, sanguine in the hope of victory. But fortune, who was
l>leased to reserve the Americans for a better destiny, all at once
deranged the well concerted scheme of the British generals. Lord
Cornwallisj having passed Woodbridge, fell in with a party of seven

442 THE AMERICAN WAR.

BOOK VII.

hundred American riflemen. A warm skirmish ensued, which soon
terminated in the flight of the republicans. But the noise of the
musketry, and afterwards the fugitives themselves, gave Washington
warning of the extreme danger that menaced him. His resolution
was immediately taken to recover with celerity what he had aban-
doned perhaps with imprudence. He quitted, accordingly, his i)o-
sition at Quibbletown, and with all possible expedition repossessed
himself of the encampment of Middlebrook. When arrived, he in-
stantly detached a strong corps to secure those passes in the moun-
tains upon his left, through which he perceived it was the intention
of lord Cornwallis to approach the heights. This general, having
dispersed without difficulty the smaller advanced parties of the en-
emy, fell in at length with lord Sterling, who, with about three thou-
sand men, strongly posted in a woody country, and well covered by
artillery judiciously disposed, manifested a determination to dispute
his passage. But the English and Hessians, animated by a mutual
emulation, attacked with such impetuosity, that the Americans, un-
able to withstand the shock, were soon routed on all sides, having
sustained, besides no inconsiderable loss in men, that of three pieces
of brass ordnance. The English continued their pursuit as far as
Westfield, but the woods and the intense heat of the weather pre-
X'cnted its effect. Lord Cornwallis, having discovered that the defiles
were diligently guarded, and despairing of being able to accomplish
his design, returned, by the road of Raway, to Amboy. General
Howe in like manner, finding his plan entirely defeated by the sudden
retreat of Washington into his strong camp of Middlebrook, also
marched back to that city. The brigades of Scott and Conway fol-
lowed the English step by step as far as the frontiers, but without
finding an opening to attack them, so close and cautious was their
order of march.

The British generals now reflected that the continuation of hos-
tilities in New Jersey, with a view of penetrating to the Delaware,
would not only be fruitless, since the enemy was evidently resolved
not to hazard a general engagement, but that it would even be at-
tended with extr^jme danger, as well from tlie strength of his posi-
tions as from the general enmity of the inhabitants. In effect, the
season was already advanced, and there was no more time to be wasted
in unprofitable expeditions. They resolved therefore to attack Penn-
sylvania by way of the sea ; thus persevering in their scheme of
acting by themselves, and not in conjunction with the Canadian army,
which it was known had invested Ticonderoga ; and which probably
would soon be, if it was not already, in possession of that fortress.
Accordingly all the troops of general Howe vvere passed over the

BOOK VII. THE AMERICAN tVAR. 443

channel to Staten Island, and the Americans soon aftei entered
Amboy. The great preparations made by the English on Staten
Island, and in all the province of New York, for the embarkation
of the army, and the uncertainty of th" place against which the
storm would be directed, excited a general alarm throughout the
continent. Boston, the Hudson river, the Delaware, Chesapeake
bay, and even Charleston, in Carolina, were alternately held to be
the objects of the expedition. General Washington exerted the
utmost vigilance ; he maintained a secret correspondence with the
republicans in New York, who advised him daily of whatever they
saw and heard. In pursuance of this intelligence, he was continually
dispatching expresses to put those places upon their guard, which,
from immediate information, he supposed for the time to be the
threatened point. But herein the Eiiglish had greatly the advantage,
for having the sea always open, they could fall unawares upon the
destined place, before the inhabitants could be prepared to resist
them, and before the soldiery could possibly come to their succor.
But among all the objects that general Howe might have in view,
the Americans knew very well, that the two which he must consid-
er of most importance, were consequently the most probable. These
were evidently either the conquest of Philadelphia, or the co-oper-
ation, by the Hudson river, with the army of Canada. But to
which of these two operations he would give the preference, it
was not easy to penetrate. In this perplexity, ^V"ashington con-
tinued stationary in his encampment at Middlebrook, vvlicre he
could securely persist in his defensive system, and be equally near
at hand to march to the succor of Philadelphia, or to ascend the
Hudson.

In this posture of things, a movement of general Howe led him
to believe that the English had in view the expedition of Albany
Their fleet, moored at Princesbay, a place not far from Amboy,
moved higher up towards New York, and came to anchor at VVater-
ingplace, while their whole army, with its munitions and baggage,
withdrew from the coast opposite Amboy, and took post at the north
point of Staten Island. Washington, thereupon, having posted two
regiments of infantry and one of light horse between Newark and
Amboy, to cover this part against desultory incursions, moved with
the main body of his army to re-occupy his old camp of Morris-
town. He there found himself nearer to the Hudson, without being
at such a distance from Middlebrook, as to prevent hi-m from prompt-
ly resuming that position, if the enemy made any demonstration
against New Jersey. He, moreover, detached general Sullivan with
a numerous corps to occupy Prompton, upon the road to Peek's Kill,

444: THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VII.

in order that he might, according to circumstances, either advance
10 the latter place, or return to Morristown.

In the meantime, it was confidently reported that general Bur-
goyne, who commanded the British army upon the lakes, had ap-
peared in great force under the walls of Ticonderoga. Washing-
ton, therefore, still more persuaded of the intended co-operation of
the two armies, under Howe and Burgoyne, upon tlie banks of the
Hudson, ordered general Sullivan to advance immediately and post
himself in front of. Peek's Kill, while he proceeded himself as far as
Prompton, and afterwards to Clove. The news soon arrived of the
surrender of Ticonderoga, and at the same time, intelligence was re-
ceived that the English fleet was anchored under New York, and even
that a great number of transports were come up the Hudson as far
as Dobb's Ferry, where the river widens so as to form a species of
lake, called Tappan Bay. These difierent movements confirmed
Washington in his conjectures respecting the project of the enemy ;
he, therefore, directed general Sullivan to pass the Hudson, and to
intrench himself behind Peek's Kill, upon the left bank. In like
manner, lord Sterling was ordered to cross the river and unite with
general Putnam, who guarded the heights that were the object of so
much jealousy for the two armies. But, as the larger ships, and a
part of the light vessels, were returned from W^ateringplace to Sandy
Hook, as if the fleet was preparing for sea, in order to gain the Dela-
ware, and as the whole British army still remained on Staten Island,
Washington began to suspect that general Howe meditated embark-
ing with a view to the conquest of Philadelphia.

In the midst of these uncertainties, and while the American gene-
ral endeavored to penetrate the intentions of the English, and the lat-
ter to deceive him by vain demonstrations upon the banks of the
Hudson, the news arrived of an adventure which, though of httle
importance in itself, produced as much exultation to the Americans
as regret to the English. The British troops stationed in Rhode
Island were commanded by general Prescott, who, finding himself on
an island surrounded by the fleet of the king, and disposing of a
force greatly superior to what the enemy could assemble in this quar-
ter, became extremely negligent of his guard. The Americans,
earnestly desiring to retaliate the capture of general Lee, formed
the design of surprising general Prescott in his quarters, and of bring-
ing him off" prisoner to the continent. Accordingly, in the night of
the tenth of July, lieutenant-colonel Barton, at the head of a party
of forty of the -country militia, well acquainted with the places, em-
barked in whale boats, and after having rowed a distance of above
ten miles, and avoided with great dexterity the numerous vessels of

BOOK VII. THE AilERICAN WAR, 445

the enemy, landed upon the western coast of Rhode Island, between
Newport and Bristol Ferry. He repaired immediately, with the ut-
most silence and celerity, to the lodging of general Prescott. They
adroitly secured the sentinels who guarded the door. An aid-de-
camp went up into the chamber of the general, who slept quietly,
and arrested him, without giving him tune even to put on his clothes ;
they conducted him with equal secrecy and success to the main land.
This event afforded the Americans singular satisfaction, as they hoped
to exchange their prisoner for general Lee. It was, however, par-
ticularly galling to general Prescott, who not long before had been
delivered by exchange from the hands of the Americans, after hav-
ing been taken in the expedition of Canada. In addition to this, he
had lately been guilty of an action unworthy of a man of honor,
in setting a price upon the head of general Arnold, as if he had been
a common outlaw and assassin ; an insult which Arnold immediately
returned, by setting an inferior price upon the person of Prescott.
The congress publicly thanked lieutenant-colonel Barton, and pre-
sented him with a sword.

Meanwhile, the immensity of the preparations made by general
Howe for fitting out the fleet, as well as several movements it exe-
cuted, strengthened the suspicion of Washington that the demon-
strations of the English upon the Hudson were no other than a mere
feint. Every day he was more and more convinced that their real
plan was to embark and proceed to the attack of Philadelphia, as
the capital of the confederation. He therefore retired progressively
from Clove, and divided his army into several corps, in order to be
able to succor the places attacked with the more expedition. He
prayed the congress to assemble the militia of Pennsylvania, with-
out loss of time, at Chester, and those of the lower counties of
Delaware, at Wilmington. He directed watches to be stationed
upon the capes of the Delaware, to keep a look out, and give early
notice of the arrival of the enemy. The governor of New Jersey
was exhorted to call out the militia of the districts bordering up(?n
this river, directing them to make head at Gloucester, situated upon
the left bank, a little below Philadelphia.

Notwithstanding all the diligence of the brothers Howe, in pre-
paring for the embarkation, and the assistance afforded by the crews
of more than three hundred vessels, the English could not procure,
without extreme difficulty, the articles that were necessary, sc that
it was not until the twenty-third of July that the fleet and army were
able to depart from Sandy Hook. The force that embarked upon
this enterprise, consisted of thirty-six British and Hessian battalions,
including the light infantry and grenadiers, with a powerful artillery,

446 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VII.

a New York corps called the Queen's rangers, and a regiment of
cavalry. Seventeen battalions, with a regiment of light horse, and
the remainder of the new corps of loyalists, were left for the protec-
tion of New York and the neighboring islands. Rhode Island was
occupied by seven battalions. It was said that general Howe in-
tended to have taken a greater force with him upon this expedition ;
but that upon the representation of general Clinton, who was to
command in his absence, of the danger to which the islands would
be exposed, from the extensiveness of the coasts, and the great
number of posts, that were necessarily to be maintained, he ac-
knowledged the force of these considerations by relanding several
regiments.

Thus, England, by the error of her ministers, or of her generals,
Imd in America, instead of a great and powerful army, only three
separate corps, from which individually no certain victory could be
expected. At this moment, in effect, one of these corps was in
Canada, another on the islands of New York and Pv,hode Island, and
the third was on its way by sea, destined to act against Philadelphia.

But perhaps it was imagined that in a country like that wliich fur-
nished the theatre of this war, continually interrupted by lakes, rivers,
forests, and inaccessible places, three light armies were likely to
operate with more effect separately, than united in a single mass,
incumbered by the number of troops, and multitude of baggage.
This excuse would, perhaps, be valid, if the English generals, ui-
stead of operating as they did, without concert and without aconunon
plan, had mutually assisted each other with their counsels and forces
to strike a decisive blow, and arrive together at the same object.

However this may be viewed, the rapid progress of general Bur-
goyne towards the sources of the Hudson, the apprehension of an
approaching attack on the part of general Howe, and the uncertainty
of the point it menaced, all concurred to maintain a general agitation
and alarm throughout the American continent. Great battles were
expected, and no one doubted they would prove as fierce and san-
guinary, as they were to be important and decisive.

END OF BOOK SEVENTH.

BOOK Viri. THE AMERICAN WAR. 447

BOOK EIGHTH.

1111. The British ministers, as we have before related, had long
since formed the scheme of opening a way to New York by means
of an army, which should descend from the lakes to the banks of
the Hudson, and unite in the vicinity of Albany with the whole, or
vvith a part, of that commanded by general Howe. All intercourse
would thus have been cut off between the eastern and western
provinces, and it was believed that victory, from this moment,
could no longer be doubtful. The former, where the inhabitants
were the most exasperated, crushed by an irresistible force, would
have been deprived of all means of succoring the latter. These,
consequently, however remote from the Hudson, would also have
been constrained to submit to the fortune of the conqueror, terrified
by the reduction of the other provinces abounding with loyalists,
who would have joined the victor, and also swayed perhaps by a
jealousy of the power of New England, and irritated by the reflec-
tion that it was her obstinacy which had been the principal cause of
their present calamities-. This expedition, besides, presented few
difficulties, since, with the exception of a short march, it might be
executed entirely by water. The French themselves had attempted
it in the course of the last war. It was hoped that it would have
been already effected by the close of the preceding year ; but it had
failed in consequence of the obstacles encountered upon the lakes,
the lateness of the season, and especially because while general
Carleton advanced upon Ticonderoga, and consequently towards the
Hudson, general Howe, instead of proceeding up the river to join
him, had carried his arms to the west, against New Jersey.

At present, however, this scheme had acquired new favor, and
what in preceding years had been only an incidental part of the plan
of campaign, was now become its main object. The entire British
nation had founded the most sanguine expectations upon this ar-
rangement ; nothing else seemed to be talked of among them but
this expedition of Canada, which was shortly to bring about the to-
tal subjection of America. The junction of the two armies appear
ed quite sufficient to attain this desired object ; the Americans, it
was said, cannot oppose it without coming to a general battle, and
in such case, there can exist no doubt of the result. The ministers
had taken all the measures whi h they deemed essential to the suc-
cess of so important an enterprise; they had furnished with profu-
sion whatever the generals themselves had required or suggested.

448 THE AMERICAN WAR.

BOOK VIII.

General Burgoyne, an officer of uncontested ability, possessed of an
exact knowledge of the country, and animated by an ardent thirst
for military glory, had repaired to England during the preceding
winter, where he had submitted to the ministers the plan of this ex-
pedition, and had concerted with them the means of carrying it in-
to effect. The ministry, besides their confidence in his genius and
spirit, placed great hope in that eager desire of renown by which
they knew him to be goaded incessantly ; they gave him therefore
the direction of all the operations. In this appointment, little re-
gard w'as manifested for the rank and services of general Carleton ;
what he had already done in Canada, seemed to entitle him to con-
duct to its conclusion the enterprise he had commenced. No one,
assuredly, could pretend to govern that province with more prudence
and firmness. He possessed also an accurate knowledge of the
country, as he had resided in Canada for several years, and had al-
ready made war there. But perhaps the ministers were dissatisfied
with his retreat from Ticonderoga, and the repugnance he was said
to have manifested to employ the savages. Perhaps also his severi-
ty in the exercise of his command had drawn upon him the ill will
of some officers, who endeavored to represent his actions in an un-
favorable light. Burgoyne, impatient to make his profit of the oc-
casion, was arrived in England, where, being well received at court,
and besieging the ministers with his importunities, he made such
magnificent promises, that in prejudice of Carleton he was intrusted
with the command of all the troops of Canada. But the governor,
finding himself, contrary to his expectation, divested of all military
power, and restricted in his functions, requested leave to resign.

General Burgoyne arrived at Quebec in the beginning of the
month of May, and immediately set himself to push forward the
business of his mission. He displayed an extreme activity in com-
pleting all the preparations which might conduce to the success
of the enterprise. Meanwhile, several ships arrived from England,
bringing arms, munitions, and field equipage, in great abundance.
General Carleton, exhibiting an honorable example of moderation
and patriotism, seconded Burgoyne with great diligence and energy ;
he exerted in his favor not only the authority with which he was still
invested as governor, but even the influence he had with his friends
and numerous partisans. His zealous co-operation proved of signal
utility, and every thing was soon in preparation for an expedition
which was to decide the event of the war. and the fate of America.
The regular force placed at the disposal of general Burgoyne, con-
sisting of British and German troops, amounted to upwards of seven
thousand men, exclusive of a corps of artillery, composed of about

BOOK Vili.

THE AMERICAN WAR. 449

five hundred. To these should be added a detachment of seven
hundred rangers, under colonel St. Leger, destined to make an in-
cursion into the country of the Mohawks, and to seize Fort Stanwix,
otherwise called Fort Schuyler. This corps consisted of some com-
panies of English infantry, of recruits from New York, of Hanau
chasseurs, and of a party of Canadians and savages. According to
the plan of the ministers and of the general himself, the principal
army of Burgoyne was to be joined by two thousand Canadians,
including hatchetmen, and other workmen, whose services, it was
foreseen, would be much needed to rendet the ways practicable. A
sufficient number of seamen had been assembled, for manning the
transports upon the lakes and upon the Hudson. Besides the Cana-
dians that were to be immediately attached to the army, many others
were called upon to scour the w^oods in the frontiers, and to occupy
the intermediate posts between the army which advanced towards the
Hudson, and that which remained for the protection of Canada ; the
latter amounted, including the Highland emigrants, to upwards of
three thousand men. These dispositions were necessary, partly to
intercept the communication between the enemy and the ill affected
in Canada ; partly to prevent desertion, to procure intelligence, to
transmit orders, and for various other duties essential to the security
and tranquillity of the country in the rear of the army. But these
were not the only services exacted from the Canadians ; a great num-
ber of tliem were assembled to complete the fortifications at Sorel,
St. Johns, Chambly, and lie aux Noix. Finally, they were required
to furnish horses and carts, to convey from the different repositories
to the army all the provisions, artillery stores, and other effects of
which it mio-ht have need. Under this last head was comprehended
a large quantity of uniforms, destined for the loyalists, who, it was
not doubted, would, after victory, flock from all quarters to the royal
camp.

But it was also thought that the aid of the savages would be of
great advantage to the cause of the king ; the government had there-
fore ordered general Cstrleton to use his utmost weight and influence
to assemble a body of a thousand Indians, and even more if it was
possible. His humanity, which could ill endure the cruelty of these
barbarians, and experience, which had taught him that they were
rather an incumbrance than an aid, in regular operations, would
have induced him to decline their alliance ; but, in obedience to his
orders, he exerted an active zeal in bringing them forward to support
the expedition. His success was answerable to his efforts. Whether
by the influence of his name, which was extreme among these tribes,
from their avidity to grasp the presents of the English, or from their
VOL. I. 29

450 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VIII.

innate tliirst for blood and plunder, their remote as well as near na-
tions {)oured forth their warriors in such abundance, that the British
generals became apprehensive that their numbers might render them
rather a clog than any real addition of strength to the army. They
hastened therefore to dismiss such as appeared the least proper for
war, or the most cruel or intractable. Never, perhaps, was an army
of no greater force than this accompanied by so formidable a train of
artillery, as well from the number of pieces as from the skill of tliose
who served it. Tliis powerful apparatus was considered eminently
requisite to disperse without effort an undisciplined eneui/ in the open
country, or to dislodge him from strong and difficult places. The
generals who seconded Burgoyne in this expedition, were all able
and excellent officers. The principal were, major-general Phillips,
of the artillery, who had distinguished himself in the wars of Ger-
many ; the brigadier-generals Frazer, Powel, and Hamilton, with the
Brunswick major-general baron Reidesel, and brigadier-general
Specht. The whole army shared in the ardor and hopes of its chiefs ;
not a doubt was entertained of an approaching triumph, and the
•conquest of America.

The preparations being at length completed, and all the troops, a"
well national as auxiliary, having arrived, general Burgoyne proceed
ed to encamp near the little river Bouquet, upon the west bank of
Lake Champlain, at no great distance to the north of Crown Point.
As the time for commencing hostilities was near at hand, and dread-
ing the consequences of the barbarity of the savages, which, besides
the dishonor it reflected upon the British arms, might prove essen-
tially prejudicial to the success of the expedition, he resolved to as-
semble those barbarians in congress, and afterwards, in compliance
with their customs, to give them a war feast. He made a speech to
them on that occasion, calculated, in terms of singular energy, to
excite their ardor in the common cause, and at the same time to re-
press their ferocious propensities. To this end, he endeavored to
explain to them the distinction between a war carried on against a
common enemy, in which the whole country and people were hos-
tile, and the present, in which the faithful were intermixed with
rebels, and traitors with friends. He recommended and strictly en-
joined them, that they should put none to death but such as actually
opposed them with arms in their hands ; that old men, women, chil-
dren, and prisoners, should be held sacred from the knife or the toma-
hawk, even in the heat of action ; that they should scalp only those
whom they had slain in battle ; but that under no pretext, or color ot
prevarication, should they scalp the wounded, or cTen the dying, and
much less kill them, by way of evading the injunction. He prom-

BOOK Vili.

THE AMERICAN WAR. 451

ised tJiem a due reward for every prisoner they brought him In, but
denouiiced the severest penalties against those who should scalp tht^
living.

While, on the one hand, general Burgoyne attempted to mitigate
tlie natural ferocity of the Indians, he endeavored, on the other, to
render them an object of terror with those who persisted in resistance.
For this purpose, on the twenty-ninth of June, he issued a procla-
mation from his camp at Putnam Creek, wherein he magnified the
force of the British armies and fleets which were about to embrace and
to crush every part of America. He painted, with great vivacity of
coloring, the excesses committed by the chiefs of the rebellion, as
well as the deplorable condition to which they had reduced the col-
onies. He reminded the Americans of the arbitrary imprisonments
and oppressive treatment with which those had in^^n persecuted who
had shown themselves faithful to their king and country ; he enlarged
upon the tyrannic cruelties inflicted by the assemblies and committees
upon the most quiet subjects, without distinction of age or sex, for
the sole oftense, and often for the sole suspicion, of having adhered
in principle to the government under which they were born, undei
which they had lived for so long a time, and to which, by every tie,
divine and human, they owed allegiance. He instanced the violence
offered to their consciences, by the exaction of oaths and of military
services, in support of an usurpation they abhorred. He had come,
he continued, with a numerous and veteran army, and in the name
of the king, to put an end to such unheard of enormities. He in-
vited the well disposed to join him, and assist in redeeming their
country from slavery, and in the re-establishment of legal government.
He promised protection and security to all those who should contin-
ue quietly to pursue their occupations ; who should abstain from re-
moving their cattle, or corn , or any species of forage ; from breaking up
the bridges, or obstructing the roads, and in a word, from commit-
ting any act of hostility; and who, on the contrary, should furnish
the camp with all sorts of provisions, assured, a? they might be, of
receiving the full value thereof, in solid coin. But against the con-
tumacious, and those who should persist in rebellion, he denounced
the most terrible war ; he warned them that justice and vengeance
were about to overtake them, accompanied with devastation, famine,
and all the calamities in their train. Finally, he admonished them
not to flatter themselves, that distance or coverts could screen them
from his pursuit, for he had only to let loose the thousands of Indians
that were under his direction, to discover in their most secret retreats,
and to punish with condign severity, the hardened enemies of Grea
Britain and America.

452 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VI H.

This manifesto, so little worthy of the general of a civilized nation,
was justly censured, not only in the two houses of parliament and
throughout Great Britain, but excited the indignation of every mod-
crate and generous mind in all Europe. In vain did Burgoyne at-
tempt to excuse himself, by pretending that he had merely intended
t£> intimidate the people he was about to combat ; he should have
employed for this purpose the arms that are in use among polished
nations, and not the menaces appropriate to barbarians. Moreover,
Jiis soldiers, and especially the savages, were'already but too much
disposed to ravage and massacre, and to take in earnest what their
general would have it believed he only announced as an artifice or
feint. This was not a race to be sported witli, and the thing itself
was no light matter. Be this as it may, the proclamation produced
an effect entirely contrary to its author's expectations. That fearless
people who inhabit ^cw England, far from allowing it to terrify them,
were much inclined to deride it ; they never met with each other
without contemptuously inquiring what vent the vaunting general
of Britain had found for his pompous and ridiculous declamations.
These prehminary dispositions accomplished, general Burgoyne made
a short stop at Crown Point, for the establishment of magazines, an
hospital, and other necessary services, and then proceeded with all
his troops to invest Tlconderoga. The right wing took the western
bank of the lake, the left advanced upon the eastern, and the center
was embarked upon the lake itself. The reduction of this fortress,
without which it was impossible for the army to advance a step fur-
ther, was of course the first object of its operations. Art had added
to the natural strength of Ticonderoga, and the unfortunate issue
of the attempt made upon it by the British in 1753, when occupied
by the French, was still fresh in remembrance. But general Bur-
goyne, either impatient to avenge this affront, or because the ardor
of his army seemed to promise him an easy triumph over the most
formidable obstacles, persuaded himself that its reduction would de-
tain him but a very short time. He arrived under the walls of the
place on the first of July. At the same time, the detachment of light
troops, which, as we have mentioned above, was destined to scour
the country of the Mohawks, under the command of sir John John-
son and colonel St. Leger, advanced from Oswego, m«order to at-
tack Fort Stanwix. It was intended, after the acquisition of this for-
tress, to occupy the ground which extends between the same and
Fort Edward, situated upon the banks of the Hudson, with a view
to intercept the retreat of the garrison of Ticonderoga, and to rejoin
the main army as it advanced.

The American army, destined to oppose the progress of the royaì

BOOK Till. THE AMERICAN WAR, 45'i

troops, and to defend Ticonderoga, was altogethei insufficient. The
garrison had exper-ienced such adiminution during the winter, that it
was much feared the Enghsh would seize that fortress by assault. The
spring being arrived, and the rumors of the enemy's approach re-
ceiving daily confirmation, general Schuyler, to whom the congress had
recent!}- given the command of all the troops in that quarter, employed
every possible means to procure re-inforcements. He desired and
hoped to assemble an army of at least ten thousand men, as a smaller
number would not be adequate to guard his extensive line of defense
But the affair of recruiting proceeded very tardily. The inhabitants
manifested at this time an extreme backwardness to enlist under the
banners of congress, whether from a natural coldness, or because the
policy of the English or the persuasion of the American generals
themselves, had given currency to an opinion that the royal army was
not to undertake the siege of Ticonderoga ; but that embarking upon
the Saint Lawrence, it would proceed by sea, to operate its junction
with that under general Howe. Hence, when the royal troops made
their sudden appearance under the walls of Ticonderoga, the troops
of general Schuyler amounted, at the utmost, to not over five thousand
men, including the garrison of the fortress, which consisted of little
above three thousand, a number quite inadequate to the defense oi
so vast a circuit of walls, and of so many outworks.

Ticonderoga lies upon the western bank of that narrow inlet, by
which the water from Lake George is conveyed to Lake Champlam.
Crown Point lies about a dozen miles further north, at the opposite
extremity of that inlet. The first of these places is situated on an
angle of land, which is surrounded on three sides by water, and that
covered by steep and difficult rocks. A great part of the fourth side
was covered by a deep morass, and where that fails, the old French
lines still continued as a defense on the northwest quarter. The
Americans had strengthened these lines with additional works and a
blockhouse. In like manner, on the left, towards Lake George, and
at the place where the sawmills were situated, they had erected new
works and blockhouses, as also to the right of the French lines, in the
direction of Lake Champiain. On the eastern bank of the inlet, and
opposite to Ticonderoga, rises a high circular hill, to which the Amer-
icans gave the name of Mount Independence. On the summit of this
hill is a small plain, where they had erected a star fort ; the sides and
foot of the mountain were strengthened with works to the water','
edge, and the intrenchments well lined with heavy cannon. Inordei
to mamtain a free communication between the fortress and Mount
Independence, the Americans had constructed a bridge over the inlet,
a work of difficult and laborious execution. The bridge was supported

454 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VIU

on twenty-two timber piers of vast dimensions, sunken (it nearly equal
distance ; the spaces between these were filled with separate floats,
each about fifty feet long and twelve feet wide, and the whole was
held together by chains and rivets of immense size. To prevent the
enemy from approaching with his numerous ships^ and attempting to
force the bridge, it was defended on the side towards Lake Champluin
by a boom composed of very large pieces of timber, joined together
with iron bolts and chains of prodigious thickness. Thus, not only
the passage was kept open between these two posts, but all access by
water from the northern side was totally cut off. The part of the
inlet whicli is below Ticonderoga, and which oiay be considered as
the head of Lake Champlain, widens considerably, and becomes
navigable to vessels of burthen ; but tiie other part, which is above
the fortress, and is the issue of Lake George, besides being narrow,
is also rendered impracticable by shallows and fulls. But on its ar-
rival at Ticonderoga, it is joined by a great body of water on the
eastern side, called, in tliis part. South river, and higher up towards
its source, as we have already said in a preceding book, it is known
under the appellation of Wood Creek. The confluence of these
waters at Ticonderoga forms a small bay to tlie southward of the
bridge of communication, and the point of land formed by their
junction is composed of a mountain called Sugar Hill, otherwise
known by the name of Mount Defiance. From this mountain the
fort of Ticonderoga is overlooked and effectually commanded. This
circumstance occasioned a consultation among the Americans, in
which it was proposed to fortify that moujitain ; but finding them-
selves too feeble to man the fortifications they had already erected,
they renounced the design. It was likewise hoped, that the extreme
steepness of its ascent, and the savage irregularity of the ground on
Its summit and sides, would prevent the enemy from attempting to
occupy it, at least with artillery. The defense of Ticonderoga was
committed to the charge of general St. Clair, with a garrison of
three thousand men, one third of whom were militia from the north-
ern provinces. But tiiey were ill equipped, and worse amied, par-
ticularly in the article of bayonets, an arm so essential in the defense
of lines ; not having one to ten of their number.

On the second of July, the British right wing under general Phil-
lips having appeared upon tiie left flank of the fortress, St. Clair, too
weak to defend all the outworks, or beheving the enemy stronger than
he was in reality, immediately ordered the evacuation of the iutreach-
ments which had been erected upon the banks of the inlet of Lake
George, above Ticonderoga. This order was executed with prompt-
itude, not, however without having first burnt or destroyed what-

BOOK Vili. THE AMERICAN WAR. 455

ever was found in this part, and especially the blockhouses and saw-
mills. General Phillips, profiting of the occasion, took possession,
without the least opposition on the part of the besieged, of a post
of great importance, called Mount Hope, which, besides command-
ing their lines in a great and dangerous degree, totally cut off their
coinmunication with Lake George. Mount Hope being thus secured,
the British corps which had advanced upon the western bank of
Lake Champlain, extended itself from the mountain to the lake, so
as completely to invest the fort on the part of the northwest, and to
cut off its communication with the land. The German column,
commanded by Reidesel, which had marched along the eastern shore
of the lake, was also arrived under the walls of the fortress, and
was established at Three-miles Point, extending itself from the bank
of the lake, behind Mount Independence, as far as East Creek.
From this place, by stretching more forward, it might easily occupy
the ground comprehended between East Creek and South River, oi
Wood Creek, and thus deprive the Americans of their communica
tion with Skeenesborough by the right bank of the latter stream. But
the most interesting post for the English, was that of !Mount Defiance,
u'hich so completely commanded the fortress, that it was beyond all
doubt, if batteries were planted there, that the garrison must imme-
diately evacuate the place, or surrender at discretion. This emi-
nence being therefore attentively examined by the British generals,
they believed it possible, though with infinite labor and difficulty, to
establish their artillery upon its summit. This arduous task was im-
mediately undertaken and pushed with such spirit and industry, that
on the fifth day, the road was completed, the artillery mounted, and
ready to open its fire on the following morning. The garrison were
afraid to sally out, in order to annoy, or even to retard the besiegers
in these works ; they were, therefore, in danger of losing all way of
retreat. St. Clair knew very well that after the loss of Mount De-
fiance, there was no longer any resource for Ticonderoga, and that
he could not even aspire to the honor of a short resistance. The
only way of escape that he had left, was the narrow passage between
East Creek and Wood Creek, which Reidesel could shut up at any
moment. In these circumstances, St. Clair, having coiivened in
council the principal officers of the garrison, represented to them
the criticai situation in which they were placed, thus pressed by the
enemy, and upon the very point of being hemmed in on every side.
He asked them if they did not think it would be proper to evacuate
tlie place without loss of time ; they were all in favor of the measure.
It is impossible to blame this determination of the council of welt
of Ticonderoga ; for independently of the progress already made by

456 THE AMERICAN WAU. BOOK VIII.

the besiegers, the garrison was so feeble that it would not have been
able to defend one half of the works, or to sustain, for any length of
time, the consequent excess of fatigue. By remaining, therefore,
the fortress and the garrison were both lost, by departing, only the
first, and the second might be saved. It was known also to St. Clair,
that genera' Schuyler, who was then at fort Edward, far from being
able to bring him succor, had not even forces sufficient for his own
defense. But here an objection presents itself wliich has never yet
been satisfactorily answered. Since the American generals found
their force insufficient for the defense of the place, why did they not
evacuate it in time, and when they might have done so with safety ?
They would thus have been sure of saving at least their baggage,
stores and artillery. If they were deceived respecting the real force
of the enemy, and therefore, at first, believed themselves able to re-
sist him, even this error could only have proceeded from a defect of
military skill, so extraordinary as to admit of no excuse.

However it was, having taken their resolution, they thought of
nothing but executing it with promptitude, and in the night of the
fifth of July, they put themselves in motion. General St. Clair led
the vanguard, and colonel Francis the rear. The soldiers had re-
ceived orders to maintain a profound silence, and to take with them
sustenance for eight days. The baggage of the army, the furniture
of the hospital, with all the sick, and such artillery, stores and pro-
visions, as the necessity of the time would permit, were embarked
with a strong detachment under colonel Long, on board above two
hundred batteaux and five armed galleys. On beginning to strike
the tents, the lights were extinguished. These preparations were
executed with much order at Ticonderoga ; but not without some
confusion at Mount Independence. The general rendezvous was
appointed at Skeenesborough, the batteaux proceeding under con-
voy of the galleys, up Wood Creek, and the main army taking its
route by the way of Castleton, upon the right bank of that stream.
St. Clair issued from Ticonderoga at two in the morning ; Francis
at four. The English had no suspicion of what was passing, and
the march commenced under the most favorable auspices. But all
at once a house which took fire on Mount Independence, roused by
Its glare of light the attention of the English, who immediately per-
ceived all that had taken place. The Americans, finding themselves
discovered, could not but feel a certain agitation. They marched,
however, though in some disorder, as far as Hubbardston, where they
halted to refresh themselves and rally the dispersed. But the Eng-
lish were not idle. General Frazer, at the head of a strong detach-
ment of grenadiers and light troops, commenced an eager pursuit by

BOOK Vili. ■ THE AMERICAN WAR. 457

land, upon the right bank of Wood Creek. General Reidesel, be-
hind him, rapidly advanced with his Brunswickers, either to support
the English, or to act separately, as occasion might require. General
Burgoyne determined to pursue the enemy by water. But it was
first necessary to destroy the boom and bridge which the Americans
had constructed in front of Ticonderoga The British seamen and
artificers immediately engaged in the operation, and in less time tha-n
it would have taken to describe their structure, those works, which had
cost so much labor and so vast an expense, were cut through and
demolished. The passage thus cleared, the ships of Burgoyne im-
mediately entered Wood Creek, and proceeded with extreme rapid-
ity in search of the enemy ; all was in movement at once upon land
and water. By three in the afternoon, the van of the British squad-
ron, composed of gun boats, came up with, and attacked the Amer-
ican galleys, near ^keencsborough Falls. In the meantime, three
regiments, which had been landed at South Bay, ascended and pass-
ed a mountain with great expedition, in order to turn the enemy above
Wood Creek, to destroy his works at the falls of Skeenesborough,
and thus to cut off his retreat to Fort Anne. But the Americans
eluded this stroke by the rapidity of their flight. • The British frig-
ates having joined the van, the galleys, already hard pressed by thegiln
boats, were completely overpowered. Two of them surrendered ;
three were blown up. The Americans now despaired ; having set
fire to tneir works, mills, and batteaux, and otherwise destroyed what
they were unable to burn, they escaped as well as they could up
Wood Creek, without halting till they reached Fort Anne. Their
loss was considerable, for the batteaux they burnt were loaded with
baggage, provisions, and munitions, as necessary to their sustenance
as to military operations. The corps which had set out by land was
in no better situation. The vanguard, conducted by St. Clair, was
arrived at Castleton, thirty miles distant from Ticonderoga, and
twelve from Skeenesborough ; the rear, commanded by colonels
Francis and Warner, had rested the night of the sixth at Hubbards-
ton, six miles below Castleton, towards Ticonderoga.

At five o'clock in the morning of the seventh, the English column
under general Frazer made its appearance. The Americans were
strongly posted, and appeared disposed to defend themselves. Fra-
zer, though inferior in point of number, had great confidence in the
valor of his troops. He also expected every moment to be joined
by general Reidesel ; and being apprehensive that the enemy might
escape if he delayed, he ordered the attack immediately". The bat-
tle was long and sanguinary. The Americans, being commanded by
valiant officers, behaved with great spirit and firmness ; but the Eng-

458 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK Vili.

lish displayed an equal obstinacy. After several shocks, with alter-
nate success, the latier began to fall back in disorder ; but their lead-
ers rallied them anew, and led them to a furious charge with the
bayon('t ; the Americans were shaken by its impetuosity. At this
critical moment, general Rcidcscl arrived at the head of his column,
composed of light troops and some grenadiers. He immediately
took part in the action. The Americans, overpowered by numbers,
fled on all sides, leaving their brave commander with many o*hcr
officers, and upwards of two hundred soldiers, dead on the field.
About the same number, besides colonel Hale, and seventeen officers
of inferior rank, were made prisoners. Above six hundred were
supposed to be wounded, many of whom, deprived of all succor,
perished miserably in the woods. The loss of the royal troops in
dead and wounded amounted to about one hundred and eighty.
General St. Clair, upon intelligence of this discomfiture, and tlial of
the disaster at Skeenesborough, which was brought him at the same
time by an officer of one of the galleys, apprehending that he should
be interrupted if he proceeded towards Fort Anne, struck into the
v/oods on the left, uncertain whether he should repair to New Eng-
land and the upper part of Connecticut, or to Fort Edward. But
being joined two days after at Manchester by the remains of the
corps of colonel Warner, and having collected the fugitives, he pro-
ceeded to Fort Edward, in order to unite with general Schuyler.

While these events were passing on the left, the English generals
resolved to drive the Americans from Fort Anne, situated higher up
towards the sources of Wood Creek. Colonel Hill was detached
for this purpose from Skeenesborough, and to facilitate his operations,
the greatest exertions were made in carrying batteaux over the falls
of that place ; which enabled him to attack the fort also by water.
Upon intelligence that the Americans had a numerous garrison there,
brigadier Powell was sent with two regiments to the succor of colo-
nel Hill. The American colonel Long, who, with a great part of his
corps, had escaped the destruction of the boats at the falls, command-
ed the garrison of Fort Anne. Having heard that the enemy was
approaching, he gallantly sallied out to receive him. The English
defended themselves with courage, but the Americans had already
nearly surrounded them. Colonel Hill, finding himself too hard
pressed, endeavored to take a stronger position. This movement
was executed with as much order as intrepidity, amidst the reiterated
and furious charge of the enemy. The combat had lasted for more
than two hours, and victory was still doubtful, when all a+ once the
Americans heard the horrible yells of the savages, who approached ,
and being informed at the same instant that the corps of Powell was

BOOR Vili. THE AMERICAN WAR. 459

about to fall upon them, they retired to Fort Anne. Not thinking
themselves in safety even there, they set it on fire, and withdrew to
Fort Edward on the river Hudson.

General Schuyler was already in this place, and St. Clair arrived
there on the twelfth, with the remains of the garrison of Ticon-
deroga. It would be difficult to describe the hardships and misery
which these troops had suffered, from the badness of the weather
and the want of covering and provisions, in their circuitous march
through the woods, from Castleton to Fort Edward. After the ar-
rival of these corps, and of the fugitives, who came in by companies,
all the American troops amounted to little over four thousand men,
including the militia. They were in want of all necessaries, and even
of courage, by the effect of their recent reverses. The Americans
lost, in these different actions, no less than one hundred and twenty-
eight pieces of artillery, with a prodigious quantity of warlike stores,
baggage and provisions, particularly of flour, whicli they left in
Ticonderoga and Mount Independence. To increase the calamity,
the whole of the neighboring country was struck w ith terror by this
torrent of disasters, and the inhabitants thought more of providing
for their own safety, than of flying to the succor of their country in
jeopardy.

In a conjuncture so alarming, general Schuyler neglected none of
diose cares which become an able commander, and an excellent citi-
zen. x\]ready, while the enemy was assembling at Skeencsborough,
he had endeavored to interrupt, with all manner of obstacles, the
navigation of Wood Creek, from that place to Fort Anne, where it
determined even for batteaux. The country between Fort Anne
and Fort Edward (a distance of only sixteen miles) is excessively
rough and savage ; the ground is unequal, and broken with numer-
ous creeks, and with wide and deep morasses.

General Schuyler neglected no means of adding by art to the
difficulties with which nature seemed to have purposely interdicted
this, passage. Trenches were opened, the roads and paths obstruct-
ed, the bridges broken up ; and in the only practicable defiles, im-
mense trees were cut in such a manner, on both sides of the road, as
to fall across and lengthwise, which, with their branches interwoven,
presented an insurmountable barrier , in a word, this wilderness, of
itself so horrible, was thus rendered almost absolutely impenetrable.
Nor did the American general rest satisfied with these precautions :
he directed the cattle to be removed to the most distant places, and
the stores and baggage from Fort George to Fort Edward, that arti-
cles of such necessity for his troops might not fall into the power of
the enemy. He urgently demanded that all the regiments^of regu-

460 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VIII.

iar troops found in the adjacent provinces, should be sent, without
delay, to join him ; he also made earnest and frequent calls upon the
militia ol New England and of New York. He likewise exerted
his utmost endeavors to procure himself recruits in the vicinity of
Fort Edward and the city of Albany ; the great influence he enjoyed
with the inhabitants, gave him, in this quarter, all the success he
could desire. Finally, to retard the progress of the enemy, he re-
solved to threaten his left flank ; accordingly he detached colonel
Warner, with his regiment, into the state of Vermont, with orders to
assemble the militia of the country, and to make incursions towards
Ticonderoga. In brief, general Schuyler neglected no means that
could tend to impede or defeat the projects of the enemy.

While he thus occupied himself with so much ardor, general
Burgoyne was detained at Skeenesborough, as well by the difficulty
of the ground he had to pass, as because he chose to wait for the
arrival of tents, baggage, artillery and provisions, so absolutely ne-
cessary before plunging himself into these fearful solitudes. His
army at tins time was disposed in the following manner ; the right
occupied the heights of Skeenesborough, the German division of
Reidesel forming its extremity ; the left, composed of Brunswickers,
extending into the plain, rested upon the river of Castleton, and the
brigade of Frazer formed the center. The regiment of Hessians, of
Hanau, was posted at the source of East Creek, to protect the camp
of Castleton, and the batteaux upon Wood Creek, against the in-
cursions of colonel Warner. In the mean time, indefatigable labor
was exerted in removing all obstacles to the navigation of this stream,
as also in clearing passages, and opening roads through the country
about Fort Anne. The design of Burgoyne was, that the main body
of the army should penetrate through the wilderness we have just
described, to Fort Edward, while another column, embarking at
Ticonderoga, should proceed up Lake George, reduce the fort of
that name, situated at its extremity, and afterwards rejoi» him at
Fort Edward. Upon the acquisition of Fort George, the stores,
provisions and necessaries were to be conveyed to the camp by way
of tlve lake, the navigation of which is easier and more expeditious
than that of Wood Creek, and there was, besides, a good wagon
road between the two forts. Such were the efforts exerted by the
two belligerents ; the English believing themselves secure of victory ;
the Americans hardly venturing to hope for better fortune. Nothing
could exceed the consternation and terror which the victory of Ticon-
deroga, and the subsequent successes of Burgoyne, spread through-
out the American provinces, nor the joy and exultation they excited
in England. The arrival of these glad tidings was celebrated by

BOOK Vili. ' THE AMERICAN WAR. 461

the most brilliant rejoicings at court, and welcomed with the same en-
thusiasm by all tnose who desired the unconditional reduction of
America. They already announced the approaching termination of
this glorious war ; they openly declared it a thing impossible, that the
rebels should ever recover from the shock of their recent losses, as
well of men as of arms and of military stores ; and especially that
they should ever regain their courage and reputation, which, in war,
(contribute to success, as much, at least, as arms themselves. Even
the ancient reproaches of cowardice were renewed against the
yVmericans, and their own partisans abated much of the esteem they
had borne tlrem. They were more than half disposed to pi enounce
the colonies unworthy to defend that liberty, which they gloried in,
with so much complacency. The ministers, pluming themselves
upon their good fortune, marched through the court as if to exact
the tribute of felicitation. No praises were refused them ; their
obstinacy was denominated constancy ; their projects, which had
appeared full of temerity, were now acknowledged to have been
dictated by the profoundest sagacity ; and their pertinacity in re-
jecting every proposition for accommodation, was pronounced to
have been a noble zeal for the interests of the state. The military
counsels of the ministers having resulted in such brilliant success,
even those who had heretofore inclined for the ways of conciliation,
welcomed with all sail this prosperous breeze of fortune, and appear-
ed now rather to wish the reduction, than the voluntary re-union of
the Americans.

But in America, the loss of the fortress and the lakes, which were
considered as the keys of the United States, appeared the more
alarming, as it was unexpected ; for the greater part of the inhab-
itants, as well as the congress, and Washington himself, were im-
pressed with a belief, that the British army in Canada was weaker,
and that of general Schuyler stronger, than they were in effect.
They entertained no doubt, in particular, that the garrison left in
Ticonderoga was sufficient lor its entire security. Malignity began
to assail the reputation of the officers of the northern army ; its
envenomed shafts were especially aimed at St. Clair. Schuyler
himself, that able general and devoted patriot, whose long services
had only been repaid by long ingratitude, escaped not the serpent
tongue of calumny. As the friend of the New Yorkers, he was no
favorite with the inhabitants of New England, and the latter were
those who aspersed him with the most bitterness. The congress,
for the honor of their arms, and to satisfy the people, decreed an
inquiry into the conduct of the officers, and that successors should
bo dispatched to reheve them in command. The result of the in-

462 TUE AMERICAN WAR. - BOOK VHl.

vestigation was favorable to them ; by the intercession of Washing-
ton, the appointment of successors was waived. But what was not a
little remarkable, is, that in the midst of all these disasters, no sort of
disposition to submit appeared in any quarter. No public body dis-
covered symptoms of dismay, and if a few individuals betrayed a
wa?it of firmness, they were chiefly persons without influence, and
without character.

IMcnnwhilo, the congress apprehending that the news of these
sinister events might operate to the prejudice of the negotiations
opened with the court of France, and, as it too often happens, being
more tender of their own interests than of the reputation of their
frenerals, they hesitated not to disguise the truth of facts, by throwing
upon St. Clair the imputation of imbecility and misconduct. Their
agents Vf'cre accordingly instructed to declare that all these reverses
were to be attributed to those officers who, with a garrison of five
thousand men, well armed and equipped, had wanted capacity to
defend an almost impregnable fortress ; that, as for the rest, the
Americans, far from being discouraged, only waited for the occasion
to avenge their defeats, Washington, who in this crisis as in all the
preceding, manifested an unshaken constancy, was entirely occupied
in providing means to confirm the tottering state of the republic ; he
exerted the utmost diligence in sending re-inforcements and necessa-
ries to the army of Schuyler. The artillery and warlike stores were
expedited from Massachusetts. General Lincoln, a man of great
influence in New England, was sent there to encourage the militia to
enlist. Arnold, in like manner, repaired thither; it was thought
his ardor might serve to inspirit the dejected troops. Colonel Mor-
gan, an officer whose brilliant valor we have already had occasion to
remark, was ordered to take the same direction with his troop of
light horse. All these measures, conceived with prudence and exe-
cuted with promptitude, produced the natural effect. The Amer-
icans recovered by degrees their former ardor, and their army in-
creased from day to day.

During this interval, general Burgoyne exerted himself with ex-
treme diligence in opening a passage from Fort Anne to Fort
Edward. But notwithstanding the ardor with which the whole army
engaged in the work, their progress was exceedingly slow ; so formi-
dable were the obstacles which nature as well as art had thrown in
their way. Besides having to remove the fallen trees v^ith which
the enemy had obstructed the roads, they liad no less than forty
bridges to construct, and many others to repair. Finally, the army
encountered so many impediments in measuring this inconsiderable
space, that it could not arrive upon the banks of the Hudson, near

BOOK Vni. THE AMERICAN WAR. 463

Fort Erbvard, until the thirtieth of July. The Americans, either
because they were too feeble to oppose the enemy, or ♦hat Fort
Edward was no better than a ruin, unsusceptible of defense, or,
finally, because they were apprehensive that colonel St. Leger. after
the reduction of Fort Stanwix, might descend by the left bank of the
I\Iohawk to the Hudson, and thus intercept their retreat, retired lower
down to Stillwater, where they threw up intrenchments. At the
same time they evacuated Fort George, having previously burned
their vessels upon the lake, and interrupted in various places the
road which leads thence to Fort Edward. The route from Ticon-
deroga to this fortress by Lake George was thus left entird'y open
by the republicans. The English, upon their arrival on the Hudson
liver, which had been so long the object of their wishes, and which
had been at length attained at the expense of so many toils and hard-
ships, were seized with a dehrium of joy, and persuaded tliemselves
that victory could now no longer escape them. But ere it was long,
their brilliant hopes were succeeded by anxiety and embarrassment.

All the country around them was hostile, and they could obtain no
provisions but what they drew from Ticonderoga. Accordingly,
from the thirtieth of July to the fifteenth of August, the English army
was continually employed in forwarding batteaux, provisions, and
ammunition, from Fort George to the first navigable part of the
Hudson, a distance of about eighteen miles. The toil was excessive
in this operation, and the advantage gained by it in no degree an
equivalent to the expense of labor and time. The roads were in
some parts steep, and in others required great repairs. Of the
horses that were expected from Canada, scarcely one third were yet
arrived, and it was with difficulty that fifty pair of oxen had been
procured. Heavy and continual rains added to these impediments ,
and notwithstanding all the efforts wliich had been used, it was found
difficult to supply the army with provisions for its current consump-
tion, and utterly impracticable in this mode to establish such a maga-
zine as would enable it to prosecute the further operations of the
campaign. On the fifteenth, there was not above four days' provis-
ion in store, nor above ten batteaux in the Hudson river.

General Burgoyne was severely censured, as well for having lost
so much time by crossing the wilderness of Fort Anne, as for having
exposed himself to want subsistence in his camp at Fort Edward
It was alledged that instead of entangling himself m those dangerous
defiles, he should, after the occupation of Skeenesborough and the
total discomfiture of the enemy's army, have returned immediately
down the South river to Ticonderoga, where he might again have
embarked the armv on Lake George, and proceeded to the fori

464 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VIII.

which takes its name ; this being reduced, a broad, firm road lay
before hii»; to Fort Edward. In this manner, it was added, would
have been avoided delays as detrimental to the British army as pro-
pitious to the Americans. Thus, it was maintained, the army might
have made itself master of Albany, before the enemy would have
liad time to recollect himself. But, in justification of Burgoyne, it
was advanced, that a retrograde motion in the height of wctory,
would have diminished the spirit of his troops, and revived the hopes
of the enemy ; that the Americans would undoubtedly have made a
stand at Fort George, and in the meantime would have broken up the
road leading to Fort Edward ; that by passing, as he had done,
through the desert of Fort Anne, besides inuring his troops to the
war of the woods, a war so embarrassing and difficult, he compelled
the enemy to evacuate Fort George without striking a blow ; that
having already opened himself a road, it was to be hoped the Amer-
icans would not interrupt the other ; that the route by land left the
vessels, which would have been required for the transport of the
troops, upon Lake George, at liberty to be employed in that of arms,
ammunition, provisions, and baggage. Finally, it was represented,
that by preferring the way upon the left to that upon the right by
Lake George, he had enabled himself to detach a strong corps under
the command of general Reidesel, to agitate alarms in Connecticut
and throughout the country of Vermont.

However, the truth was Schuyler profited with great dexterity of
these delays. Several regiments of regular troops from Peek's Kill
were already arrived at the camp, and although it was then the sea-
son of harvest, the militia of New England assembled from all quar-
ters, and hastened to join the principal army. These re-inforce-
ments^placed it in a situation, if not to resume the offensive, at least
to occupy all the tenable positions, and defend them with energy and
effect.

In the meantime general Burgoyne received intelligence that
colonel St. Leger, whose detachment had been re-inforced by a con-
siderable party of savages, after descending by the lake Oneida from
Oswego, in the country of the Mohawks, had arrived before, and
was closely besieging Fort Stanwix. He immediately conceived
the hope of deriving an important advantage from this operation.
For if the American army in his front proceeded up the Mohawk to
the relief of Fort Stanwix, the English found the way open to Alba-
ny, and thus attained the first object of their desires. Moreover, if
St. Leger succeeded, the Americans w^ould find themselves between
two royal armies, that of St. Leger in front, and that of Burgoyne in
the rear. If, on the other hand, the republicans abandoned Fort

BOOK Vili. THE AMERICAN WAR. 465

Stanwix to its fate, and withdrew towards Albany, the country on
the Mohawk would fall into the power of the English, and they might
form a junction with colonel St. Leger. Their army, thus re-in-
forced, and victualed by the Mohawks, would be in a situation to
move forward. From these operations it must result, either that the
enemy would resolve to stand an action, and, in this case, Burgoyne
felt assured of victory ; or that he would gradually retire down the
Hudson, and thus abandon to the English the city of Albany. If
the propriety of a rapid movement forward was therefore evident,
the difficulty of finding means to execute it was not less manifest,
as the want of subsistence still continued ; and this want would of
necessity increase with the distance of the army from the lakes,
through which it received its provisions. To maintain such a com-
munication with Fort George, during the whole time of so extensive
a movement, as would secure the convoys from being intercepted by
the enemy, was obviously impracticable. The army was too weak
to afford a chain of posts for such an extent ; and continual escorts
for every separate supply would be a still greater drain. Burgoyne
therefore perceived distinctly that he must have recourse to some
other source of supply, or totally relinquish the enterprise. He
knew that the Americans had accumulated considerable stores of hve
cattle, corn, and other necessaries, besides a large number of wheel
carriages, at a village called Bennington, situated between two
streams, which, afterwards uniting, form the river Hosack. This
place lies only twenty miles distant from the Hudson ; it was the re-
pository of all the supplies intended for the republican camp, which
were expedited from New England by the upper part of Connecti-r
cut river, and thence through the country of Vermont. From Ben-?
nington they were conveyed, as occasion required, to the different
parts of the army. The magazines were only guarded, however, by
detachments of militia, whose numbers varied continually, as they
went and came at discretion. Though the distance was considerar
ble from the camp of Burgoyne to Bennington, yet, as the whole
country through which the corps of Reidesel had lately passed ap-
peared peaceable, and even well inclined to submission, the English
general, impelled by necessity, and allured by an ardent thirst of glo-
ry, did not despair of being able to surprise Bennington, and bring
off the provisions of the enemy by means of his own carriages.
Having taken this resolution, he intrusted the execution of it to lieu-
tenant-colonel Baum, a German officer of great bravery, and well
versed in this sort of partisan war.

The force allotted to this service, amounted to about five hundred
men, consisting of two hundred of Reidesel's dismounted dragoons,
VOL. I. 30

466 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VIU.

captain Frazer's marksmen, the Canada volunteers, a party of pro-
vincials who were perfectly acquainted with the country, and about
a hundred Indians ; the corps took with them two light pieces of
artillery. At the same time, Ueutenant-colonel Breyman, with his
regiment of Brunswick grenadiers and light infantry, marched down
towards Bennington, and took post at Batten Kill, in order, if neces-
sary, to support Baum. Tiie latter had received from general Bur-
goyne very suitable instructions ; he was to exercise extreme caution
in the choice of his posts ; to have the country diligently explored
by the Indians, on the part of Otter Creek, and towards Connecticut
river ; he was not to allow his regular troops to scatter, but to keep
them always in a compact body ; he was to march light troops in
front and rear of his column, to guard against ambuscades ; he was
ordered not to hazard dubious rencounters, but if the enemy came
upon him in superior force, to take a strong position and intrench
himself ; he was to give out that the whole army was upon the march
for Connecticut ; finally, he was to rejoin the army at Albany. Bur-
goyne, in order to facihtate this operation, and to hold the republi-
can army in check, moved with all his troops down the left bank of
the Hudson, and established his camp nearly opposite to Saratoga,
naving, at the same time, thrown a bridge of rafts over, by which
the advanced corps were passed to that place.

These demonstrations tended to inspire the belief that all the
British army was about to cross the river, in order to attack the ene-
my, who still continued to occupy his encampment at Stillwater.

According to the plan which had been traced for him, lieutenant-
colonel Baum set forward upon his march with equal celerity and
caution. He very shortly fell in with a party of the enemy, who
were escorting some cattle and provisions, both of which he took
with little difficulty, and sent back to the camp ; but that evil fortune
soon began to appear, which had already so fatally retarded the
royal army. The want of horses and carriages, and the roads now
become heavy and slippery, in consequence of the bad weather, ren-
dered the advance of Baum excessively tedious. Hence the enemy,
who stood upon their guard at Bennington, were seasonably informed
of his approach. Colonel Stark, who had lately arrived with a
corps of militia he had assembled in New Hampshire, commanded
in that town. He sent with all speed to request colonel Warner,
who, since the defeat of Hubbardston, had taken post at Manches-
ter, to march to his assistance. All these troops, re-inforced with
some of the neighboring militia, amounted to about two thousand
men. Upon the intelligence that the enemy approached. Stark de-
tached colonel Gre^ upon the look out ; supposmg at first it might

BOOK Vili. THE AMERICAN WAR. 461

be only a party of savages who were scouring the country. When
he had discovered that they were regular troops, he fell back to his
principal position at Bennington. Lieutenant-colonel Baum, on his
part, having learnt that the enemy were too strong to be attacked by
his present force without temerity, sent immediately to Breyman,
apprising him of his situation, and pressing him to hasten to his suc-
cor. In the mean time, he took an excellent post near Santcoick
Mills, on the banks of Walloon Creek, about four miles from Ben-
nington, and there intrenched himself.

But Stark, not choosing to wait for the junction of the two parties,
determined to attack him. Accordingly, on the morning of the six-
teenth of August, he issued from Bennington, and advanced with
his troops divided in several corps, in order to surround the posts of
Baum, and assault them on all sides at once. The latter, on seeing
the Americans approach, persuaded himself that they were bodies of
loyalists coming up to join him. A number of refugees, who made
part of his detachment, had prevailed upon an officer, more familiar
with arms than with civil contentions, to adopt the absurd hopes and
chimerical conceits with which they habitually deceived themselves.
Having at length discovered his error, he defended himself with
great valor. But such was the impetuosity, and even the superiority
of the Americans, that he could not resist them long ; having carried
all before them, and taken his two pieces of cannon, they poured on
every side into his intrenchments. The savages, Canadians and
British marksmen, profiting of their activity, escaped in the woods.
The German dragoons still kept together, and when their ammuni-
tion was expended, were bravely led by their commander to charge
with their swords. But they were soon overwhelmed, and the
survivors, among whom was their wounded colonel, were made
prisoners.

In the mean time, Breyman had set forward from Batten Kill, to
the succor of Baum ; and although he was on the march by eight in
the morning of the fifteenth, had continued it without intermission,
and the distance was not over twenty-four miles, yet, so many and
so formidable were the impediments he encountered, from the bad-
ness of the roads, rendered still more difficult by the continual rain,
and from the weakness and tiring of horses in getting forward the
artillery, that he was unable to reach the camp of Baum, till after
fortune had already pronounced in favor of the Americans. It is
asserted that he had received no timely information of the engage-
ment, and that his first knowledge of it was brought him by the fu-
gitives. It was four in the afternoon when he appeared before the
intrenchments of Baum, where, instead of meeting his friends, he

468 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VIII.

found his detachment attacked on all sides by enemies. Though his
men were excessively fatigued, they defended themselves with great
spirit and resolution. As many of the provincial militia had dis-
banded to pillage, the action was maintained at first with an equality
of advantage, and there was even danger that Breyman would re-
cover what Baum had lost.

He had already dislodged the Americans from two or three dif-
ferent hills on w^hich they had posts, and he pressed them so vigor-
ously that they began to exhibit symptoms of disorder. But the
aifair soon assumed a quite different aspect ; colonel Warner arrived
at the head of his regiment of the line, and falling upon the rear of
the English and Germans, restored the battle with increase of vehe-
mence. The militia that were dispersed in quest of plunder, on
hearing the report of the cannon, immediately rallied. Victory,
however, remained doubtful till the dusk of evening ; on one side
combated valor and discipline, on the other, number and fury.

At length the soldiers of Breyman, overpowered by numbers, hav-
ing expended all their ammunition, and lost the two pieces of artil-
lery they had been at such pains to bring with them, began to give
ground, and afterwards to break. They abandoned the field of bat-
tle, and in the precipitation of their retreat, left in the power of the
conqueror all their baggage, a thousand muskets and nearly as many
sabers. The obscurity of night covered their retreat. The royalists
lost, in these two engagements, seven hundred men, the greater
part prisoners ; the number of killed w^as probably about two hun-
dred. The loss of the republicans was inconsiderable. The con-
gress addressed their public thanks to colonel Stark and the militia
who took part in the actions of this day. Stark was moreover
promoted to the rank of brigadier-general.

In the country of the Mohawks the affairs of the English took, at
first, the most favorable turn. Colonel St. Leger had encamped,
the third of August, under Fort Stanwix. The force under his com-
mand, consisting of English, Germans, Canadians and American
loyalists, amounted to about eight hundred men. He was followed
by a train of savages, with their wives and children, thirsting indeed
for carnage and plunder, but feeble auxiliaries in besieging fortress-
es. Colonel Gansevort, on being summoned by the English, an-
swered that he should defend himself to the last. Apprised of this
state of things, and knowing the importance of this fort to the Unit-
ed States, general Harkimer, a leading man in the county of Tryon,
assembled the militia, and marched with all expedition to the relief
of Gansevort. He sent an express from his camp of Erick, six
miles from the fort, to inform him, that he was about to advance and

BOOS Vili. THE AMERICAN WAR. 469

make every exertion to effect his junction with the garrison. Ganse-
vort directed lieutenant-colonel Willet to make a sally upon the
British lines, in order to favor the attempt of Harkimer ; but the
English commander, perceiving how dangerous it was to receive the
enemy in his intrenchments, and knowing full well how much better
the Indians were adapted for the attack than for acting upon the
defensive, detached colonel Johnson, with a part of the regular
troops and the Indians, to intercept the Americans upon their ap-
proach. General Harkimer advanced with extreme negligence,
without examination of his ground, without a reconnoitering party
in front, and without rangers upon his flanks ; a thing the more
surprising, as he could not have been ignorant how liable he was to
ambuscades from the nature of the country, and the singular adroit-
ness of the savages in that mode of war. These barbarians soon
found occasion to give him a sanguinary proof of it. They con-
cealed themselves with a detachment of regulars in the woods near
the road by which the Americans approached. The moment the
column had passed, they suddenly fell upon the rear guard with in-
conceivable fury. After the first fire the Indians rushed on with
their spears and hatchets, and killed with the same cruelty those who
resisted and those who surrendered. The disorder became extreme ;
the carnage was frightful ; and even the horrible aspect of the prin-
cipal actors, contributed to heighten the terrors of the scene. The
republicans, however, recovered from their first surprise, and form-
ing themselves into a solid column, attamed an advantageous ground,
which enabled them to maintain a spirited resistance. They would,
nevertheless, have been overborne by the number and fury of the
enemy, if the intelligence of the attack upon his camp by colonel
Willet had not induced him to retire. Four hundred Americans
^vere slain, and among them general Harkimer. Many of the most
distinguished men of the nrovince. and several of the most con-
siderable magistrates, shared the same fate. The royaHsts looked
upon this success as a sure pledge of the approaching reduction of
the rebels. Their victory, however, was not bought without blood ;
besides a certain number of regulars, about sixty Indians were kill-
ed and wounded, among whom were several of their principal chiefs,
and of their most distinguished and favorite warriors. It appears
also, that in the heat and confusion of the conflict, several savages
were killed by the English themselves. Thus these intractable
and undisciplined barbarians, by nature ferocious, and inclined to
suspicion, irritated at finding a resistance to which they had not
been accustomed, became still more refVactory and still more ruth-
less. They wreaked the first transports of their rage upon the un-

470 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VIII.

happy prisoners, whom they inhumanly butchered in cold blood.
Submission to European officers became insupportable to them, anf'
they refused to obey. It was now perceived, that their presence
was more prejudicial, and even more dangerous, than useful to the
British army.

Meanwhile, colonel Willet had conducted his sally with great spirit
and ability. He entered the enemy's camp at the first onset, kille<?
a great number of his men, and drove the rest into the woods or into
the river. But his sole object being to make a diversion in favor of
Harkimer, as soon as he had accomplished it, he returned into the
fort, carrying with him in triumph the spoil and besieging utensils
that he had taken from the enemy. The English were desirous of
intercepting his retreat, and had prepared an ambuscade for the pur-
pose ; but his vigilance eluded the danger ; he kept the assailants at
a distance by a violent fire of musketry, and of artillery with grape-
shot. He led back his whole corps without loss, and raised a trophy
composed of the conquered arms and baggage under the American
standard, which waved upon the walls of the fortress. He afterwards
undertook, in company with another officer, named Stockwell, a
much more perilous expedition. They passed by night through the
English camp, and m contempt of the danger and cruelty of the
savages, made their way for fifty miles through pathless woods and
unexplored morasses, in order to raise the country and bring relief
to the fort ; an action so magnanimous it is impossible to commend
too much.

Colonel St. Leger left no means untried to profit of his victory, by
intimidating the garrison. He sent verbal and written messages,
stating their hopeless situation, the utter destruction of their friends,
the impossibility of their obtaining relief, as general Burgoyne, after
destroying every thing in his way, was now at Albany, receiving the
submission of all the adjoining countries. After prodigiously magni-
fying his own force, as well as that of Burgoyne. he promised the
Americans, that in case of an immediate surrender, they should be
treated according to the practice of civilized nations ; at the same
time he declared, that if, through an incorrigible obstinacy, they
should continue a hopeless and fruitless defense, not only the soldiers
would fall victims to the fury of the savages, but that, however against
his will, every man, woman, and child, in the Mohawk country, would
be massacred and scalped without mercy. "-"^

Colonel Gansevort replied with great firmness, that he had been
intrusted with the charge of that garrison by the United States of
America ; that he should defend the trust committed to his care at
every hazard, and to the utmost extremity ; and that he neither

BOOK Vili. THK AMERICAN WAR. 471

thought himself accountable for, nor should he at all concern himsell
about any consequences that attended the discharge of his duty. He
had very judiciously conjectured, that if the force of the British com-
mander had been sufficient, he would have made a more simple
summons, or would have attacked the fort immediately, without wast-
ing his time in drawing up so extraordinary a bravado. The British
commander, finding that neither ambushes nor threats could effect
his purpose, turned all his thoughts upon a regular siege. But he
was not long in perceiving that the fort was stronger, and much better
defended, than it had been reported. He also found by experience,
that his artillery was not sufficient in weight to make much impression
at a certain distance. The only remedy was, to bring his approaches
so near that they must take effect ; which he set about with the
greatest diligence. But the savages, from the dissatisfaction they
felt at their late losses, and from the disappointment of their hopes
of plunder, became every day more sullen and ungovernable.
The English commander was in continual apprehension that they
would pillage his camp, and abandon the British standard. In
this disagreeable situation, he was informed that general Arnold
was rapidly approaching, at the head of a strong detachment, to re-
lieve the fort. It appears that general Schuyler, upon intelligence
that the fort which had taken his name, was besieged, had dispatch-
ed Arnold to its succor, with a brigade of regular troops commanded
by general Larned, which was afterwards re-inforced by a thousand
light infantry detached by general Gates. Arnold had advanced with
his usual celerity up the Mohawk river, but before he had got half
way, having learnt that Gansevort was hard pushed by the enemy,
and knowing all the importance of expedition, he quitted the main
body, and with a light armed detachment of only nine hundred men,
set forward by forced marches towards the fortress. The Indians,
who were incessantly upon the look out, were soon informed of his
approach, either by their own scouts, cr by the spies that were
dispatched by Arnold nnnseir, who proaigiously exaggerated his
strength. At the name of Arnold, and in their present temper, they
were seized with terror and dismay . Other scouts arrived immedi-
ately after with a report, which probably grew out of the affair of
Bennington, that Burgoyne's army was entirely cut to pieces. They
would now stay no longer, and assembled tumultuously, intending to
abandon the camp. Colonel St. Leger endeavored to dissipate their
terrors and detain them, by promismg to lead them himself, to bring
all his best troops into action, and by carrying their leaders out to
mark a field of batti ;, and the flattery oi consulting them upon the
intended plan of operation. Finally, the British commander called

472 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VIII.

a council of their chiefs, hoping, that by the influence which colonel
Johnson, and the superintendents Claus and Butler had over them,
they might still be induced to make a stand. He was disappointed.
A part of the savages decamped while the council was sitting, and
the remainder threatened peremptorily to abandon him if he did not
immediately retreat. The English were forced to comply with their
demands. They raised the siege the twenty-second of August, and
retreated, or rather fled, towards Lake Oneida. Their tents, artille-
ry, and stores, fell into the hands of the enemy ; who, issuing from
the fort, assailed their rear guard, and treated it very roughly. But
the British troops were exposed to greater danger from the fury of
their savage allies, than even from the pursuit of the republicans.
During the retreat, they robbed the officers of their baggage, and
the army in general of their provisions. Not content with this, they
first stripped of their arms, and afterwards murdered with their own
bayonets, all those who, from an inability to keep up, fear, or any
other cause, were separated from the main body. It would be in
vain to attempt a description of the contusion, the terror, and all the
miseries which attended this discomfiture of the royal troops. They
arrived, however, at length, upon the lake, when they found some
repose. St. Leger returned to Montreal, and afterwards passed to
Ticonderoga on his way to join Burgoyne. Arnold arrived at the
fort in the evening of the twenty-fourth, two days after the siege
had been raised ; he and his soldiers were welcomed by the garrison
witn the acknowledgments of deliverance, and the exultation of
victory.

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